The concept of ‘transcendental reflection’ has been under-studied despite its crucial significance for Kant’s philosophical system. Kant’s transcendental reflection is an instrument inherent in our consciousness. Without this instrument, one would be unable to distinguish between representations/ fantasies and the reality; to have self-consciousness; to identify the functions of the human soul; to distinguish between the effects of the senses, the understanding, and reason within these functions, including identifying the a priori forms of the senses, the understanding, and reason; and (...) to classify representations by the faculty of cognition to which they belong. This study aims to reconstruct the main features of Kant’s ideas of transcendental reflection and to define this notion through analysing the Critique of Pure Reason and the other fundamental works of Kant. (shrink)

In this paper, I seek an account of the nature of epistemic intuition. Given the resources of Dual-Process Theory in Psychology, I argue that the intuitions of elite epistemologists, such as Fred Dretske, are not a priori, pre-theoretic, insights. Instead, they are a posteriori insights into the phenomena of knowledge, not the concept of knowledge. Dretske intuitions are technical, modal intuitions about hypothetical counterfactual cases using System II reflections. Such intuitions depended on thinking about the implications of laws of nature (...) in particular circumstances and were used to defend Dretske’s reliable indicator account of knowledge. That account suggested that one must have conclusive reasons when one has empirical knowledge that P. (shrink)

First, ‘Is Justified True Belief Knowledge’ is imprecise but Gettier is explicit that ‘know’ is analysed as the definiendum is ‘S knows that P’. Second, Gettier does not misrepresent as Plato’s definition as the expressions used are ‘Plato considers’ and ‘seems to accept’. Third, Gettier is not mistaken to apply Plato’s definition to propositions since propositional knowledge is a species of Plato’s definition. Fourth, for Plato true belief temporally precedes an account. ‘Jones owns a Ford’ is never a true opinion, (...) hence no account for it can be given. The counterexample is reconstructed with temporality built into it. Fifth, Gettier does not fail to establish the equivalence of ‘believe’, ‘accepts’ and ‘sure’ in the three versions as this is implicitly established in the shifts made in the paper. Sixth, ‘entails’ logically is used only when the entailing proposition is true, but in the counterexamples a false proposition is taken to imply a true one. ‘Entail’ is to be taken in the ordinary sense of implies. Seventh, in Case I, the implication is preserved with the proper representation: → [Gy ↔ ], which implies { → [Gy ↔ ]}’. Eighth, the counterexample is reworked to avoid the objection that justification for p and justification for q may not be sufficient justification for ‘p & q’. (shrink)

Three major phases can be distinguished in the history of the development of science. During the first phase, science had almost no link with production, craft, existed within philosophy and was considered to be elite activity. The radical change in the development of science occurs in the new time, when science having separated from philosophy becomes an independent area of knowledge. Science of new time not only discovers the laws of nature, it exists in close relation with production, and to (...) some extent represents a basis for production. In this respect, the machine based production had a major impact. The next radical change in the development of science and its relations with production starts with technical revolution, which is of principal significance for both development of a man and for the understanding of the nature and concept of science. The most important value of technical revolution consists in its substantive impact on the nature of science and the change of its essential definitions and characteristics. In the context of technical revolution, a radical change occurs in the relation between science and production. In the modern automated production, science as a concentrated expression of laws directly merges with production, i.e. science itself becomes a direct productive force. A radical change occurs also in the nature of science. In the context of technical revolution, science transforms from a form of knowledge into the unity of science and activity, and an organic merger of science and production occurs. (shrink)

