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  1.  33
    Colonialism, injustices of the past, and the hole in Nine.Daniel Weltman - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 88 (2):288-300.
    In ‘Colonialism, territory and pre-existing obligations,’ Cara Nine argues that Lea Ypi’s account of the wrongness of colonialism has a hole in it: Ypi leaves open the possibility of justified settler colonialism. Nine suggests that we can patch this hole by attaching value to existing political associations. But Nine’s solution has its own hole. Many political associations exist due to settler colonialism, and thus if we endorse the value of these associations we seem to endorse colonialism. In response, we could (...)
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  2.  11
    Secession and political capacity.Kim Angell & Robert Huseby - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1073-1093.
    Secession is again a hot political topic. Consider the recent events in Catalonia. In an illegal referendum in October 2017, amid large-scale demonstrations and violent interventions by the Spanish...
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  3.  16
    Basic human needs: abstraction, indeterminacy and the political account of need.George Boss - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1140-1162.
    Needs matter; but not all needs do. Needs range from the urgent and dire to the insignificant and even trivial. Given this, a central task for the needs theorist is to give some account of which ne...
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  4.  19
    The duty to naturalise refugees.Rebecca Buxton - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1119-1139.
    In the current framework of international protection, refugees almost invariably live in states where they hold no formal political status: they cannot vote, they cannot run for office, and they mu...
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  5.  15
    Equal responsibility in an unequal world?Shuk Ying Chan - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1184-1190.
    Citizenship in a Globalized World puts forth an innovative account of collective responsibility for individuals living in an interdependent world of nation-states. Taking the nation-state in a non-...
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  6.  6
    Introduction: methodology and non-ideal theory in Christine Hobden’s Citizenship in a Globalised World.Stephanie Collins - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1163-1167.
    Mainstream political philosophy traditionally follows Jean-Jacque’s Rousseau’s lead, ‘taking men as they are and laws as they can be made’ (Rousseau, 1998, p. 3). The non-enforceable responsibiliti...
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  7.  4
    Introduction: methodology and non-ideal theory in Christine Hobden’s Citizenship in a Globalised World[REVIEW]Stephanie Collins - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1163-1167.
    Mainstream political philosophy traditionally follows Jean-Jacque’s Rousseau’s lead, ‘taking men as they are and laws as they can be made’ (Rousseau, 1998, p. 3). The non-enforceable responsibiliti...
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  8. From self-defense to violent protest.Edmund Tweedy Flanigan - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1094-1118.
    It is an orthodoxy of modern political thought that violence is morally incompatible with politics, with the important exception of the permissible violence carried out by the state. The “commonsense argument” for permissible political violence denies this by extending the principles of defensive ethics to the context of state-subject interaction. This article has two aims: First, I critically investigate the commonsense argument and its limits. I argue that the scope of permissions it licenses is significantly more limited than its proponents (...)
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  9.  5
    Facing up to complexity again: author’s reply to critics.Christine Hobden - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1191-1203.
    The contributions to this symposium offer thoughtful and engaging commentary on Citizenship in a Globalised World; I am deeply grateful to Anna Stilz, Ashwini Vasanthakumar, Shuk Ying Chan, and Ste...
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  10.  28
    Social wrongs.Arto Laitinen & Arvi Särkelä - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1048-1072.
    In this paper we elucidate the notion of ‘social wrongs’. It differs from moral wrongness, and is broader than narrowly political wrongs. We distinguish conceptually monadic wrongness (1.1), dyadic wronging (1.2), and the idea of there being something ‘wrong with’ an entity (1.3). We argue that social and political wrongs share a feature with natural badness or wrongness (illnesses of organisms) as well as malfunctioning artifacts or dysfunctional organizations: they violate so called ought-to-be norms; they are not as they ought (...)
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  11.  17
    Are citizens responsible for global wrongs?Anna Stilz - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1176-1183.
    Christine Hobden’s Citizenship in a Globalised World argues that we have outward duties of citizenship, owed to foreigners and their states (Hobden, 2021, p. 45). Certain duties of global justice s...
