This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be (...) preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

Shortly after composing his Opus maius, Opus minus, and Opus tertium (1267), Bacon felt the need once again to call attention to obstacles to the achievement of wisdom placed by the Church, academia, and civil society in the early 1270s. This he did in Part I of his Compendium of the Study of Philosophy. But his explorations in 1267 of the need for the study of languages needed, he thought, further attention. So Part II of this follow-up work renews (...) that call with greater fervour and detail and yields a presentation of the rudiments of Greek and Hebrew, indicating how knowledge of these is needed to interpret the scriptures accurately and how many errors result from failure to recognise this. This new edition of Bacon's Compendium of the Study of Philosophy, with facing English translation, enables today's readers to engage with Bacon's philosophy. It provides a window on academic life in Oxford and Paris of the 1270s at an important time in the development of the universities of both cities.''. (shrink)

Published in 1897, this was the first complete edition of Roger Bacon's influential thirteenth-century encyclopedia of science.

Early in the 1240s the University of Paris hired a recent graduate from Oxford, Roger Bacon by name, to teach the arts and introduce Aristotle to its curriculum. Along with eight sets of questions on Aristotle's natural works and the Metaphysics he claims to have authored another eight books before he returned to Oxford around 1247. Within the prodigious output of this period we find a treatise on logic titled Summulae dialectices, and it is this that is here (...) annotated and presented in translation. The book is unique in several respects. First, there is the breadth of its sources. Not only do we find explicit reference to the usual authors such as Aristotle, Plato, Boethius, Porphyry, Cicero, and Priscian, we also find unexpected reference to Augustine, Bernardus Silvestris, Donatus, Terence, and Themistius, along with mention of the Muslim philosophers Algazel and Ibn Rushd. Second, it is clear that Bacon is drawing on or reacting to an extraordinarily wide variety of medieval sources: Garland the Computist, Hugh of St. Victor, Master Hugo, Hugutius of Pisa, Isidore of Seville, Nicholas of Damas, Nicholas of Paris, Richard of Cornwall, Robert Kilwardby, Robert of Lincoln, and Robert the Englishman. Third, it unexpectedly presents a full-blown treatment of Aristotle's theory of demonstration. And finally, Bacon reveals a highly unorthodox view of the signification of common terms. Bacon, here, takes his students and us deeper into medieval sources and controversy than any of his rivals do. (shrink)

INTRODUCTION If Roger Bacon is known for anything today it is for his association with the medieval beginnings of what we now call experimental science, ...

I discuss two questions: (1) would Duhem have accepted the thesis of the continuity of scientific methodology? and (2) to what extent is the Oxford tradition of classification/subalternation of sciences continuous with early modern science? I argue that Duhem would have been surprised by the claim that scientific methodology is continuous; he expected at best only a continuity of physical theories, which he was trying to isolate from the perpetual fluctuations of methods and metaphysics. I also argue that the evidence (...) does not support the conclusion that early modern doctrines about mathematics and physics are continuous with the subalternation of sciences from Grosseteste, Bacon, and the theologians of fourteenth-century Oxford. The official and dominant context for early modern scientific methodology seems to have been progressive Thomism, and early modern thinkers seem to have pitted themselves against it. (shrink)

On Roger Bacon's life and works, by A. G. Little. -- Der Einfluss des Robert Grosseteste auf die wissenschaftliche Richtung des Roger Bacon, von L. Baur. -- La place de Roger Bacon parmi les philosophes du xiie siècle, par F. Picavet. -- Roger Bacon and the Latin vulgate, by F. A. Gasquet. -- Roger Bacon and philology, by S. A. Hirsch. -- The place of Roger Bacon in the (...) history of mathematics, by D. E. Smith. -- Roger Bacon und seine Verdienste um die Optik, von E. Wiedemann. -- Roger Bacon's Lehre von der sinnlichen Spezies und vom Sehvorgange, von S. Vogl. -- Roger Bacon's art des wissenschaftlichen Arbeitens dargestellt nach seineer Schrift De speculis, von Würschmidt. -- Roger Bacon et l'horreur du vide, par P. Duhem. -- Roger Bacon : his relations to alchemy and chemistry, by M. M. P. Muir. -- Roger Bacon and gunpowder, by H. W. L. Hime. -- Roger Bacon and medicine, by E. W, Withington. -- Roger Bacon in English literature, by Sir J. E. Sandys. -- Roger Bacon's works with references to the mss. printed editions, by A, G. Little (p. [375]-425). (shrink)