Le mot induction a deux sens différents. L’induction est: a) une méthode d’acquisition de nouvelles connaissances; et b) une espèce de raisonnement/syllogisme. En tant que méthode de connaissance, l’induction se fonde sur le recours à l’observation et l’expérimentation. Cette propriété érige l’induction en la méthode par excellence de la découverte scientifique et de la vérité. En effet, c’est grâce à l’observation ou l’expérimentation, que nous acquérons De nouvelles connaissances et nous pouvons soumettre ces connaissances au contrôle de la vérité. Comme (...) espèce de raisonnement/syllogisme, l’induction peut être définie ainsi: la marche de la pensée, qui va du singulier/particulier au général/universel. De fait, grâce à l’observation nous formons nos premières propositions singulières et nous construisons les concepts. Le syllogisme inductif consiste à poser comme principe une proposition singulière, puis, à subsumer le sujet de cette proposition sous un concept et, enfin, à généraliser, c’est-à-dire à tirer une proposition générale/universelle et probable comme conclusion. Ces propriétés rendent l’induction une méthode capable d’être appliquée tant dans le champ des sciences de la nature que dans celui des sciences de l’homme. (shrink)

Experiential reason is a kind of reason born on experiences. It includes reasons that subjects discover in its crucial experiences like giving birth to a child, to attend a relative’s death or to recover from a serious illness. Those experiences create a specific knowledge, for instance people understand the essence of the miracle of life or the mystery of our finitude. So, that specific knowledge is not just a theoretical and/or cognitive one. It embraces theoretical information but we can see (...) how a lively awareness is open inside his agent. He will become a new person after living those experiences. This experience, and this knowledge created by it, will transform in an ontological way. A new understanding-light will be got. That one is not opposed to critical or analytical knowledge because ‘experiential understanding’ needs theoretical information to be performed. However, ‘experiential knowledge’ is beyond it. Furthermore, it is near to, so called by tradition, wisdom. This paper aims to define experiential reason. It will differentiate it from religious wisdom and from false wisdoms and it will explain how a person can get it. To carry out it, we will be guided by some hermeneutical and metaphysical approaches. Our paper will finish with an application of our discoveries to an emergent philosophical discipline: Philosophical Practice. (shrink)

In modern spiritual, educational and scientific life the subjective character of cognitive activity and its cultural conditionality become more and more obvious. Remarkable is, that cognitive culture cannot be reduced to purely cognitive aspects of knowledge, but includes representations of social factors of collective life. Philosophical components of this culture are the general methods, principles and other basic grounds of science and knowledge. Religious and ethnic in cognitive culture also concerns ways and receptions, levels and steps, purposes and ideals of (...) cognitive activity, developing historically in religious and ethnic traditions. No matter what form do the conducting determinants of cognitive culture take nowadays - scientific norms, philosophical methods, ethnic mentality features, religious traditions or methodological innovations - they demonstrate the amplifying subjective character of cognitive activity and its growing cultural conditionality. (shrink)

Most epistemologists agree that testimony is an important source of knowledge. However, they fundamentally disagree whether it is a basic source as perception or not. The reductionist standpoint concerning testimony holds that, testimony is not a basic source of knowledge, so hearers cannot justify about what they are told simply on the basis of the testimony of speakers. The justification of testimony comes from other basic sources such as perception, reason and consciousness. However, in this article, I will propose a (...) problem of some reductionist arguments. That is, although the arguments can reject testimony as a basic source of knowledge, other sources which are generally accepted as basic sources of knowledge are rejected as well. (shrink)

The aim of this study is to propose an integration of the epistemological traditions of constructivism and systemics, and of the contemporary theorizations of physics and complex system models. All these theoretical viewpoints subsume a revolutionary construction of truth and reality, that supports and expands the concept of emergence. I hypothesise they issue three main challenges we must face with: a radical construct of the observed reality as the autopoietic space of an observer; a systemic integration of any observer and (...) relationship through the proposed formulation of comergence; an assumption of irreversibility in the construction of any process and state. (shrink)