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  12.  9
    Cosmopolitan state citizenship: realistic utopias and their limits.Ashwini Vasanthakumar - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1168-1175.
    In Citizenship in a Globalised World, Christine Hobden argues for a conception of citizenship that is state-based but globally oriented. She urges citizens of democracies to take seriously their me...
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  13.  22
    May political parties refuse to govern? On integrity, compromise and responsibility.Fabian Wendt - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1028-1047.
    After the parliamentary elections in Germany in September 2017, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the Christian Social Union (CSU), The Greens (Bündnis90/Die Grünen) and the Free Democratic Party (FDP) started to negotiate about forming a coalition government. But, surprising to many, the FDP decided to let these coalition talks collapse, and many commentators in Germany found it highly problematic for a political party to refuse to take responsibility in government. Interestingly, the question whether (or: when) democratic parties may legitimately refuse (...)
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  14.  16
    An epistemic case for confucian democracy.Elena Ziliotti - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (7):1005-1027.
    The rise of East Asian Confucian heritage societies (China, South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam and Singapore) has inspired an enormous amount of new empirical research. At the political level, one...
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  15. Two forms of responsibility: Reassessing Young on structural injustice.Valentin Beck - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):918-941.
    In this article, I critically reassess Iris Marion Young's late works, which centre on the distinction between liability and social connection responsibility. I concur with Young's diagnosis that structural injustices call for a new conception of responsibility, but I reject several core assumptions that underpin her distinction between two models and argue for a different way of conceptualising responsibility to address structural injustices. I show that Young's categorical separation of guilt and responsibility is not supported by the writings of Hannah (...)
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  16. The choice of efficiencies and the necessity of politics.Michael Bennett - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):877-896.
    Efficiency requires legislative political institutions. There are many ways efficiency can be promoted, and so an ongoing legislative institution is necessary to resolve this choice in a politically sustainable and economically flexible way. This poses serious problems for classical liberal proposals to constitutionally protect markets from government intervention, as seen in the work of Ilya Somin, Guido Pincione & Fernando Tesón and others. The argument for the political nature of efficiency is set out in terms of both Pareto optimality and (...)
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  17.  22
    In defence of fear: COVID-19, crises and democracy.Dan Degerman, Matthew Flinders & Matthew Thomas Johnson - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):788-809.
    The COVID-19 crisis has served not just to instil fear in the populace but to highlight the importance of fear as a motivating dynamic in politics. The gradual emergence of political-philosophical approaches calling for concern for ‘positive’ emotions may have made sense under non-pandemic conditions. Now, however, describing fear in the face of a deadly pandemic as ‘irrational’ or born of ‘ignorance’ seems ‘irrational’ and ‘ignorant’. In this article, we draw upon the work of John Gray and behavioural science to (...)
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  18.  31
    Facts, principles, and global justice: does the ‘real world’ matter?Johann Go - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):810-830.
    The world is undeniably full of injustice. Many feel that much political philosophy is practically impotent and engaged instead in overly abstract theorising insufficiently sensitive to the realities of the world. One response to this concern is David Miller’s influential model of evidence-based political philosophy, which claims to be sensitive to empirical evidence from the social sciences, takes seriously people’s opinions, and defends the role of facts in grounding normative principles. Using various examples from the field of global justice, one (...)
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  19.  41
    Neo-classical liberalism, ‘market freedom’, and the right to private property.Gavin Kerr - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):855-876.
    Neo-classical liberals aim to offer a more consistent, coherent, and morally ambitious form of liberalism than the traditional classical and social liberal alternatives by providing grounds for a strong commitment to both individual economic liberty and social justice. The key neo-classical liberal claim is that the stringent protection of negative economic liberty does not conflict with, but is rather an essential component of, a commitment to political and social justice. My focus in this article is not on this key neo-classical (...)
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  20.  21
    Towards Rawlsian ‘property-owning democracy’ through personal data platform cooperatives.Michele Loi, Paul-Olivier Dehaye & Ernst Hafen - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):769-787.
