Ante la reciente publicación de la última obra sistemática del filósofo alemán J. Habermas titulada _Auch eine Geschichte der Philosophie_ (y su pronta traducción al español), el texto se propone mostrar las características fundamentales de la comprensión habermasiana sobre la misma actividad filosófica. Para esto, primero se describe la base teórica sobre la cual Habermas construye el sentido de sus reflexiones filosóficas, esto es, el sentido posmetafísico desde el cual Habermas desarrolla su pensamiento filosófico. Posteriormente, se exponen los tres roles (...) que Habermas asigna a la actividad filosófica y se concluye evidenciando las conexiones entre la filosofía posmetafísica de Habermas y la democracia; conexiones que nos permitirían caracterizar a la filosofía posmetafísica habermasiana como una filosofía democrática y, sobre esta base, leer mejor el supuesto «giro religioso» de la filosofía de Habermas. (shrink)

En el duelo frecuentemente rememoramos con pesar los sufrimientos que le causamos a la persona fallecida, pero algunos de esos apesadumbrados recuerdos nos desconciertan y hasta pueden hacernos dudar de la sinceridad de nuestro amor por ella porque, aunque lamentamos profundamente haberla hecho sufrir, no nos arrepentimos de haber actuado como actuamos. En este artículo examino las características, tipos y naturaleza de la emoción a la que Bernard Williams llamó «_agent-regret»_ (lamentación o pesadumbre del agente), para sostener que aquella experiencia (...) del doliente puede entenderse como una instancia particular de esta emoción. Además, hago algunas consideraciones acerca de cómo el proceso mismo del duelo complica la de por sí difícil experiencia de lamentarse como agente. (shrink)

Pese a los enormes esfuerzos que han hecho renombrados filósofos políticos e historiadores intelectuales por estigmatizar el estudio de la obra de Carl Schmitt, el interés por el razonamiento político-jurídico schmittiano ha logrado resistir a un punto tal que, hoy en día, cualquier interesado por la filosofía política o jurídica difícilmente pueda resistir la tentación o la necesidad de explorar la obra y el pensamiento schmittiano. Frente a este panorama, en esta ocasión me gustaría ofrecer algunas razones para sostener que (...) la célebre y breve implicación política de Schmitt con el nacionalsocialismo (1933-1936), desde cierto punto de vista, debería quedar al margen o, en el mejor de los casos, considerarse una cuestión incidental para aquellos que se sientan interesados por el razonamiento político o jurídico schmittiano en _stricto sensu_. A tal efecto, luego de llevar adelante unas breves consideraciones sobre la trayectoria de la reputación de Carl Schmitt, quisiera ofrecer cuatro ejemplos que ilustran algunas buenas razones para creer que la teoría política y jurídica de Schmitt corre por un carril paralelo a las consideraciones biográficas y, por lo tanto, quisiera tratar de contrarrestar la idea según la cual existe una conexión directa o necesaria entre sus desacertados compromisos políticos y el valor que, eventualmente, puede llegar a tener su razonamiento político y jurídico. (shrink)

Según John Searle, las posiciones _por defecto_, _i. e_., las condiciones de inteligibilidad del pensamiento y la acción son algunos _puntos de partida_ que se presuponen de manera pre-reflexiva y pragmática. Su postulación es, además, una novel manera de tratar con algunos problemas perennes de la filosofía, dejándolos entre paréntesis. Dichos problemas son la existencia del mundo externo, la verdad y como esta tiene que ver con hechos, la percepción directa, los significados de las palabras y, finalmente, la causalidad. En (...) este artículo analizamos cómo las mencionadas posiciones conforman una humanidad _por defecto_, y cómo su ausencia, _deshumanizaría_. Esto es relevante en el caso de la cooperación, una posición _por defecto_ básica para la intencionalidad colectiva, y piedra angular de la civilización humana. (shrink)