There are two levels in the problem about the justification of testimony. The first level is about justification of testimony in general: Is testimony as a source or type of knowledge reliable and independent? Two opposite positions have been proposed in philosophical literature: reductionism and non-reductionism. For to this level, I propose a communitarian non-reductionism in contrast to traditional or individualist non-reductionism. It is also a restricted non-reductionism. The second level is about the justification of testimony in particular: How do (...) we justify our acceptance of testimonial beliefs? Do we justify them in a direct way as we do in the cases of perception, introspection and memory, or, in an inferential way? The former position is known as fundamentalism and the latter inferentialism. For the particular level, I develop a position of virtue fundamentalism. I understand the meaning of intellectual virtues based on the view of virtue responsibilism. In summary, I call the communitarian non-reductionism and virtue fundamentalism in the sense of virtue responsibilism together a virtue account of the justification of testimony. (shrink)

Kant and previous philosophers in the modern philosophy have inquired into the limit of human knowledge, so the limitation of knowledge is the result of a basic view of the Critical philosophy. According to most of the modern philosophers, before one wants to attempt to know God, the essence of being, etc., he or she must first investigate the capacity of knowledge itself in order to see whether it is able to accomplish such an attempt. Hegel criticizes this view in (...) the Encyclopedia, section 10. He claims that the task to examine knowledge before using it is based on a false analogy with tools. If one does not want to fool oneself with words, it is easy to see that other instruments can be investigated and criticized without using them in the particular work for which they were designed. But the investigation of knowledge can only be performed by an act of knowledge. (shrink)

Socrates, Plato and Aristotle are still important for thinking humans; but computers, TV, telephones or automobiles were not existing in their age. For the sake of elasticity in my tripartite subject, a pseudo-philosopher E.G. and his friends supplied presentation assistance. Mosaic of facts can transpire in their conversation, I think. In a nutshell, a search towards roots and nature of ‘virtual reality’ is conducted first. Then, the role of imagination on knowledge is discussed somehow. Connections and interactions among life, mind (...) and artifacts are touched on thereafter. ‘Mirroring’ metaphor is mentioned as useful. A distinction between ‘knowledge’ and ‘human knowledge’ seemed hopeful, in this quasi-essay inquiry. Wisdom is distinguished from abundance/crowdedness of ‘knowledge’. Effects of ‘virtual reality’ on society is questioned. Some properties of ‘human knowledge’ are stated, then: Knowledge needs to be learnt, understood, and interiorized/internalized. In its circumstances, an aspect of human knowledge is relevance, in addition to “truth + belief + justification”. And also, ‘truth’ is important for human knowledge; it may come to light first or last. (shrink)

Interaction and motion produce change. Change produces time relation. Changes and interchanges develop differences. Changes and differences unite and divide the two frames of time the past and the future, in the present. The relational effect of change in time is expressed in motion and in the information it produces. The time relation develops in patterns which are alternations and repetitions. Alternations produce external conditions. Replications produce internal conditions. The alternating and recurring patterns of change, the respective external and internal (...) conditions they develop and the information they produce configures evolution inorganic, organic, biological and human. Using this information the human mind converts sensory actions to motor reactions and so manages human interactions. Human interactions, kinetics and derivative information organize the human mind, develop intelligence and determine human logic and psychology. Information is extended into communication and organized into knowledge. Knowledge develops into technology and economy which are used by human beings for the management and organization of their interactions and the development of personal and community life, culture and civilization. (shrink)

Las ciencias naturales han sido llamadas, con razón, ciencias inductivas, y por eso el estudio del problema de la inducción es central a nuestro conocimiento de la naturaleza. En el presente trabajo queremos determinar las complementariedades e influencias de las ideas de David Hume en la filosofía de Jean Nicod, filósofo que podría haber dejado muchas ideas interesantes y originales respecto al problema de la inducción, pero su corta estadía en este mundo impidió esta tarea. Así lo afirma Bertrand Russell (...) en el prefacio de su libro Problema lógico de la inducción. Dado que Jean Nicod no es un autor muy conocido, recordemos que es un lógico y filósofo francés que vivió sólo 31 años, entre 1893 y 1924, y que Bertrand Russell fue uno de sus maestros durante su paso por Inglaterra. Hume no necesita presentación, pero recordemos simplemente, en este encuentro de filosofía de la naturaleza, que es uno de los naturalistas más completos de la historia del pensamiento. En este trabajo veremos algunas relaciones y cruces de ideas entre Hume y Nicod respecto a la inducción y a sus procedimientos. (shrink)