    This paper supports the personal data platform cooperative as a means of bringing about John Rawls’s favoured institutional realisation of a just society, the property-owning democracy. It describes personal data platform cooperatives and applies Rawls’s political philosophy to analyse the institutional forms of a just society in relation to the economic power deriving from aggregating personal data. It argues that a society involving a significant number of personal data platform cooperatives will be more suitable to realising Rawls’s principle of fair (...)
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  21.  11
    Populism on the periphery of democracy: moralism and recognition theory.Charlene McKibben - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):897-917.
    Moralism is an often-cited feature of populist politics; yet, as a concept, it remains under-theorised in current literature. This paper posits that to understand the threat that populism poses to democracy, it is necessary to develop this key feature of populism. Essential to discerning what moralism is is the difference between moralism, or moralistic blame, and moral criticism. While moral criticism is a restrained and thoughtful method of holding persons accountable for their actions, moralism amounts to a distinctly punitive form (...)
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  22.  20
    The limit of climate justice: unfair sacrifice and aggregate harm.Alex McLaughlin - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):942-963.
    This article revisits a principle of distributive justice accepted by most, if not all, scholars of climate justice. The principle at stake, the limit, protects those who are very badly off from bearing the costs of climate change mitigation. The persistent noncompliance of developed states with their obligations toward burden sharing, however, means that this principle is increasingly in tension with successful climate change mitigation, given it seems to require that those in poverty have continued access to emissions in cases (...)
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  23.  17
    The representative system.Felipe Rey - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):831-854.
    There are two ways to approach political representation. We can view each type of representation or each site of representation – namely a representative actor or institution – on an individual basis and study its internal dynamics. Alternatively, we can look at how different forms of representation and representative actors and institutions interact in a system of representation. In this article, I develop the second view. I make three contributions to the theory of representation from systemic thinking. Methodologically, I explain (...)
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  24.  40
    Does collective unfreedom matter? Individualism, power and proletarian unfreedom.Andreas T. Schmidt - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (6):964-985.
    When assessing institutions and social outcomes, it matters how free society is within them (‘societal freedom’). For example, does capitalism come with greater societal freedom than socialism? For such judgements, freedom theorists typically assume Individualism: societal freedom is simply the aggregate of individual freedom. However, G.A. Cohen’s well-known case provides a challenge: imagine ten prisoners are individually free to leave their prison but doing so would incarcerate the remaining nine. Assume further that no one actually leaves. If we adopt Individualism (...)
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  25.  13
    Should refugees in the European Union have voting rights?Ali Emre Benli - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (5):680-701.
    Most refugees residing in the European Union (EU) do not retain their voting rights in states of origin or lack the means to exercise them effectively. Most member states of the EU do not extend voting rights to refugees. This leaves a large population of refugees residing within the borders of the EU in a unique state of disenfranchisement. In this article, I consider this problem from a democratic perspective. Should refugees in the EU have voting rights? My answer turns (...)
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  26.  17
    Is child disenfranchisement justified?Nico Brando - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (5):635-657.
    Children are among the few social groups that are systematically and universally disenfranchised. Although children are citizens worthy of equal moral treatment and rights, their right to vote is restricted in almost all states, and this is seen as legitimate by most democratic theories. What is particular about childhood that justifies the restriction of their right to vote? How can democratic systems legitimise the exclusion of a section of their citizenry? This article provides a critical analysis of the principles that (...)
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  27.  6
    Legislative expatriate representation: a conditional defence of overseas constituencies.Marcus Carlsen Häggrot - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (5):702-724.
    Democracies that appoint legislators through elections in territorially defined, sub-national constituencies and simultaneously enfranchise expatriate citizens must either assign expatriate voters to in-country constituencies (assimilated representation) or group them into distinct overseas constituencies that elect their own legislators (discrete representation). This essay critically reviews extant normative discussions of the two models and develops a normative analysis of its own. This suggests that when expatriates form but a small part of a democracy’s overall demos, discrete representation is the more attractive model (...)