La pregunta por el sentido de la filosofía ha sido un denominador común desde sus inicios, cobrando una fuerza inusitada con la expansión omnímoda del capitalismo en el «mundo de la vida», hasta el punto de «naturalizarse» como el único mundo posible. Reducida a la mera función de legitimar el imperativo de la equivalencia/acumulación, se impone la necesidad de elevar la filosofía a la altura del acontecimiento, en el afán por vislumbrar e implementar modos de vida alternativos a la dictadura (...) del capitalismo absoluto. En este contexto, exploramos el potencial emancipatorio del «_ethos_ barroco» en el pensamiento de Bolívar Echeverría, con el objeto de mostrar, desde esta perspectiva, las condiciones y los límites actuales para transcender lo que denominamos «capitalismo neobarroco», implantando en su lugar una suerte inaudita de «neobarroco postcapitalista». (shrink)

Este trabajo problematiza la noción de autonomía para morir propuesta por la bioética contemporánea a la luz de las críticas que se le han realizado recientemente y del tabú de la muerte que prevalece en las sociedades occidentales. Después de revisar el desarrollo histórico que ha dado lugar a este concepto, observo las objeciones que se le han hecho desde la ética médica y el feminismo, y planteo una nueva crítica a partir del tabú mencionado. Finalmente, propongo un concepto de (...) autonomía más robusto filosóficamente, que incorpora, primero, la capacidad de las personas para establecer sus propios fines y deliberar sobre los medios más expeditos y morales para alcanzarlos, todo ello en el marco de un esquema de valores reflexivamente aceptado, y, segundo, el rol que las relaciones de interdependencia juegan en este proceso. De este modo, sugiero que la bioética contemporánea se beneficiaría de un concepto de autonomía individual que se entienda como meta social, es decir, una autonomía que deba ser activamente promovida por la sociedad. (shrink)

Los discursos de odio y las retóricas que estigmatizan, deshumanizan y demonizan al colectivo inmigrante son una palanca necesaria para la necropolítica. La permisividad en el discurso público a ideas y prejuicios contrarios a la inmigración es consustancial al formato necropolítico de gestión de las migraciones en la Unión Europea. Este trabajo, inspirado en las aportaciones de Achille Mbembe y Judith Butler, reflexiona sobre la configuración del sentimiento antinmigrante que, articulado a través de la violencia simbólica que atraviesa medios de (...) comunicación y redes sociales, repercute en la creciente vulnerabilidad que afecta a este colectivo. (shrink)

En este artículo intentaré mostrar el discurso moralista empleado por Persson y Savulescu en su obra _¿Preparados para el futuro? La necesidad del mejoramiento moral_. La primera parte del trabajo expondrá la necesidad de demarcar claramente las cuestiones de justicia de la idea de bien, considerando que esta es una distinción central para el filósofo moral y el bioeticista. Intentaré responder a una cuestión: en la actualidad, ¿el filósofo moral emplea un discurso moralista? En la segunda parte del artículo, relacionaré (...) la propuesta de Persson y Savulescu con la novela de Stanislaw Lem _Congreso de futurología_. (shrink)

La infamia constituye el modelo ideal de castigo actual, ya que marca el cuerpo real y simbólico de ciertos sujetos, sin ninguna mediación institucional: los individuos y los grupos sociales se arrogan el derecho a imputar, juzgar y castigar. De manera que existen instituciones formales y, además, ciertos colectivos informales que neutralizan, excluyen, matan y encierran real y simbólicamente, ejerciendo un poder para-judicial y para-penal. En palabras más precisas, hay una penalidad que no pasa necesariamente por el poder judicial ni (...) el proceso legal, sino por el tribunal social y psicológico efectuado por algunos agentes de control social informal. La realidad evidencia la absorción progresiva del proceso judicial en el juicio colectivo, sin ninguna garantía ni código distinto a la mirada, el murmullo social y el juicio instantáneo. La sociedad se transforma así en un tribunal permanente que odia, etiqueta y castiga, y cuya inmediatez, espontaneidad y anonimato reaviva la infamia de los viejos sistemas de la penalidad medieval, así como la devastadora marcación totalitaria. (shrink)