This paper analyzes the conceptual principle of all-encompassing unity in the context of global trends of the modern civilization and scientific cognition, with special emphasis placed on the axiological character of the nature of this principle. Structural elements of this principle are identified and their profound connection with the axiological world of the man is described. It is demonstrated that the conceptual principle of all-encompassing unity representatively accumulates in itself both super-complex natural composition of the Universum in the unity of (...) hologramity and matricity properties and spiritual components: faith, hope, love. In such understanding, the conceptual principle of all-encompassing unity is such symphonic ensemble of the developing man’s cognitive and spiritual practices in the cosmic and natural Universum in which his ethical essential fundamentals and fragile complexity of varying-quality substantive nature reveal themselves most fully. From this point of view, faith, hope and love are defined as the man’s spiritual vectors in his temporal life environment, implicitly entwined into the principle and its supporting goal-motivated benchmarks. (shrink)

In the paper, I present the basis for a pragmatic, contextualist and inferentialist strategy for understanding the concept of degrees of justification. I argue that each context has certain inferential criteria in order to do correct assertions, and that there are different standards of justification for an assertion to be regarded as highly, moderately or poorly justified in that context. What is a high, medium or low standard of justification is relative to the community in which certain inferential practices take (...) place. Finally, I identify the methods of justification that in every social context confer different degrees of justification to certain assertions. (shrink)

This paper defends the view that the primary necessary ontological conditions for any existents and for their knowledge are individual pure possibilities. As being such conditions, pure possibilities exist absolutely independently of actualities, possible worlds, or minds. Pure possibilities are exempt from spatiotemporal and causal restrictions or conditions, whereas any actuality is inescapably subject to them. Each actuality is an actualization of an individual pure possibility, which also serves as its identity. The existence of individual pure possibilities is necessary because (...) it is ontologically indispensable for the existence of anything, possible or actual, and because there are some existents instead of nothing. Ignoring or not acknowledging relevant pure possibilities may result in overlooking their actualities without recognizing or identifying them and, thus, this has hindered the progress of science and knowledge. Hence, the knowledge of actual possibilities, too, depends on their pure possibilities. (shrink)

Virtue epistemologists like Ernest Sosa and John Greco have attempted to explain why knowledge is more valuable than mere true belief. In this talk I demonstrate that both of their accounts fail so profoundly that it is difficult to see how virtue epistemology alone contains the resources to explain the value of knowledge. According to the virtue theoretic approach, knowledge is a kind of success from ability. Knowledge constitutes a competent epistemic performance, and some performances are better than others; not (...) better because they are more accurate, but better because they exhibit the skill of the performer. It is in this way that the performance of knowledge is better than the lucky success of mere true belief. I will show that the Sosa/Greco model entails the false result that the blind review of scholarship should be abolished. This entailment is, by modus tollens, a counterexample to their view. Since it is often held that a comprehensive theory of knowledge ought to explain the value question, the failure of virtue epistemology to do so is a black mark against the virtue approach altogether. (shrink)

La necesidad propuesta por Kant de encontrar la unidad necesaria de la razón será el tema que tomo como punto de partida para desarrollar un estudio de la ‘Doctrina del Método’ de la KrV; la razón que se ha quebrado desde la primera página crítica de los textos kantianos, y desde la primera página se lucha por remediar esta disgregación. Con el título de ‘libre unidad de la razón’ quiero apostar por una solución que pasa por la consideración de la (...) libertad como tarea relevante, dando así primacía al uso práctico de la razón. Dos son las razones principales por las que me he centrado en el texto de la ’Doctrina del método’: es el momento en que se introduce de forma clara el papel que ha de jugar la razón práctica más allá de los límites del uso puro especulativo de la razón y, en segundo lugar, es un texto que apenas ha sido modificado en la segunda edición de la Crítica, cuando sin embargo Kant ya ha desarrollado cambios en sus propuestas en otros escritos. Me detendré en concreto en las páginas de la ‘Disciplina’ y el ‘Canon’ y para entender el sentido de que estos textos se incluyan en esta primera Crítica. (shrink)

