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  1.  21
    Ideological Hope.Titus Stahl - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (6).
    The hope for a better future can, and frequently does, motivate political action. Political hope is therefore often considered a positive force. However, not all forms of political hope are beneficial. Some scholars and activists claim that some kinds of hope also function as an ideology. I argue that we can give a precise meaning to the notion of ‘ideological hope,’ and I argue that to say of a given instance of hope that it is ‘ideological’ means more than that (...)
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  2.  25
    Disadvantage, disagreement, and disability: re-evaluating the continuity test.Jessica Begon - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5):684-713.
    The suggestion that individuals should be considered disadvantaged, and consequently entitled to compensation, only if they consider themselves disadvantaged (Dworkin’s ‘continuity test’) is initially appealing. However, it also faces problems. First, if individuals are routinely mistaken, then we routinely fail to assist the deserving. Second, if individuals assess their circumstances differently then the state will provide different levels of assistance to people in identical situations. Thus, should we instead ignore individuals’ convictions and provide assistance that some, at least, do not (...)
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  3.  43
    The future of work: freedom, justice and capital in the age of artificial intelligence.Filippo Santoni de Sio, Txai Almeida & Jeroen van den Hoven - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5):659-683.
    Artificial Intelligence (AI) is predicted to have a deep impact on the future of work and employment. The paper outlines a normative framework to understand and protect human freedom and justice in this transition. The proposed framework is based on four main ideas: going beyond the idea of a Basic Income to compensate the losers in the transition towards AI-driven work, towards a Responsible Innovation approach, in which the development of AI technologies is governed by an inclusive and deliberate societal (...)
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  4.  23
    Legitimacy as the right to function.Sören Hilbrich - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5):786-807.
    Traditional concepts of legitimacy that often focus on a right to exercise coercion or a right to create moral obligations are not applicable to many political institutions. In particular, many global governance institutions rely on ways of providing governance that do not involve coercion or the creation of moral obligations. That is why this paper develops a novel concept of legitimacy as the right to function. This more general concept of legitimacy is able to help us make sense of many (...)
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  5.  26
    The role of political ontology for Indigenous self-determination.Matthias Kramm - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5).
    In this paper, I defend the claim that addressing dominating ontologies is crucial for achieving Indigenous self-determination. Consequently, the struggle for Indigenous self-determination comprises not only an engagement with political practices, structures, and institutions, but also with political ontology. I first argue that implementing Indigenous self-determination requires an engagement with political ontology. I then introduce Iris Young’s conception of self-determination as non-domination as a way to engage with diverging ontologies within the political framework of federalism. In the final section of (...)
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  6.  13
    On popular votes and the problems of self-government: A systemic case for ordinary popular vote processes.Joseph Lacey - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5):736-761.
    This paper attempts to demonstrate that bottom-up popular vote processes (the optional referendum and citizens’ initiative) focused on ordinary legislation can help to improve democratic self-government by uniquely facilitating the development and expression of various forms of political agency. Most significantly, it is argued that such popular vote processes can be designed in ways that endow them with significant deliberative credentials. Methodologically, the paper employs Mark E. Warren’s problem-based approach to democratic theory, which provides the conceptual tools necessary to advance (...)
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  7.  28
    Can transitional amnesties promote restorative justice?Patrick Lenta - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5):808-834.
    I assess a justification for the granting of transitional amnesties conditional, at the minimum, upon full disclosure of wrongdoing by perpetrators. According to this rationale, such amnesties are morally legitimate because they foster restorative justice. I distinguish between two conceptions of restorative justice that I call the punishment-deprioritizing and punishment-prescribing conceptions. I argue that while conditional amnesties granted to perpetrators of minor offences conditional upon full disclosure, verbal apology and reparations could promote restorative justice well enough to justify them in (...)
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  8. The Function of the Ideal in Liberal Democratic Contexts.Kaveh Pourvand - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5).
    The nature of state governance in consolidated liberal democracies has important implications for the ideal theory debate. The states of these societies are polycentric. Decision-making power within them is disaggregated across multiple sites. This rules out one major justification for ideal theory. On this influential view, the ideal furnishes a blueprint of the morally perfect society that we should strive to realise. This justification is not viable in consolidated liberal democracies because their states lack an Archimedean point from which the (...)