Partiendo de la genealogía del neoliberalismo que Michel Foucault traza en _Nacimiento de la biopolítica_ hasta los ordoliberales alemanes, se sostendrá que, si en lugar de haberla basado en sus textos posteriores a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, Foucault hubiera acudido a los textos fundacionales de la época de Weimar: a) no hubiera incurrido en el equívoco de pensar que el papel del Estado fue secundario para estos, y b) habría advertido el carácter autoritario de su propuesta. Así, analizaremos en detalle (...) la inverosímil confluencia en torno a una misma tesis de Carl Schmitt y de los ordoliberales en la década de 1930: Estado fuerte, economía sana. Se concluirá invitando a seguir analizando el papel central del Estado y el autoritarismo en el neoliberalismo, tanto en el pasado como en el presente. (shrink)

Los discursos del odio atacan la dignidad de los integrantes de colectivos históricamente desfavorecidos y fomentan su discriminación y deshumanización, razón por la cual los poderes públicos se han ido dotando de mecanismos para combatirlo. Pero no hay unidad de acción a nivel global, pues su restricción exige revisar los límites a la libertad de expresión. Así, mientras en Estados Unidos los tribunales reconocen la primacía de esta libertad, en Europa se incrementa el recurso a la vía penal. Pero ambos (...) sistemas tienen deficiencias, sobre todo porque no se centran en el resarcimiento del daño causado. De ahí que pueda analizarse una tercera opción, la civil, partiendo de la ya consolidada doctrina sobre daños morales. (shrink)

Los discursos del odio atacan la dignidad de los integrantes de colectivos históricamente desfavorecidos y fomentan su discriminación y deshumanización, razón por la cual los poderes públicos se han ido dotando de mecanismos para combatirlo. Pero no hay unidad de acción a nivel global, pues su restricción exige revisar los límites a la libertad de expresión. Así, mientras en Estados Unidos los tribunales reconocen la primacía de esta libertad, en Europa se incrementa el recurso a la vía penal. Pero ambos (...) sistemas tienen deficiencias, sobre todo porque no se centran en el resarcimiento del daño causado. De ahí que pueda analizarse una tercera opción, la civil, partiendo de la ya consolidada doctrina sobre daños morales. (shrink)

Este artículo se propone confrontar el concepto de opinión pública con la realidad y las expectativas de una sociedad digitalizada para analizar si la actual colonización algorítmica exige un nuevo cambio estructural de la opinión pública o más bien la retirada de este concepto. Los datos y metadatos masivos se han vuelto un arma de doble filo para la sociedad democrática digitalmente hiperconectada. Mientras que, por un lado, el increíble potencial que atesora el _big data_ y sus diferentes técnicas y (...) tecnologías de explotación de los datos y metadatos lo convierten en un producto codiciado por sistema de instituciones que componen tanto el estado como la sociedad civil; por otro, los altos impactos negativos que su uso instrumental e irresponsable está produciendo y puede llegar a producir, hacen del _big data_ una herramienta controvertida y altamente criticada por alejarnos de cualquier intento de construir una ciudadanía digital. Si bien la democracia algorítmica no se apoya solo en la opinión pública, el objetivo es mostrar la incompatibilidad entre opinión pública artificial y democracia. Nuestro hilo conductor es el concepto habermasiano de opinión pública, puesto que será precisamente la fuerza de la sociedad civil, a través del diseño en su seno de espacios de participación, de donde podemos extraer el potencial necesario para enfrentarnos a la actual colonización algorítmica, para recuperar una deliberación autónoma y crítica sin la cual no existe opinión pública alguna y, por tanto, tampoco democracia. (shrink)

Los límites al discurso del odio se han explorado más en el ámbito jurídico, pues existen en la actualidad límites legales y jurisprudenciales como forma de evitar estos discursos en sociedad; no obstante, no es común referirse a límites desde la propia sociedad. Por tanto, el objetivo de este trabajo es explorar un límite al discurso del odio, primero, desde la perspectiva de la filosofía política y, segundo, desde una dimensión social, concretamente, a través de la razón pública y su (...) inherente deber de civilidad. (shrink)