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  28.  21
    What’s wrong with the presentist bias? On the threat of intergenerational domination.Anja Karnein - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (5):725-746.
    What is the wrong behind the widely criticized presentist bias of democracies? In this paper I argue that it is not that future generations are excluded from present-day democratic decision-making quite generally. Rather, I claim that due to the unique risks associated with representing future generations and the limitations on affecting future generations both institutionally and causally, the focus ought to be on including them on a more specific, narrower, set of issues, namely only those that threaten to lead to (...)
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  29.  11
    Universal enfranchisement for citizens with cognitive disabilities – A moral-status argument.Regina Schidel - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (5):658-679.
    The social and cultural model of disability has challenged the historically powerful perception of disability as a deficiency. Disability is no longer conceived of solely in terms of an individual lack of capacities but also considered as a structural effect of disabling social institutions and normalizing thinking. The UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) from 2006 marks a decisive step towards the recognition of humans with (cognitive) disabilities as legal subjects who are entitled to enjoy all (...)
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  30.  8
    Beyond the state: the moral nexus between corporations and refugees.Benedikt Buechel - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):461-483.
    A common assumption within the migration ethics literature is that it is only states that have the power to admit foreigners to their territory. However, this assumption misses something important. While it is true that it is states that have the ultimate power to admit, other actors can possess a derivative power from the laws that states put in place. By establishing a system of work visas, for instance, states lend private corporations, and other employers, the power to nominate foreigners (...)
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  31.  8
    Introduction: public justification, legitimacy, and social trust.Adam Gjesdal - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):579-584.
    This contribution introduces key concepts and themes from Kevin Vallier’s Trust in a Polarized Age that play a role in the discussion by the four commentators Diana Mutz, Pierre-Guillaume Méon, Chandran Kukathas, and Paul Weithman. The discussion explains how Vallier uses the rich empirical literature on social trust to illuminate normative notions of legitimacy and public justification in liberal orders.
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  32.  16
    Democracy, respect for judgement and disagreement on democratic inclusion.Jonas Hultin Rosenberg - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):506-527.
    The literature on democracy and disagreement has argued that the principle of respect for judgement requires that disagreement within democracy is resolved by a democratic decision. This paper raises the question what the principle of respect for judgement requires when there is disagreement on democratic inclusion. The paper argues that not all, but some, disagreements on democratic inclusion must be resolved by a democratic decision. Three reasons for when it need not are distinguished, issue-related reasons, people-related reasons, and judgement-related reasons. (...)
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  33.  5
    ´Kevin Vallier' Trust in a Polarized Age.Chandran Kukathas - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):601-607.
    Vallier offers a defence of liberalism that is publicly justified as an answer to political polarization. This critique argues that the philosophical solution he offers – a version of liberalism more likely to be endorsed by moderately idealized agents – may not succeed because the source of polarization lies elsewhere: in resentments arising out of changed social conditions and the alienation of parts of society unhappy with the very liberal narrative in question.
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  34.  10
    What militant democrats and technocrats share.Anthoula Malkopoulou - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):437-460.
    In their efforts to prevent democratic backsliding, militant democrats have traditionally been sympathetic to technocratic arrangements. Does this sympathy imply a logical congruence? Comparing theories of militant democracy and epistemic technocracy (aka epistocracy), I discover a common approach to basic aspects of representative democracy. Both theories see voters as fallible or ignorant instead of capable political agents; and they both understand political parties to be channels of state rule rather than democratic expression. This shared suspicion of grassroots political agency explains (...)
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  35.  9
    Does the empirical trust literature tell us how to restore trust?Pierre-Guillaume Méon - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):593-600.
    This comment discusses the empirical trust literature that Vallier leverages in his book. It underlines that, to find policy instruments to restore trust, one must be confident that the estimated relations of trust with its determinants are causal and investigate the dynamics of those relations. The note also emphasizes the role of heterogeneity in those relations and in trust itself.