On Roger Bacon's life and works, by A. G. Little.--Der einfluss des Robert Grosseteste auf die wissenschaftliche richtung des Roger Bacon, von Ludwig Baur.--La place de Roger Bacon parmi les philosophes du XIIIe siècle, par François Picavet.--Roger Bacon and the Latin vulgate, by Francis Aidan, cardinal Gasquet.--Roger Bacon and philology, by S. A. Hirsch.--The place of Roger Bacon in the history of mathematics, by David Eugene Smith.--Roger (...) class='Hi'>Bacon und seine verdienste um die optik, von Eilhard Wiedemann.--Roger Bacons lehre von der sinnlichen spezies und vom seḣvorgange, von Sebastian Vogl.--Roger Bacons art des wissenschaftlichen arbeitens dargestellt nach seiner schrift De speculis, von J. Würschmidt.--Roger Bacon et l'horreur du vide, par Pierre Duhem.--Roger Bacon, his relations to alchemy and chemistry, by M. M. Pattison Muir.--Roger Bacon and gunpowder, by H. W. L. Hime.--Roger Bacon and medicine, by E. Withington. (shrink)

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain (...) in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

로저 베이컨(Roger Bacon)의 『상형증가론』은 서유럽 후기중세에서 전개된 다양한 상 형론의 원천을 이루는 작품으로 거론되어 왔다. 그는 로베르투스 그로세테스테(Robertus Grosseteste)로 대표되는 이른바 옥스퍼드학파의 자연철학에 기반한 상형론을 전개한다 는 점에서 차후 페트루스 요한네스 올리비(Petrus Johannes Olivi)에 이르는 중세 프란치 스코회 상형론 전통의 한 주축을 형성한다. 그럼에도 지난 베이컨 연구들은 대부분 근대과 학자의 원형으로서 베이컨을 조명하는 과학사적 접근에만 의존할 뿐, 철학자 베이컨의 초 상을 그리는데 인색했던 것처럼 보인다. 특히 과학사의 관점은 베이컨의 상형론을 중세광 학이라는 제한된 틀 안에서 그것의 일부로 다루었던 까닭에 (...) 베이컨의 상형론이 가지고 있 는 철학적 지반에 대한 분석에 충실하지 못한 일면적 관점만 제공했을 뿐이다. 하지만 우 리가 철학적-문헌학적으로 접근한다면 베이컨의 상형론은 아리스토텔레스철학의 재해석 에서 비롯된 질료의 능동적 가능태 이론의 산물로서 나타난다. 더욱이 베이컨의 상형론은 이처럼 독창적인 질료형상론의 토대로부터 우주와 지구 사이의 자연적 변화작용과 지각하 는 주체의 시각이론 양자 모두를 동시에 설명할 수 있는 일종의 보편수학을 구성한다. 따 라서 우리는 베이컨의 상형론의 원천적 기원과 그것이 도달하는 학문적 결과를 분석함으 로써 기존의 과학사 서술에서 벗어난 철학자 로저 베이컨의 면모들 중 하나를 드러내고자 하며, 나아가 이 분석을 기초로 베이컨의 상형론은 ‘중세광학’보다도 ‘시각학적 자연철학’ 이라 규정될 필요가 있다고 주장하려 한다. (shrink)

This chapter contains sections titled: The scholarly context and philosophical issues Bacon's influence and importance as a thinker Roger Bacon as a logician and an Aristotelian commentator Roger Bacon's “new” experimental philosophy, 1260–92 Bacon's account of language and signs.