Este trabajo aborda la relación entre el populismo y los discursos del odio. Tomando como referencia la visión favorable del populismo teorizada por Laclau y Mouffe, desarrollaré un concepto de discurso populista formado por tres subtipos de discurso: el agonista, el solidario y el movilizador. Tras contrastar este concepto con el de discurso del odio, concluyo que ambos son independientes y que por tanto el populismo no necesita recurrir a discursos del odio, al menos en teoría. Sin embargo, advierto, la (...) naturaleza del populismo le hace propenso a caer en ese tipo de discursos, lo cual sugiere que la praxis populista difícilmente podrá evitarlos. Dada la inmoralidad del discurso del odio, esta afinidad ofrece una razón _pro tanto_ para abstenerse de prácticas populistas. (shrink)

Este artículo propone a la Filosofía para Niños y Jóvenes (_Philosophy for Children_) como revulsivo contra los discursos del odio. Comienza describiendo la naturaleza de estas prácticas discursivas. Posteriormente, indaga los cinco pilares de la Filosofía para Niños/Jóvenes que vacunan contra ellas: pensamiento crítico y creativo, pensamiento cuidadoso, material narrativo y comunidad de indagación. Finalmente, explora la utilidad de estos elementos para los fines propuestos.

El aumento considerable de la capacidad de la inteligencia artificial (IA) implica un alto consumo de recursos energéticos. La situación ambiental actual, caracterizada por la acuciante degradación de ecosistemas y la ruptura del equilibrio, exige tomar medidas en diversos ámbitos. La IA no puede quedar al margen, y aunque es empleada para objetivos de sostenibilidad, debe plantearse como sostenible en términos integrales. La propuesta de una inteligencia artificial sostenible se argumenta a partir de una evaluación ética constructiva, donde la inclusión (...) y la participación de los grupos de interés representan dos elementos fundamentales. (shrink)

A lo largo de su obra Ronald Dworkin ha planteado una cuestión crucial acerca de la libertad de expresión: ¿es un derecho tan importante que su protección exige permitir formas de expresión que consideramos despreciables, ofensivas o socialmente dañinas? En este trabajo me gustaría analizar la reflexión del filósofo en torno a tal cuestión, centrándonos en la pornografía y los discursos del odio. Estas formas de expresión constituyen un desafío para los defensores de esa libertad, pues nos obligan a revisar (...) los argumentos tradicionales empleados en su defensa. Para ello, consideraré en primer lugar la cuestión de si existe un derecho a la pornografía y cómo se podría justificar. Después revisaré su polémica con autoras feministas como Catharine MacKinnon a propósito de la prohibición de la pornografía, pues varias de las cuestiones son pertinentes en relación con los discursos del odio. Para concluir examinaré el modo en que R. Dworkin replantea la defensa de la libertad de expresión, pues tiene relevancia en el contexto de la discusión sobre la penalización de los discursos del odio. (shrink)

En este artículo analizo cómo la configuración del escenario político y mediático actual ha propiciado la proliferación de discursos expresivos que corrompen el debate público. Ciertos personajes buscan ganar estatus publicando contenidos inflamantes y de odio, y en la arena política prima la imposición de relatos sobre el diálogo entre diferentes. Esto hace que las pretensiones de validez de la comunicación se rompan y el espacio público se tribalice, haciendo aflorar nuestras tendencias evolutivas. En clave aristotélica, se produce una paradoja: (...) el entorno social, que es inherente al hombre, transforma la palabra en voz y reduce al hombre a la animalidad. (shrink)

The work critically addresses the construction of a political theory of public things by Bonnie Honig. To this end, the origins of this theory are traced conceived as a response to the crisis of democratic sovereignty in the face of the dissolving effects of the emerging cosmopolitan universe and the thriving decline of the public sphere. Secondly, its roots are inserted in the complex theoretical scenario that has caused the posthumanist turn in the social sciences, placing its contribution in the (...) context of vital materialism conceived as a specifically political expression of new materialism. In this way, the advantages of the material approach are contrasted with theories about the commons or shared space. In the third and last place, the conceptual porosity of Honig’s approach is critically analyzed, proposing new theoretical instruments capable of deepening the power of concern that public things have. (shrink)