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  9.  48
    Capable deliberators: towards inclusion of minority minds in discourse practices.Thomas Schramme - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5):835-858.
    It is widely assumed that severe mental disabilities prevent relevant deliberative capacities from developing or persisting. Accordingly, excluding many people with mental disabilities from discourse practices seems justified. Against this common assumption I wish to show that the general exclusion is not justified and amounts to a form of epistemic injustice, as theorised by Miranda Fricker. The received norm of capable deliberators is connected to a specific model of deliberation. I introduce an alternative model of deliberation, which I dub the (...)
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  10.  70
    Colonial Genealogies of Immigration Controls, Self-Determination, and the Nation-State. [REVIEW]Menge Torsten - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (5):859–875.
    Political philosophy has long treated the nation-state as the starting point for normative inquiry, while paying little attention to the ongoing legacies of colonialism and imperialism. But given how most modern states emerged, normative discussions about migration, for example, need to engage with the colonial and imperial history of state immigration controls, citizenship practices, and the nation-state more generally. This article critically reviews three historical studies by Adom Getachew, Radhika Mongia, and Nandita Sharma that engage in depth with this history. (...)
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  11.  2
    Should refugees govern refugee camps?Felix Bender - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):441-464.
    Should refugees govern refugee camps? This paper argues that they should. It draws on normative political thought in consulting the all-subjected principle and an instrumental defense of democratic rule. The former holds that all those subjected to rule in a political unit should have a say in such rule. Through analyzing the conditions that pertain in refugee camps, the paper demonstrates that the all-subjected principle applies there, too. Refugee camps have developed as near distinct entities from their host states. They (...)
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  12.  25
    Compensatory justice and the wrongs of deportation.Juan Espindola - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):536-563.
    The paper argues that there are resources within theories of corrective justice to make the case against the deportation of immigrants, including those accused of committing criminal actions. More specifically, the argument defended here is that a nation acts impermissibly by deporting criminal immigrants who belong to countries that the nation itself wronged in a manner that contributed to create the migratory flow that led the immigrants in question there. In that case, admission and, equally important, permanent residence in the (...)
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  13.  15
    Agency, global responsibility, and the speculations of ordinary life.Vafa Ghazavi - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):564-587.
    There is an abiding scepticism in normative theory that individual responsibility for global injustice lies outside commonsense moral thought because it is not grounded in an intuitive conception of human agency. Despite the grim realities of injustice in an interconnected world, this scepticism holds that human beings cannot properly internalise a nonrestrictive view of responsibility because it cuts against their experience of agency in the world. Against this view, this article argues that individual responsibility for the realisation of global justice (...)
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  14.  95
    Distributive sufficiency, inequality-blindness and disrespectful treatment.Vincent Harting - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):429-440.
    Sufficientarian theories of distributive justice are often considered to be vulnerable to the ‘blindness to inequality and other values objection’. This objection targets their commitment to holding the moral irrelevance of requirements of justice above absolute thresholds of advantage, making them insufficiently sensitive to egalitarian moral concerns that do have relevance for justice. This paper explores how sufficientarians could reply to this objection. Particularly, I claim that, if we accept that the force of the aforementioned objection comes from relational, and (...)
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  15.  31
    Work, Rest, Play... and the Commute.David Jenkins - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):511-535.
    While there has been considerable philosophical attention given to injustices surrounding work, there has been much less on those injustices that pertain specifically to workers’ commutes. In this paper, I argue that commutes are important parts of people’s working lives, and thus deserve attention as sites of potentially considerable injustice. I evaluate commutes in terms of their impact on people’s work, their rest, the control they exercise over their lives outside of work, and their ability to meet the demands of (...)
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  16.  17
    Responsible citizens of responsible states.Jeff King - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):616-623.