Social epistemology presents now a multiplicity of approaches, more or less closely connected with philosophical analysis of knowledge. Taken as primarily philosophical approach, it seeks at least general definition. I suppose that socio-epistemological analysis essentially consists in contextualizing problems and problematizing contexts. No other manifestations of cognition but problems deserve philosophical attention. And it is context that endows a problem with meaning. At the same time different context theories in the social sciences and humanities demonstrate two polar trends – an (...) explanatory power of context and endless regress of contextual explanation. Further I will dwell upon this main challenge for social epistemology, which even justifying the autonomy of its own, cannot ignore these scientific developments. (shrink)

With “epistemology” between quotation marks I intend in this paper to show that Rorty’s conception is a critical one. His claims in favor of a culture where epistemology is not central are justified in a historicist and pragmatic point of view. There is no sense in looking for permanent criteria of knowledge. In a culture of freedom and solidarity epistemology would give place to hermeneutics, to practices of understanding. There are specific roles for proofs and experimentation in certain contexts like (...) the one of science; one may require objectivity in argumentation; proofs are necessary in a trial. In epistemology, however, rules, constraints of a transcendental rationality, permanent categories all these are metaphors of mind representing reality. Without necessary and universal guidelines of knowledge, cultures would be more free, conversation and understanding would be practices preferable to permanent rules for truth. History shows what men did mainly in the name of truth was violence and dogmatism. Pragmatism is not utilitarianism, it is the vision of action in context, practices that can modify undesirable conditions of humanity, instead of one and only true theory. (shrink)

What is the kind of relation between knowledge and luck? In the past decades or so, many philosophers have been discussing the Gettier-style counterexamples in order to search for the nature of knowledge. But, they have always faced the problem of epistemic luck. What do we need to avoid the luck problem? Let knowledge be certainly true. If we do, what is the value of knowledge? In the contrary, if we couldn’t avoid the “lucky truth” in our beliefs or propositions, (...) would we lose knowledge which we thought we possessed? I don’t think so. Because the goal of human knowledge is to make our life be better. Knowledge is a direction. We would not like to lose all of knowledge. However, the luck problem is always there. So, what can we do? Should we keep going and look for the nature of knowledge? Or, maybe we should accept the possibility of some lucky elements in our knowledge, and let justification continue to play certain role which can still make human beliefs highly probable true. (shrink)

This article tries to establish the relevance of phenomenological analysis within the current epistemological edifice, in particular, with regard to certain key issues of the epistemology of our time, this last one meant as a philosophy of science. In doing so, it is primarily based, on the one hand, on certain Husserlian texts mainly those published in Logical Investigations, Formal and Transcendental Logic and the Phenomenology of Time Consciousness and, on the other, on certain developments, essentially running from the beginning (...) of 20th century, in such diverse fields of positive science as logic and the foundations of mathematics as well as quantum mechanics. The overall argumentation serves to establish a holistic approach of the objects of knowledge, taken as material or mental ones, to the extent that they may be taken as objects in evident presentation in front of an embodied consciousness provided with certain a priori constitutional modes. (shrink)

Epistemic value monists hold the view that virtuous agents only have one goal qua intellectual being, the truth goal: to acquire true beliefs and avoiding false ones. Monism has recently come under attack by those who think there is a plurality of intellectual values and goals. I welcome value pluralism in part because it opens up the possibility of identifying values and goals that cannot otherwise be identified in real-world virtuous agents. I go even further than some pluralists by arguing (...) that, not only are there more values than acquiring true beliefs and avoiding false ones, but in addition, agents sometimes virtuously seek false beliefs and avoid true ones. (shrink)