In order to clarify whether Rawls is more or less cosmopolitan than Kant, we carry out a comparative analysis between his general proposals for the organization of international relations. Likewise, seeking to clarify the distance between cosmopolitanism, pacifism and ius internationalism, the ius ad bellum proposals of both authors are particularly analyzed in the war-and-peace debate context. On the one hand, as a result of the first analysis, different commonly unnoticed logical coincidences between the postulates of Kant and Rawls are (...) highlighted. On the other hand, after the conclusions of the second analysis and taking as a criterion the causes that both authors admit as just for war, a proposal of an ideal type of cosmopolitan ius ad bellum is also provided. (shrink)

This paper attempts to provide a partial answer to the question as to how deliberation and democratic decision-making in complex human systems-highly diverse economically, socially and culturally-can become a common. For that purpose, we propose to understand deliberation and decision-making processes themselves as commoning. First, we show how these processes can be subject to the “tragedy of the anticommons,” referring to three core issues: individualization of civic responsibility, erosion of information and opinion-forming channels, and the narrowing scope of deliberation and (...) decision-making. Secondly, we propose a solution to the first of these problems drawing on contributions from assembly theory. Finally, we address the other two issues based on classical tenets of the republican tradition and deliberative and participatory democracy. (shrink)

This article focuses on the role played by the critique of political economy and Marxian philosophy in the redefinition of Gramsci’s political philosophy during his intellectual moment known as the “return to Marx’’. On the one hand, we show the theoretical importance of the concept of mercato determinato in the formation of notions such as “civil society” and “relations of forces”. On the other hand, the Italian philosopher’s prison revisitation of some of Marx’s works are evaluated; as well as its (...) effects on the revision of certain topics such as the relationship between structure-superstructure or the theory of hegemony. Through an original interpretation of the critique of political economy; and also re-examining the theoretical principles of “historical materialism” in a “philosophy of praxis”, the final aim is to present an interpretation of Gramscian social ontology able to provide a theory on the genesis, reproduction and crisis of a given social formation. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is twofold. First, to study strategic disagreements, i.e., those situations in which one of the parties uses an expression that allows it to restructure the debate and, in this way, obtain some strategic advantage to advance its political agenda. The paper examines this type of disagreement in a specific context: the parliamentary debates in the Spanish Congress of Deputies during the VIII Legislature. Second, to show that strategic disagreements constitute antagonistic conflict dynamics, i.e., situations in (...) which one or both parties are denied a morally adequate treatment of their points of view. In this way, strategic disagreements prevent the development of the dynamics necessary to manage the conflict in a cooperative way. (shrink)

The aim of the paper is to clarify what is properly common to the common good and to support its irreducibility as a guarantee of overcoming an atomistic conception of civil society. We begin by addressing the notion of individual freedom and the questioning of the selfish condition of the human being. Then, we delve into the normative possibilities offered by an ethical interpretation of the common good. The difference of the common good from other notions used in late-modern discourses (...) is key in determining the intrinsic commonality of social relations. In concluding, we argue for a conception of the common good that accommodates individual freedom, understanding it no longer in isolation, but as part of intersubjectivity. (shrink)

Cultural commons are both a de facto common pool, as well as the aspiration that this common pool should be as large and as rich as possible. Cultural life is a specific common good that represents such an aspiration, and it is one of the human rights included in the Universal Declaration of 1948. After analyzing the features of this cultural common good, including its global dimension, it is addressed how privatization of other cultural commons influences on the cultural life (...) of humanity, as well as the relationship between cultural life and cultural appropriation. (shrink)

The question of the commons has become particularly relevant today. This article analyses the difficulties in addressing the multitude of meanings of the term and the diversity of approaches to it. This conceptual review aims to point out the tensions between different perspectives as well as to delimit our field of study, in order to propose a change of focus that makes visible the androcentric bias of the ethical and political discourses of modernity. Finally, the importance of care as the (...) axis of any common project that takes into account human vulnerability is highlighted. (shrink)