    Avia Pasternak’s book makes a significant contribution to our understanding of citizen responsibility for historical wrongs. This review nevertheless offers some scepticism about resting citizen liability exclusively on the idea of intentional participation. It argues that the necessity of the state possessing continuing legal responsibility over time is so intrinsic to the function of statehood that the question of citizen liability should be seen as part of the general theory of political obligation. So seen, fair play duties provide a more (...)
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  17.  10
    Intentional participation in the state.David Miller - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):595-601.
    According to Avia Pasternak, citizens can be held responsible for their state’s wrongdoing if and only if they contribute to maintaining it by acting as intentional participants in its activities. I examine two specific aspects of this general claim. First, I ask whether intentional participation requires that the citizen should accept the state, in the sense of not viewing her membership as unwillingly forced upon her, and conclude that it does not. Second I explore how the claim applies in the (...)
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  18.  19
    Response to critics.Avia Pasternak - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):624-634.
    I would first like to extend gratitude to Jinyu Sun, who has put together this symposium, and to all the contributors for their penetrating critiques. In my short response I cannot do justice to al...
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  19.  20
    The practical relevance of ideal theory as part of the ideal guidance approach.Jürgen Sirsch - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):465-487.
    Contrary to comparativist critics of ideal theory, I argue that ideal institutions become relevant for issues of nonideal theory through their role as part of the ideal guidance approach (IGA). So far, the most important argument against the IGA has been the second-best argument. However, this argument is only damaging for the IGA under certain conditions: Firstly, when the ideal is not realizable, and, secondly, when the path to the ideal does not contain the second-best world. Since it is an (...)
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  20.  27
    John Locke on historical injustice: the redemptive power of contract.Brian Smith - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):488-510.
    This paper seeks to argue that Locke proposes a coherent theory of restorative justice regarding historical crimes. In two cases that he sets out in the Second Treatise, that of the Greek Christians living in the Ottoman Empire and Englishmen living in the wake of William I’s conquest, the preliminary standard of historical redress is whether the descendants of the conquerors and conquered possess equal political rights. Conquered peoples cannot simply be subsumed or annexed into an existing political order. They (...)
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  21.  5
    Testing intentional citizenship.Jinyu Sun - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):602-608.
    Avia Pasternak argues that intentional citizens who are genuine participants of their state should share the liability for state wrongdoings. In real-world states, how prevalent is intentional citizenship? This commentary concerns the application of the theoretical model. I argue that there are two problems with Pasternak’s proposal of testing intentional citizenship in reality. First, the difficulty of distinguishing citizens’ ambiguous internal attitudes towards their citizenship is underestimated. Second, the objective aspect of citizens’ status in society, namely, the way they are (...)
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  22.  27
    Introduction to the symposium: intentional citizenship and citizens’ remedial obligation to share the compensation burden.Jinyu Sun - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):588-594.
    In this introduction, I provide a brief overview of the main arguments defended by Avia Pasternak in her book, ‘Responsible Citizens, Non-Responsible States’ and summarise the critics she will confront from four political and legal theorists who work in the area of individual citizens’ responsibility for state wrongdoings.
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  23.  17
    Obedience responsibility.Richard Vernon - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (4):609-615.
    Avia Pasternak’s Responsible Citizens, Irresponsible States makes a case for concluding that ‘intentional citizens’ of states should be held liable, in the sense of being chargeable for remedial costs, when their state has caused wrongful damage to another state. In making this case, the book steers a course between purely ascriptive views that assign liability on the basis of membership alone, and intentionalist views that require a stronger connection with the fault. The exemptions from liability that the book acknowledges, however, (...)
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  24.  26
    Wealth creation without domination. The fiduciary duties of corporations.Rutger Claassen - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (3):317-338.
    Corporations wield power in today’s economies, and political theories of the corporation argue about the legitimacy conditions of corporate power. This paper argues in favour of a double-fiduciary theory for corporations. Based on a concession theory of markets, it sees all markets as authorized by states (in the name of society), for the purpose of creating economic value, or wealth. Hence corporations, as much as non-incorporated firms, have a fiduciary duty to the state/society to create wealth, in the competitive structure (...)