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  36.  9
    An empirical perspective on improving trust in a polarized age.Diana C. Mutz - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):585-592.
    Vallier’s analysis of the empirical literature on social trust and political polarization is an admirable attempt to integrate empirical findings into political philosophy. Nonetheless, it may not go far enough toward explicating what is and what is not the problem. The popular understanding of increasing political polarization does not distinguish adequately between various meanings of this claim, distinctions that might have helped to advance Vallier’s theory. In this brief essay I outline two areas that could be usefully incorporated into his (...)
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  37.  15
    A Care Ethical Justification for an Interest Theory of Human Rights.Thomas E. Randall - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):554-578.
    Care ethics is often criticized for being incapable of outlining what responsibilities we have to persons beyond our personal relations, especially toward distant others. This criticism centres on care theorists’ claim that the concerns of morality emerge between people, generated through our relations of interdependent care: it is difficult to see how moral duties can be applied to those with whom we do not forge a relationship. In this article, I respond to this criticism by outlining a care ethical justification (...)
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  38.  25
    Can political realism be action-guiding?Luke Ulaş - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):528-553.
    Various political realists claim the superior ‘action-guiding’ qualities of their way of approaching normative political theory, as compared to ‘liberal moralism’. This paper subjects that claim to critique. I first clarify the general idea of action-guidance, and identify two types of guidance that a political theory might try to offer – ‘prescriptive action-guidance’ and ‘orienting action-guidance’ – together with the conditions that must be met before we can understand such guidance as having been successfully offered. I then go on to (...)
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  39.  11
    Trust in a polarized age: a reply to critics.Kevin Vallier - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):616-627.
    In this piece, Vallier responds to critiques of his 2020 book, Trust in a Polarized Age, offered by Mutz, Méon, Kukathas, and Weithman. He first restates the main argument of the book. Mutz and Méon offer criticisms to some of his empirical claims about polarization and trust; in response, Vallier concedes while stressing that one aim of the book is to develop an approach to defending liberal order that updates as these empirical literatures expand and improve. Much of the work (...)
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  40.  6
    Two questions for Professor Vallier.Paul Weithman - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (4):608-615.
    Kevin Vallier claims to have attained a ‘great goal’ of the social contract tradition: ‘to show that there are regimes supported by the reason of the public and that have authority for citizens in those regimes’. I contend that his argument depends upon changing the meanings of ‘reason of the public’ and ‘authority’, and conclude that he has not attained the goal he claims.
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  41.  33
    Political realism and the relationship between ideal and non-ideal theory.Greta Favara - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (3):376-397.
    When interest in political realism started to resurge a few years ago, it was not uncommon to interpret realist political theory as a form of non-ideal theorising. This reading has been subjected to extensive criticism. First, realists have argued that political realism cannot be interpreted as merely a form of applied political theory. Second, realists have explained that political realism can defend a role for unfeasible normative prescriptions in political theory. I explain that these developments, besides allowing us to reject (...)
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  42.  9
    Can real actions justify realist principles? Normative behaviourism as a member of the realist family.Jonathan Floyd - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (3):356-375.
    If Alison McQueen is right that there is a broad ‘family’ of realist approaches to political theory, then it follows there are several ways of ‘doing’ realism, as illustrated by this collection. Here, I set out one such way, normative behaviourism, by explaining its realist character on four fronts: Its starting point; its values; its ambitions; and its treatment of a shared problem. The argument then considers two key objections to the described approach, both of which affect a range of (...)
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  43.  17
    Realism and real politics. The gap between promise and practice in Bernard Williams’ realism.Janosch Prinz - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (3):335-355.
    This paper seeks to show that Bernard Williams’ approach to legitimacy falls short of its aspirations in ways that cast doubt on its fitness for guiding the practice of future realist political theory. More precisely, the paper focuses on the shortcomings of Williams’ realism in establishing a connection to (the practices of) politics, and on how to redeem those shortcomings in a way that would render them suitable for guiding future realist political theory. The first substantive section of the paper (...)