This article examines the controversy that has arisen in the last decade about Michel Foucault’s supposed “fascination” with neoliberalism, especially around the contributions of Daniel Zamora and Michael C. Behrent. Their theses are contrasted with Foucauldian writings and reconsidered from a different approach to the historical, political and intellectual context of the French 1970s, which, in our opinion, shows a lack of complexity in the studies of those authors. Thus, this paper tries to establish that the limitations of Michel Foucault’s (...) approach to neoliberalism do not respond to any sort of neoliberal “sympathies”, but to another kind of problems-mainly analytical-. (shrink)

It has often been argued that Thomas More’s Utopia is fundamentally concerned with outlining and theoretically justifying an ideal model of society and not with determining what would be the practical steps required for its establishment in the real world. Even if we were to accept this widespread interpretation, I consider that it is possible to recognize in the text indications that suggest two different and even opposing paths along which the political construction of Utopia could take place. The first, (...) and strictly speaking, the only one that the work is trying to put forward, is individual, elitist, coercive, and top-down. The second that, for its part, seems to be presented rather with the intention of preventing it from coming to fruition is hence, on the contrary, collective, popular, insurrectionary and from below. The present article tries, first, to show how and through what arguments these two models of action are presented in More’s work, taking note, in addition, of the important difficulties involved in the one which it intends to propose. After this, two historical realizations immediately after Utopia was published that illustrate them are developed. Finally, the present article tries to establish what relationship these two paths have with each other according to the work’s approach and, also, suggest what alternative relationship they could maintain if a different point of view was attempted. (shrink)

This paper explores the proposals of Giorgio Agamben and Roberto Esposito, two of the top representatives of the Italian Thought, around the notion of community and commons. Starting from an analysis of the community based on the munus, the statute of the commons is examined as opposed to the right of property. Next, the discussion around the notion of use of the commons and its difficult reconciliation with the legal apparatus is presented. Finally, the notion of inappropriateness that underpins the (...) Italian study of the commons is studied. (shrink)

The following article aims to consider the problem of the empirical consummation of the teleological programme of practical reason in Kant. In other words, it highlights the question about the possibility of achieving the final end in the world. Nature is the domain of mechanical causality, but also of free causality and the highest good. Specifically, I will focus on the field of Kantian philosophy of history, examining it with regard to the possibility of biological evolution and the possibility of (...) moral evolution of humankind. (shrink)

Using the lens of conceptual history, we analyze the evolution of the term digital commons since it first came to be publicly used. In particular, we track down how the meaning of the term digital commons was influenced after its emergence by a new modulation of the term commons developed from neo-Marxist coordinates. Exploring the way in which this neo-Marxist way of thinking the commons emerged after the economic crisis of 2008 thanks to the discursive interventions of a couple of (...) authors more or less linked to the Midnight Notes Collective, we subsequently analyze the degree of penetration of this new conception of the commons in the realm of the digital commons. As we conclude, the disparate reception of this conception on the way different authors think and theorize the digital commons confirms the essentially contested nature of this particular concept. (shrink)

One hundred years after its first publication, Benjamin’s Critique of Violence continues to be a reference text for the study of political violence. However, the anarchist ideas that move implicitly and explicitly throughout its pages -and that lend historical meaning to his concept of divine violence- have been relativized by the prevailing messianism in certain contemporary analyses. This paper studies in-depth the anarchist horizon of radical political transformation that Benjamin takes from Georges Sorel’s Reflections on Violence: The idea of a (...) final catastrophic revolution whose intrinsic morality will be demonstrated in its capacity to destroy the dialectical historical cycle between violence and power. (shrink)