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  25.  35
    Firms as coalitions of democratic cultures: towards an organizational theory of workplace democracy.Roberto Frega - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (3):405-428.
    The theory of the firm initially developed by Ronald Coase has made explicit the political nature of firms by putting hierarchy at the heart of the economic process. Theories of workplace democracy articulate this intuition in the normative terms of the conditions under which this political power can be legitimate. This paper presents an organizational theory of workplace democracy, and contends that the democratization of firms requires that we take their organizational dimension explicitly into account. It thus construes democracy as (...)
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  26.  26
    Business interest in human rights regulation: shaping actors’ duties and rights.Doris Fuchs & Benedikt Lennartz - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (3):339-362.
    Business actors create and operate in global production networks that bring them in contact with regulatory frameworks across multiple levels and domains. Importantly, they also participate in shaping those regulatory frameworks. But what are the specific interests they pursue in their involvement in regulation? Traditionally, scholars tended to assume that the focus of business actors is primarily on avoiding (stringent) public regulation. Recent developments have highlighted a broader range of business interests, however. Accordingly, this paper investigates business positions on the (...)
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  27.  42
    Corporate knowledge and corporate power. Reining in the power of corporations as epistemic agents.Lisa Herzog - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (3):363-382.
    In this paper I discuss the power of corporations as epistemic agents. Corporations need to hold certain forms of knowledge in order to develop and produce goods and services. Intellectual property is meant to incentivize them to do so, in ways that orient their activities towards the public good. However, corporations often use their knowledge strategically, not only within markets, but also in the processes that set the rules for markets. I discuss various historical examples, including the so-called “tobacco strategy” (...)
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  28.  25
    Introduction: corporate power and political domination.Christian Neuhäuser & Andreas Oldenbourg - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (3):305-316.
    In recent years, an interdisciplinary debate on the social and political role of business corporations has evolved. With this special issue, we would like to facilitate a comprehensive discussion of three questions that are especially pertinent in that debate: (1) How is the social and political agency of corporations to be understood? (2) How should the power of corporations be analyzed? (3) Under which conditions would the social and political roles of corporations be legitimate? In this introduction to the special (...)
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  29.  42
    Digital freedom and corporate power in social media.Andreas Oldenbourg - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (3):383-404.
    The impact of large digital corporations on our freedom is often lamented but rarely investigated systematically. This paper aims to fill this desideratum by focusing on the power of social media corporations and the freedom of their users. In order to analyze this relationship, I distinguish two forms of freedom and two corresponding forms of power. Social media corporations extend their users’ freedom of choice by providing many new options. This provision, however, comes with the domination by these corporations because (...)
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  30.  26
    Semi-parliamentarism and the challenges of institutional design.Sarah Birch - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):266-273.
    Semi-parliamentarism is a compelling design with attractive features, including those discussed by Ganghof, and also its likely tendency to break preference cycles and moderate politics. However, I argue that semi-parliamentarism may be a difficult system to sustain. My contribution concludes with consideration of how such systems might be preserved.
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  31.  17
    Inclusion and the design of democratic executives in Steffen Ganghof’s Beyond presidentialism and parliamentarism.Kevin J. Elliott - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):274-281.
    Steffen Ganghof’s book addresses pressing questions in democratic theory and institutional design regarding how to promote effective political inclusion and avoid personalizing power in democratic executives. His model of semi-parliamentarism manages to transform tradeoffs in these areas that were previously thought inescapable, unlocking novel potential for democratic reform.
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  32.  10
    Justifying types of representative democracy: a response.Steffen Ganghof - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):282-293.
    This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.
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  33.  52
    Civic equality as a democratic basis for public reason.Henrik D. Kugelberg - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):133-155.
    Many democratic theorists hold that when a decision is collectively made in the right kind of way, in accordance with the right procedure, it is permissible to enforce it. They deny that there are further requirements on the type of reasons that can permissibly be used to justify laws and policies. In this paper, I argue that democratic theorists are mistaken about this. So-called public reason requirements follow from commitments that most of them already hold. Drawing on the democratic ideal (...)
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  34.  22
    Institutional design beyond democratic innovations.Claudia Landwehr - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):259-265.
