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  1.  6
    The Role of Focus Intonation in Implicature Computation: A Comparison with Only and Also.Nicole Gotzner - 2019 - Natural Language Semantics 27 (3):189-226.
    The function of focus is to activate alternatives, and these activated alternatives are used to compute the corresponding inferences of an utterance. The experimental research reported here investigates the role of focus intonation in inference computation and its interplay with the overt focus particles only and also. In particular, I compare the mechanisms underlying the computation of exhaustivity implicatures, assertions, and additive presuppositions. A memory delay experiment revealed that contrastive intonation makes an exhaustive interpretation equally available as overt only. A (...)
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  2.  6
    Triviality and Interrogative Embedding: Context Sensitivity, Factivity, and Neg-Raising.Clemens Mayr - 2019 - Natural Language Semantics 27 (3):227-278.
    Why do predicates like know embed both declarative and interrogative clauses, whereas closely related ones like believe only embed the former? The standard approach following Grimshaw to this issue has been to specify lexically for each predicate which type of complement clause it can combine with. This view is challenged by predicates such as be certain, which embed interrogative clauses only in certain contexts. To deal with this issue, this paper proposes a novel, unified semantics for declarative and interrogative embedding (...)
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  3.  29
    Modals Under Epistemic Tension.Guillermo Del Pinal & Brandon Waldon - 2019 - Natural Language Semantics 27 (2):135-188.
    According to Kratzer’s influential account of epistemic 'must' and 'might', these operators involve quantification over domains of possibilities determined by a modal base and an ordering source. Recently, this account has been challenged by invoking contexts of ‘epistemic tension’: i.e., cases in which an assertion that 'must p' is conjoined with the possibility that 'not p', and cases in which speakers try to downplay a previous assertion that 'must p', after finding out that 'not p'. Epistemic tensions have been invoked (...)
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  4.  5
    Picky Predicates: Why Believe Doesn’T Like Interrogative Complements, and Other Puzzles.Nadine Theiler, Floris Roelofsen & Maria Aloni - 2019 - Natural Language Semantics 27 (2):95-134.
    It is a long-standing puzzle why predicates like believe embed declarative but not interrogative complements and why predicates like wonder embed interrogative but not declarative complements. This paper shows how the selectional restrictions of a range of predicates can be derived from semantic assumptions that can be independently motivated.
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  5.  7
    EXH Passes on Alternatives: A Comment on Fox and Spector.Nadine Bade & Konstantin Sachs - 2019 - Natural Language Semantics 27 (1):19-45.
    Fox and Spector use multiple instances of the exhaustivity operator EXH to derive the correct meaning of utterances that include pitch-focus marked disjunction in downward-entailing environments. They argue that the \ operator evaluates alternatives to be used by EXH. Though the method is sound and gets the right result, we argue that the way in which EXH would need to interact with other instances of EXH, as well as other focus-sensitive elements, is at odds with how EXH is used to (...)
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  6.  10
    Neg-Raising and Neg Movement.Paul Crowley - 2019 - Natural Language Semantics 27 (1):1-17.
    This paper is about the phenomenon known as Neg-Raising. All previous analyses of Neg-Raising fall into one of two categories: syntactic and semantic/pragmatic. The syntactic approach derives the unexpected interpretation of Neg-Raising expressions from a Neg movement operation in the syntax while the semantic/pragmatic approach derives it as an inference attributed to an excluded middle associated with Neg-Raising predicates. In this squib, I discuss a collection of novel and known data, which I argue indicate that both a Neg movement operation (...)
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  7.  7
    Perspectival Control and Obviation in Directive Clauses.Adrian Stegovec - 2019 - Natural Language Semantics 27 (1):47-94.
    The paper proposes a new type of control configuration: perspectival control. This involves control of a non-argument PRO that combines with a directive modal operator in the Mood domain. This PRO encodes the individual to whom the public commitments associated with the modal are anchored, and its presence can be detected in the syntax through a subject obviation effect. The empirical focus of the paper are Slovenian directive clauses, but the analysis is shown to also have implications for analyses of (...)
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