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  44.  13
    Is political realism barren?: normativity and story-telling.Nat Rutherford - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (3):398-417.
    Political realism has been criticised for its methodological claims about normativity and for its criticisms of moralism. Realists themselves should be more concerned that for all its methodological wrangling, realists have struggled to produce much positive theorising, rendering realism barren. I argue that realism, in both its liberal and radical forms, is currently barren in the sense of being unproductive, and show how the two dominant forms of realism are barren in different ways. Bernard Williams’s liberal realism exclusively derives its (...)
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  45.  12
    Against the status quo: the social as a resource of critique in realist political theory.Manon Westphal - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (3):418-436.
    The forms of status quo critique that current approaches to realist political theory enable are unsatisfactory. They either formulate standards of constructive critique, but remain uncritical of a great range of political situations, or they offer means for criticising basically all political situations, but neglect constructive critique. As part of the endeavour to develop a status quo critique that is potentially radical and constructive, realists might consider possibilities to use non-standard social practices – social practices that function differently than stipulated (...)
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  46.  15
    Doing Realist Political Theory: Introduction.Manon Westphal & Ulrich Willems - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (3):319-334.
    This introductory chapter gives an overview of the debate on realism in political theory and sets out two themes that are particularly important for this debate: the role of practice in realist political theory and the nature and place of normativity in realist political theory. These two themes are not only among the most discussed topics in the debate on possibilities to do realist political theory. Answers to the question of what more applied forms of realist political theory might look (...)
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  47.  9
    Kantian democracy and administrative legitimacy: a reply to my critics.Chiara Cordelli - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):267-276.
    I first defend my Kantian account of the authority of democracy against Harel’s objection that it mandates democratic rule when it is not required and Stilz’s concern that the justification of democracy I propose is not sufficiently capacious to rescue democratic rule from epistocratic challenges. I then rescue my integrated model of administrative legitimacy from Vredenburgh’s charge that such model cannot solve the tension between the demands of democracy and those of bureaucracy. I finally address Saunders-Hastings’ concern that my account (...)
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  48.  11
    The Kantian case against democracy.Alon Harel - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):243-250.
    Contrary to what Cordelli argues, the relationship between Kantian legitimacy and democratic decision-making is contingent rather than necessary. This paper counters the connection between Kantian legitimacy and democracy in three ways: by arguing that democratic authorization is (i) not necessary, (ii) not sufficient, and indeed may be (iii) detrimental to, legitimate governance.
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  49.  23
    Taking back control.Robert Jubb - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):159-180.
    Contemporary egalitarian political philosophy has become increasingly interested in the ways the international order may protect or undermine states’ capacities to deliver domestic egalitarianism. This paper draws on Miriam Ronzoni’s helpful discussion of the various different ways in which both philosophical and practical commitments can move beyond a contrast between a world of closed societies and a cosmopolis to explore how successful the theorizing prompted by that interest has been. Problems scholars like Peter Mair and Wolfgang Streeck have suggested the (...)
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  50.  22
    Sovereignty over natural resources.Ioannis Kouris - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):204-227.
    Most people assume that the natural resources of a country belong to its people. Theorists of cosmopolitan resource justice have recently questioned this assumption, arguing that extensive rights of peoples over natural resources cannot be justified. In response, defences of peoples’ resource rights, grounded in the value of self-determination, have been tepid. This paper argues against both positions. It advances the distinct thesis that popular resource sovereignty is justified as the resource rights allocation that maximizes well-being. This consequentialist account provides (...)
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  51.  7
    Introduction.Cécile Laborde & Julie L. Rose - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):228-234.
    Recent decades have seen a dramatic transformation in the mode of governing, with government increasingly outsourced to a network of private actors, spanning education, prisons, regulation, arbitration, the military, and access to healthcare and welfare. Chiara Cordelli’s The Privatized State probes the ethical and philosophical questions raised by this transformation, and develops a distinctive account of the wrong of privatization: that a privatized government cannot be a legitimate government. In so doing, Cordelli engages and advances not only pressing questions about (...)