    Steffen Ganghof’s Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism can improve existing typologies in comparative government and has great potential for discussions about democratic innovation and reform. So far, democratic innovations like deliberative mini-publics have remained mostly additive, leaving the underlying decision-making logics of representative political systems unchanged. Ganghof’s ideas can move debates about how deliberative democracy is to be institutionalized forward. Semi-parliamentary government constitutes an intriguing option to meet both demands for legislative flexibility and responsiveness to citizens’ concerns and demands for stability (...)
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  35. Righting domestic wrongs with refugee policy.Matthew Lindauer - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):206-223.
    Discriminatory attitudes towards Muslim refugees are common in liberal democracies, and Muslim citizens of these countries experience high rates of discrimination and social exclusion. Uniting these two facts is the well-known phenomenon of Islamophobia. But the implications of overlapping discrimination against citizens and non-citizens have not been given sustained attention in the ethics of immigration literature. In this paper, I argue that liberal societies have not only duties to discontinue refugee policies that discriminate against social groups like Muslims, but remedial (...)
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  36.  24
    Institutions of justice and intuitions of fairness: contesting goods, rules and inequalities.Udo Pesch - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):95-108.
    This paper examines the intrinsic relation between institutions and social justice. Its starting point is that processes of institutionalization invoke societal groups to articulate justice demands which, in their turn, give rise to processes of institutional redesign. In liberal democracies, demands for justice are articulated as a pursuit for emancipation and empowerment of groups that feel excluded by dominant categorizations. The imminent presence of this twin pursuit for justice can be explained by the conceptual inconsistencies that characterize the distinction between (...)
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  37.  53
    The radical realist critique of Rawls: a reconstruction and response.Paul Raekstad - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):183-205.
    Despite the rapidly growing literature on realism, there’s little discussion of the ideology critique of John Rawls offered by one of its leading lights, Raymond Geuss. There is little understanding of what (most of) this critique consists in and few discussions of how Rawls’ approach to political theorising may be defended against it. To remedy this situation, this article reconstructs the realist ideology critique of Rawls advanced by Raymond Geuss, which has three prongs: (1) Rawls’ political theory offers insufficient tools (...)
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  38.  59
    Homophobes, Racists, and the child’s right to be loved unconditionally.Riccardo Spotorno - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):109-132.
    This article examines the nature of the child´s right to be loved. In particular, it argues that besides reasons for ensuring that children are affectively cared for by their parents, we have strong reasons for why children should be loved unconditionally -that is, loved independently of their morally irrelevant features. The article defends this claim by engaging closely with an argument recently formulated by Samantha Brennan and Colin Macleod, according to which the child´s right to be loved would be violated (...)
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  39.  61
    Political Liberalism and Cognitive Disability: an Inclusive Account.Areti Theofilopoulou - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):224-243.
    In this paper, I argue that, contrary to what some critics suggest, political liberalism is not exclusionary with regards to the rights and interests of individuals with cognitive disabilities. I begin by defending four publicly justifiable reasons that are collectively sufficient for the inclusion of members of this group. Briefly, these are the epistemic uncertainty that inevitably exists about individuals’ actual capacities, the political liberal duty to treat parents fairly, the social framework that is required for the fulfilment of parental (...)
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  40.  16
    Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarianism introduction to the symposium.Albert Weale - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):244-250.
    Ganghof’s Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarianism advances three main claims: an innovative typology of comparative government, introducing the category of semi-parliamentarianism; an explication of two conceptions of majority rule, simple majoritarianism and complex majoritarianism; and a demonstration that there are viable systems of government embodying the political equality associated with each majoritarian conception. This paper explains these claims and identifies issues discussed in this symposium.
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  41.  15
    Political equality and institutional choice: lessons from Steffen Ganghof’s beyond parliamentarism and presidentialism.James Lindley Wilson - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (2):251-258.
    This comment encourages normative democratic theorists to attend to the agenda for democratic theory that Steffen Ganghof sets in Beyond Parliamentarism and Presidentialism. I discuss Ganghof’s distinction between ‘procedural’ and ‘process’ equality. I conclude with a meta-theoretical question about how theorists should think about advocacy for large-scale constitutional systems.