A critical edition and facing-page translation, accompanied by substantial analytical introduction and notes, of Perspectiva by Roger Bacon, a foundational text of modern optics written in about 1260, which defined the subject for the next 350 years.

The idea that nature is governed by laws and that the goal of science is to discover and formulate these laws, rose to prominence during the Scientific Revolution of the seventeenth century. It was manifestly held by the most significant actors of that revolution such as Galileo, Descartes, Kepler, Boyle, and Newton. But this idea was not new. In fact, it made an appearance in the Middle Ages, and it is likely to have emerged already in Antiquity.1In this paper we (...) pay close attention to the concept of law of nature in the writings of Roger Bacon, the outspoken Franciscan who promoted experimental science. We will be using Bacon as a test case to show that long before the... (shrink)

A life in context -- Traces on parchment -- From the world to God -- The crisis of christendom -- Beyond christendom.

The paper examines Roger Bacon’s use of the concept virtus in the Communia naturalium and De multiplication specierum. It focuses on the roles which virtus and species play as vehicles of causality in the inanimate realm. It analyses the distinct functions played by virtus in the motion of celestial spheres, the power of natural place, the attraction of iron to magnet, and the universal nature. The analysis concludes that virtus is an efficient power, a feature of form, capable (...) of causing local motion and instigating natural processes. Species is matter’s response to the stimulation made by virtus through which every natural action, to the exclusion of local motion, is made. Species is a non-efficient power, an ‘appetite’ internal to matter. It is an expression of matter’s inherent inclination to promote and perfect itself, the result of matter’s ‘active potentiality’. (shrink)

Of the many Schoolmen who read the pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum secretorum in the thirteenth century, none was more enthusiastic about this book than Roger Bacon. So highly did Bacon regard the Secretum that he prepared a redaction of the text, annotated it, and wrote an accompanying introductory treatise. Historians have long recognized the importance of Bacon's confrontation with the Secretum, but they have also misunderstood it. They have wrongly divided up Bacon's Secretum project between two widely (...) separated dates. They have left unasked the capital question of why Bacon undertook this project. More generally, they have fundamentally misjudged the place of the Secretum in Bacon's intellectual biography. Consequently, there are several distortions and gaps in the picture of Bacon's career currently circulating that deserve our critical attention. (shrink)

Este artigo apresenta um pouco dos estudos de Roger Bacon sobre Alquimia. Filósofo medieval, Bacon deu sequência à tradição de estudos herméticos. Como parte de uma das ciências especiais, assim como ele a compreendia, a Alquimia teve destaque como elemento importante no seu projeto filosófico-científico. A fim de apresentar um pouco o lugar da Alquimia no corpus baconiano, o texto parte de uma breve exposição da possível origem dessa arte entre os povos da antiguidade oriental e, posteriormente, (...) sua chegada à Europa medieval. Passa-se então a apresentar os ensinamentos alquímicos transmitidos por Bacon; sua compreensão de Alquimia não como magia, mas como ciência positiva, cujos métodos e resultados podiam ser corroborados pela Ciência Experimental; a elaboração de uma breve chave de leitura dos termos alquímicos enviados ao Papa Clemente IV, juntamente com a defesa de que a Alquimia é uma arte hermética e precisa ser preservada da ignorância do homem comum, sendo revelada a quem a mereça em corpo e alma. (shrink)