This article aims, first, to describe some of the main features of Latour’s actor network theory. Second, it shows how the practice of writing nature could be seen as a precursor to the actor network theory. Third, some Deleuzian and Harman concepts are outlined, which could be useful for future actor network theories. And finally, this work argues that making an actor network theory implies a series of fundamental changes in the practice of literary and cultural studies, as well as (...) in the practice of the humanities and social sciences in general. (shrink)

The commons and care are two topics that have gained presence in public and political discourses in recent years and seem to have a special affinity to one another. In this article, I propose that there are two different approaches to the relationship between the commons and care, arguing in favor of one of them: care in common or community care. In this way, I claim that care can be defined as what is done to maintain certain commons, forging the (...) bonds that shape communities according to ethical standards. These standards can be established in accordance with the ethics of care and in continuity with the political tradition of the commons. (shrink)

Based on the interpretation of the passage that Kant dedicates to the typic of the pure practical power of judgment, the author gives a central place to what, in his view, constitutes the heart of the problem of Kantian critical philosophy, namely, to demonstrate that reason, in its practical use can be effectively moral. This provides the basis to hold that the solution offered by Kant to this severe problem consolidates the subordination of the theorical use of reason to the (...) practical one, which is identified with the subordination of truth to freedom. The conclusion is that said subordination, which would irreversibly change the course of philosophy, is only possible by means of a rupture of the experience that places action and consequently human life in the face of a representation of the real, that goes beyond, from freedom and history, what the categories of understanding show us truth of nature. (shrink)

Epistemic structures, often naturalized, are one of the most elusive features of the forms of harm spread in contemporary societies, which also obstruct the subject to wake up to them. Thus, to engage with social harm encourages to inspect how epistemic structures and models of society match in a complex way through the processes that make it possible to build subjective identity and horizons of action. Moreover, these cognitive frameworks also unfold a weave of emotions fitting in those cognitive spaces. (...) Beyond distributive paradigms in the reflection on justice, to pay attention to the inequal distribution of voices in social spaces allows the ethical inspection to check where the experience of moral negativity does not provide the appropriated tools to be perceived and narrated. I will claim that this phenomenon means for the harmed subject a sort of second social death. To become aware of the perceptual and discursive frameworks which determine how we act and analyze social life seems to be part of a non-ideal transformation of these contexts. Therefore, this transformation takes into account the factual levels displaying the cultural and social interdependence and mutuality which human beings are unfailingly embedded in. (shrink)

This article will address the Kantian concept of respect for persons from the constructivist approach of philosopher Carla Bagnoli. Her proposal is an inspiring and elaborate update of the concept, but some aspects suggest difficulties. I will argue that these difficulties would have to do with issues that would need to be clarified and with some tensions, understood as arising from certain interpretations and redefinitions, that would also raise the need to consider a revision of what constitutes the status of (...) a person. I will point out that these tensions simultaneously concern the idea of agency. (shrink)

In this paper I offer a non-ideal analysis of a series of theoretical problems affecting liberalism, which have bearing on liberal discourses in today’s concrete political practices with de-democratizing consequences, including the instrumentalization of liberalism by neoconservative actors. I use Benjamin Constant’s attitude towards slavery as case study to show that liberalism is culpably ignorant of many structural injustices, and that this is so because of its basic thesis that the main oppression is the one the state and the political (...) community exert of the individual. The centrality of this oppression makes liberalism unable to give oppressions exerted within the web of social relations a proper place in its own theory. (shrink)

Within the paradigm of political liberalism, Hobbes’s legal philosophy has the peculiarity that individual property rights are treated as conditional and derived from the State’s absolute property rights, and thus common, State and individual property are explicitly recognised as three different juridical realities. Through determining the place that Hobbes’s few references to common property hold within his legal philosophy, it is possible to turn the thought of this classic author into a very useful theoretical tool for thinking the possibilities and (...) limits of a political strategy betting for common property against State property. (shrink)

The article develops a dialogue between the works of Marx, Husserl and Heidegger, about the problem of mathematization in its double perspective: scientific and economic. At first, we show the way in which ideation as well as real abstraction involve a forgetting of the world of life will be exposed. In a second moment, we will focus on the dissolution of the gold standard and on fictitious capital, to show the contemporary expression-in an economy obsessed with the reproduction of abstract (...) wealth-of the aforementioned oblivion. (shrink)