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  52.  44
    A republican argument for the rule of law.Frank Lovett - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):137-158.
    While the rule of law is surely a very important good, the familiar discussions found in the literature lead many to conclude that it is either a relatively trivial political ideal, or else a redundant one. What is needed is a new and persuasive defense of the rule of law that properly reflects its great significance for human well being. An important step towards building such an argument is to question a widely-shared but often unnoticed assumption that the rule of (...)
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  53.  47
    Colonialism, territory and pre-existing obligations.Cara Nine - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):277-287.
    In ‘What’s Wrong with Colonialism,’ Lea Ypi argues that the wrong of colonialism can be expressed as procedural wrongs, not as wronging territorial rights. On her view, colonial practices went wrong in two ways: they forced residents into political associations, and the terms of the political association were not established through equal and reciprocal negotiations. I argue that because Ypi’s account successfully side-lines all but essential claims to territory, her theory ends up being vulnerable to an objection it means to (...)
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  54.  15
    On world order and opportunities not to be wasted.Christof Royer - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):301-317.
    This essay engages critically with Adrian Pabst’s ‘Liberal World Order and Its Critics’, Christian Reus-Smit’s ‘On Cultural Diversity’, and Hal Brands’ and Charles Edel’s ‘The Lessons of Tragedy’. What holds these three (very different) books together is that they revolve around the theme of ‘the crisis of liberal world order’. In this essay, I do not wish to dispute the claim that the liberal world order is in crisis – indeed, I accept this common starting-off point of the four authors (...)
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  55.  10
    The privatized state and our own.Emma Saunders-Hastings - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):260-266.
    Chiara Cordelli’s The Privatized State offers a powerful critique of privatization and an inspiring vision of the kind of democratic governance that could secure citizens’ equal freedom. This essay raises questions about how Cordelli’s arguments apply in non-ideal theory. It asks whether her arguments about the illegitimacy of privatization provide us with adequate reasons to reject ongoing processes of privatization. It also queries some of her recommendations for how philanthropy should be practiced by individuals and incentivized by the state.
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  56.  14
    Kantian democracy and public administration.Anna Stilz - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):235-242.
    This paper critically assesses Chiara Cordelli’s Kantian theory of the legitimacy of public administration. I argue, first, that Cordelli’s understanding of Kantian legitimacy offers an insufficiently robust defense of democracy: it leaves too much scope for rule by epistocrats, individuals who are wiser than others in ascertaining the demands of justice. Second, I argue that Cordelli should be open to the eventual abolition of bureaucracy, through the increased involvement of ordinary citizens in public administration. Once we begin to worry about (...)
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  57.  8
    Bureaucratic discretion, legitimacy, and substantive justice.Kate Vredenburgh - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (2):251-259.
    Chiara Cordelli’s book The Privatized State makes an important contribution to debates over the morality of public administration and widespread privatization. Cordelli argues that widespread privatization is a problem of legitimacy, as private actors impose their will unilaterally on others. Bureaucratic decision-making, by contrast, can be legitimate, within the correct institutional context and in accordance with a bureaucratic ethos. In this review, I argue that bureaucratic policymaking faces similar changes from the value of legitimacy that Cordelli raises against widespread privatization. (...)
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  58.  25
    Taming dignity for multiculturalism.Helder De Schutter - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (1):22-38.
    This article articulates a theory of multiculturalism grounded in dignity. But dignity claims are often unreasonable, inegalitarian, or harmful. To remedy this problem, this article proposes to tame dignity by subjecting dignity claims to three conditions of reasonability: genuine identification; equal realisation; cultural establishment.
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  59.  10
    In praise of dystopias: a Hobbesian approach to collective action.Ioannis D. Evrigenis - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (1):7-21.
    Long before Prospect Theory and Loss Aversion Theory, Thomas Hobbes’s account of self-interest and risk assessment formed the basis of a powerful argument for the benefits of negative appeals. Dismissing the pursuit of highest and final goods as inherently incapable of yielding collective action, Hobbes proposed a method focusing instead on the highest evil, something that individuals with different goals could agree on as a barrier to their respective pursuits. In his own theory, that evil was violent death in the (...)