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  42.  94
    The roots (and routes) of the epistemology of ignorance.Linda Martín Alcoff - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (1):9-28.
    This paper elaborates on the idea of the epistemology of ignorance developed in Charles Mills’s work beginning in the 1980s and continuing throughout his writings. I I argue that his account developed initially from experiences of racism in north America as well as certain methods of organizing within parts of the Caribbean left. Essentially the epistemic practice of ignorance causes knowers to discredit or push away knowledge they in fact have. But this gives us cause for hope, for restoring existing (...)
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  43.  29
    A paradigm shift in normative political theory: grappling with Mills’s the racial contract 25 Years Later.Elvira Basevich - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (1):1-8.
    The late Charles W. Mills achieved public renown in North America and around the world that academics seldom achieve. His untimely death from cancer in 2021 was reported by The New York Times, Nati...
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  44.  24
    Do agent-neutral & agent-relative reasons have a place in the Racial Contract?Frank M. Kirkland - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (1):29-46.
    The reasons supporting the ‘Racial Contract’ are reasons supporting the ‘metanarrative,’ which explains the Racial Contract. They are not reasons supportive of actions pertinent to undoing the Racial Contract, but reasons supportive of behavior pertinent to objectively confirming the ‘metanarrative’ of the ‘Racial Contract’ and rightfully establishing its place in political philosophy. This paper shall attempt to address these matters and their consequences.
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  45.  23
    Mills, The racial contract and ideal theory.D. C. Matthew - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (1):47-61.
    Among mainstream political philosophers, Charles Mills is probably best known, not as the author of The Racial Contract, but for his long-running critique of ideal theory and Rawls for his association with it. Yet the critique of ideal theory that followed the publication of The Racial Contract is prefigured in that very work, where we find in inchoate form what would be further developed later on. In the book, this early formulation of the critique occupies a small part of a (...)
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  46.  26
    Charles Mills’ The Racial Contract at 25: Reconsiderations.Lucius T. Outlaw - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (1):62-77.
    Recosiderations of Charles Mills’ The Racial Contract a quarter-century after its initial publication and my first reading trouble previous assessments as my reengagement with the text brings to the fore several items of Mills’ authorial and critical agendas that are not easily reconciled, in the text or by my still sympathic reading.
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  47.  23
    Strategic ignorance, is it appropriate for indigenous resistance?Andrea Sullivan-Clarke - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 27 (1):78-93.
    In The Racial Contract, Charles Mills introduces the notion of an ‘inverted epistemology,’ an epistemology that construes social and racial ignorance as knowledge (p.18). As Mills points out, such ignorance can be used to oppress people by creating alternate realities or ‘white mythologies’ about race (p. 19). If the racial contract results in a society that oppresses people of color and supports white supremacy, then the question of how to correct an inverted epistemology becomes critical. Mills proposes the correction of (...)
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  48. Cook Ding meets homo oeconomicus: Contrasting Daoist and economistic imaginaries of work.Lisa Herzog, Tatiana Llaguno & Man-Kong Li - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    In this paper, we attempt to de-naturalize the prevailing economistic imaginary of work that Max Weber and later commentators described as ‘protestant work ethic,’ epitomized in the figure of homo economicus. We do so by contrasting it with the imaginary of skillful work that can be found in vignettes about artisans in the Zhuangzi. We argue that there are interesting contrasts between these views concerning 1) direct goal achievement vs. indirect goal achievement through the cultivation of skills; 2) the hierarchization (...)
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    Does public justification face an ‘expert problem’? Some thoughts in light of the COVID-19 pandemic.Andrew Reid - 2024 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    Policies are often justified to the public with reference to factual claims that most people cannot easily verify or scrutinise because they lack relevant knowledge or expertise. This poses a challenge for theories of public justification which require that laws are justified using reasons that all can accept. Further difficulties arise in cases such as the response to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic where the factual base of knowledge used to justify policies is limited, subject to a high degree of disagreement (...)
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