In this article we discuss the political thought of the French philosopher Simone Weil. In particular, we analyse two fundamental elements of her critique of Marxism, namely her reflections on the phenomenon of power and her critique of the theory of the unlimited development of productive forces. We do so in dialogue with two of the pioneers of the ecosocialist critique of Marx in Spain: Manuel Sacristán and Francisco Fernández Buey, both readers of Weil. The aim: to point out the (...) relevance of this philosopher’s thought not only for its influence on some of the great ethical-political reflections of the socialist tradition in the twentieth century, but also for its ability to address the current challenges. (shrink)

The main point of our study is that the Kantian problem of a suitability between theory and practice, one of the key issues in Kant’s practical thinking in general, was erroneously perceived not only by those who defended it, and conceived of its possibility, but also by those who denied it and defended its impossibility. Our position, conversely, is that Kant, upon approaching a seemingly irresoluble problem, was forced to conceive of a via media, an “intermediate member of connection” between (...) theory and practice; an alternative which, in our view, does not arise out of mere necessity, rather is intimately interconnected from the mid-1770s onwards with the formation of Kant’s fundamental scheme of human knowledges, a scheme which, in its tridimensionality, establishes Pragmatic Anthropology as a third dimension of human knowledge and therefore as the only suitable soil for the dialogue between theory and practice, beyond the mere possibility or impossibility of the problem. This proposition, we hope, will enable us to ascertain what Kant envisages by the “talent of nature”, the special “act of the power of judgment” that is to serve as connecting member between theory and practice; to explain how Anthropology is to be seen as the natural abode for this mediating interplay; and, finally, to better position, as well as delimit, the scope of Kant’s anthropo-cosmological view of Man in the World, which is to be seen precisely between the merely rational of theory and the merely empirical of practice. (shrink)

This article proposes to reread authority from a traditionally anti-authoritarian perspective such as the anarchist one and, specifically, from Bakunin’s thought. To this end, I analyze some little studied texts of the Russian anarchist and show that, despite his criticisms of authority, he did not want to abolish authority but to rethink and transform it. Bakunin’s proposal consisted in seeking an alternative face to hegemonic authority, which he explores from its most everyday and relational dimension and where it appears as (...) a close, spontaneous and more democratic reality that is based on freedom. Afterwards, the question of authority is examined from its more practical side, where the question of authority connects with the so-called “moral authority” and serves to question the classic hierarchical relationship between theory and action. In his reinterpretation of authority Bakunin finds a kind of power that goes beyond power and traditional authority. (shrink)

Harm experiences are defined by two sets of traits. In the first place, by the double type of modality of its experience: in contrast with the type of negativity that has been traditionally understood as evil, harm is defined not by its being or being experienced as necessary but by its negative possibility-what is not necessary that it should happen or have happened-and by the practical necessity that it should not happen again. In the second place, harm experiences are worked (...) through in non-symmetrical relational structures between victims or survivors, wrongdoers or victimizers, and the set of third-party figures that attend to them and adopt a concerned attitude towards them, when this is achieved. In virtue of the first set of traits, harms are open to their closure that is articulated, at least, in three types of labors or tasks: its cessation, its reparation or cure, and the commitment of its non-repetition. In virtue of the second set of traits, these tasks entail differential authorities and responsibilities in the three types of figures involved in experiences of harm. (shrink)

This paper aims to analyze Schlegel’s critique of Kant’s political philosophy regarding two issues: the republican ideal and the justification of revolution. In the Versuch, Schlegel connects republic and democracy, and opposes Kant’s thesis according to which revolution is not morally allowed. The insurrection of the people is vindicated as a form of political action that aims at the institution of a republican regime. I argue that Schlegel’s view on revolution rests on two central claims: first, on a Rousseaunean account (...) of the people as a constituent power, and second, on the rejection of the Kantian doctrine about the unconditional necessity of the state. (shrink)