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  60.  17
    Justice, emotions, socially disruptive technologies.Benedetta Giovanola - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (1):104-119.
    Most theories of justice rest on the idea that emotions need to be contained or set aside and that rationality serves as the best, if not exclusive, criterion for identifying the principles of a fair distribution. In recent years, however, two important claims have been made. One is that rationality and emotions are not in conflict with one another, but should be conceived of as strictly interconnected; the other is that social justice is not just about distribution, but also – (...)
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  61.  28
    Is blame warranted in applying justice?Erin I. Kelly - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (1):71-87.
    The belief that people convicted of crimes deserve punishment is commonplace. Yet the punitive conception of individual responsibility commonly associated with ‘just deserts’ exaggerates the moral meaning of criminal guilt, normalizes excessive punishment, and distracts from shared responsibility for social injustice. The problem is, many people who get caught up in the criminal justice system cannot reasonably be thought to deserve their fate. Mental illness, intellectual disability, addiction, trauma, and poverty are morally mitigating factors when it comes to assessing how (...)
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  62.  11
    When is lack of emotion a problem for justice? Four views on legal decision makers’ emotive life.Patricia Mindus - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (1):88-103.
    Reason and emotion are often cast as opposites. Yet emotion comes in a wide array of manifestations and has a variety of relations with its supposed opposite. Understanding emotion better is key to grasping how jurisprudence casts the relation between psychology and judicial decision making. Jurisprudents disagree on whether and when (lack of) emotion is a problem for decision makers in the justice system. The aim of this paper is to shed light on unarticulated assumptions in mainstream legal theory concerning (...)
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  63.  8
    Emotions and challenges to justice.Roberto Mordacci & Francesca Forlè - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (1):1-6.
    In this special issue, our aim is to analyse the role of emotions with particular attention to shaping political actions in the face of present challenges to justice. The relationship between the widespread rise of collective emotions and the experience of injustice in our societies is a pressing issue, both in our everyday practice of ethical and political discourse and in philosophical reflection and discussion. Some negative emotions—such as fear, resentment, greed, distrust towards institutions, and disrespect for basic human rights—are (...)
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  64.  10
    Beyond a diachronic indifference? Grounding the normative commitment towards intergenerational justice.Alberto Pirni - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (1):120-135.
    In this essay, we aim at framing the ‘negative emotion’ of indifference, starting from its diachronic declination, which seems to beneficiate from a form of justification from the moral point of view (§1). In order to prevent indifference as an outcome – together with its intrinsic motivational strength –, we introduce a methodological account to frame the struggle of motivation internal to the single agent, by classifying different forms of ‘reasons to act’ (§2). We will develop a two-move strategy. Firstly, (...)
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  65.  14
    Justice, emotions, and solidarity.Francesco Tava - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 26 (1):39-55.
    This paper discusses Habermas’s argument that justice requires solidarity as its ‘reverse side’, whereby the former provides the necessary global framework for establishing intersubjective solidarity whilst the latter constitutes an important precondition for igniting social and political change in the direction of social justice. In this paper I argue that such a paradigm of reciprocity might be fruitfully complemented by a less apparent yet substantial nexus: that between solidarity and perceived injustice, which I contend also triggers the emergence of solidarity. (...)
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  66.  6
    The shallow ecology of public reason liberalism.Fred Matthews - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (N/A):1-24.
    In this article, I shall contend that Rawlsian public reason liberalism (PRL) is in tension with non-anthropocentric environmentalism. I will argue that many reasonable citizens reject non-anthropocentric values, and PRL cannot allow them to be used as the justification for ecological policies. I will analyse attempts to argue that PRL can incorporate non-anthropocentric ideas. I shall consider the view, deployed by theorists such as Derek Bell and Mark A. Michael, that PRL can make a distinction between constitutional essentials and non-essentials, (...)
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