First English translation of Roger Bacon’s Letter to Pope Clement IV. which has been edited by F. A. Gasquet in 1897. It is Roger Bacon’s introductory letter to the Opus maius, which he sent to Pope Clement IV in 1267 together with his fundamental work, and which summarizes his project of reforming the sciences and society of his time as described in his Opus maius.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Roger Bacon and the Origins of “Perspectiva” in the Middle Ages: A Critical Edition and English Translation of Bacon’s “Perspectiva” with Introduction and Notes by David C. LindbergJeremiah HackettDavid C. Lindberg. Roger Bacon and the Origins of “Perspectiva” in the Middle Ages: A Critical Edition and English Translation of Bacon’s “Perspectiva” with Introduction and Notes. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996. Pp. cxi + (...) 411. NP.This new critical edition of the Perspectiva (= Opus maius, Part Five) of Roger Bacon is a landmark in Roger Bacon studies and in medieval philosophy. One needs to be able to depend on critical texts. In the case of Bacon’s Perspectiva, no such printed text existed. Professor David C. Lindberg in this new critical edition of the Perspectiva has rectified this absurd situation. And he has done a magnificent service to scholarship. He has produced the first adequate text and translation of this major philosophical text by Roger Bacon. To appreciate his achievement, a review of the previous editions is in order.Prior to Lindberg’s critical edition, there have been three Latin editions: Combach (1614), Jebb (1733, 1750), Bridges (1879 Bridges (1900). Combach used a single Oxford manuscript which is no longer extant. Jebb claimed to have used four manuscripts, but appears to have relied on Combach’s text. In 1897, Bridges used two manuscripts (Dublin and Oxford) and consulted three others. These two Mss. were late and not very reliable. Lindberg’s judgment on the inadequacy of these editions, especially that of Bridges, is, alas, only too true: “My text, found below, corrects the texts of Combach, Jebb, and Bridges in perhaps a thousand readings (my italics)—many of modest significance, but others crucial to an understanding of Bacon’s intent.”Further, a major difficulty arose in regard to the important geometical figures [End Page 133] which are closely linked to the argument in the text. The printed editions were much less adequate than the scribal manuscripts.There is just one translation of the Perspectiva into English, that done by Robert Belle Burke (Philadelphia, 1928). This translation, based on Bridges’s deficient text, was very unsatisfactory.Lindberg used twenty-three of the thirty-nine extant manuscripts, and has examined all of the thirty-nine manuscripts. This enabled him to identify five manuscript families. Six early manuscripts representative of the major families were used as the base text and were fully transcribed. Three manuscripts represent version 1; the four other families are represented by one manuscript each. Eight more manuscripts were used with some frequency, and sparing use was made of another nine manuscripts. A further sixteen manuscripts were not used since they were very late or were fragments.The relationship between the manuscripts is so complex that the editor declined to construct a stemma codicum. He did this with good reason. Bacon had a working practice of producing multiple versions of the same text and this makes for difficulties. In the case of the Perspectiva, however, it would appear that the major differences in text seem to be limited to the Preface and to section 1.9.1. Examples of these are provided in Appendix 1 and 2 of the edition. It would seem then that a stable text of the Perspectiva existed from the beginning, and that minor editorial changes were made only in the Preface and at 1.9.1. Further, in the introduction (xiii), Lindberg notes: “It [the Perspectiva] may have been written about 1263, as Easton guesses.” Still, a question remains open: To what extent was the text itself altered by Bacon between 1263 and 1268 in preparation for Pope Clement IV? Was there not an evolution in the text by way of correction, emmendation, addition?An examination of MS. P (Paris, Bibliothèque National, MS Lat. 7434) [= 18 in Lindberg’s list, p. ciii] would, in my estimation, provide grounds for the belief that family 5 (“Hic aliqua dicenda sunt de perspectiva”) may well be an edited version of family 1 (“Positis radicibus”). That is, the (“Hic aliqua dicenda”) may have been intended as part of the text and not just as a Preface. Further, I now believe that the traditional dating of... (shrink)

IT IS CERTAINLY THE CASE that twelfth- and thirteenth-century treatises on logic represent in great part attempts to represent the Organon, Aristotle’s books on logic, by rearranging the material, adding clarifications, and sometimes breaking new ground as in the case of the treatise on the property of terms. Thus when Roger Bacon is writing his Summulae dialectices around 1252, he is confronted by the problem of what to do with the material on the classification of statements into single (...) or multiple, and simple or composed in chapter 5 of Aristotle’s On Interpretation. There, apropos of the two divisions and interspersed among other claims, we read the following. (shrink)