The causal representative theory of perception dominated theory of knowledge for hundreds of years after it was put on the map by Descartes and Locke. It is now almost extinct. How could this happen? The theory collapsed because it could not explain how we acquire knowledge of the external world, since it presupposes a causally organized system of external objects producing sensations in us. This presupposition, however, is generally recognized as true, so that the pattern of causal inference at the (...) heart of the theory is surely justified. The theory cannot explain how we originally acquire our knowledge of the external world, but it is entitled on a second pass to correct our empirical beliefs, where necessary. This includes replacing our naive picture of the physical world with a more sophisticated scientific conception, which downgrades secondary qualities. This was, indeed, the main reason why it was originally introduced by Descartes and Locke, and has been the source of its attraction over the years. (shrink)

This work presents both types of rationality proposed by Marcelo Dascal and analyses how they interact and complement each other. What is traditionally understood as scientific rationality is what Dascal refers to as hard rationality. Argumentation based on this form of rationality seeks the certainty, the conclusive proof. However, the philosopher broadens the concept of rationality, allowing the existence of a soft rationality, which deals in the area of opinions. Arguments built from this form of rationality seek the persuasion. Usually, (...) Mathematics is taken as an example of hard rationality, since it is structured upon the demonstrative reasoning. Here, I show that mathematical demonstrations follow the deductive logic, deal with universals and seek proof, certainty. Thus, it is an example of hard rationality. However, when applied to particulars, it is possible to construct mathematical arguments to persuade, or highlight elements that support decision making, without determining which position is correct. These arguments are examples of soft rationality. Therefore, I want to demonstrate that both rationalities interact, and arguments build based on demonstrative logic can be used in argumentations that seek to convince. (shrink)

In this paper the autopoietic model of consciousness is employed to analyze dynamic being of philosophic concepts. It will be demonstrated that this being consists in permanent transformation within human mind. The autopoietic model of consciousness presupposes that consciousness builds itself anew in each moment of its duration, durée. It doesn’t rest in immobility, but persists in becoming, and so maintains permanent assimilation and production of new meanings. Autopoiesis is viewed as a process of simultaneous loss and acquiring by creative (...) consciousness of its identity. To keep identity for consciousness means to change without cease, i.e. to lose it to some extent. A living human – empirical subject – that is subject possessing unique attributes: corporality, biographic situation, psychological and physiological features, individualized, different from others by his opportunities and abilities, belongs in a peculiar way to transcendental in E. Husserl’s sense of “pure flow of consciousness as such”. The concept of transcendental imagination is introduced to analyze phenomenon of imagination in respect of its contribution into being of philosophical concepts apart from numerous psychological characteristics of imagination. (shrink)

This text presents a brief reflection on the knowing construction of the body. Displaying three key moments: The modern Cartesian proposal of rationality where the body provides knowledge against a sensitive world; the idea of ‘tabula rasa’ posed by Locke recognizing experience as the basic framework that forms the possibility of representation of the reality by man, and the phenomenological experience posed by Merleau-Ponty by incorporating perception from reality and the possibility of truth. The discussion is about the questioning that (...) the body makes on the construction of knowledge and its own condition of truth, interweaving three paradigms about the possibilities to understand reality. (shrink)

The medieval thinker Anselm of Canterbury developed an argument, called ontological argument, through which he aimed to persuade that God exists in reality. The inference that founded this argument is logically valid and its premises are true. Therefore, the thesis that “God exists” is necessarily true. However, the ontological argument proves only that the meaning of the term “God” contains, among its elements, the attribute of existence but, from here, we cannot infer that the class of the term “God” is (...) not empty. The ontological argument leaves opened the problem that the term “God” has an empty class or not. It follows that, although the sentence “God exists” is true,, we cannot know if God is a real thing. For instance, if we define Santa Claus* =df “The existing Santa Claus” then, the proposition “Santa Claus* exists” is true. Despite this, the class of the term “Santa Claus*” is the same with the class of the term “Santa Claus”, being empty. (shrink)

Répondant au besoin pour la philosophie et les sciences sociales de proposer à l’homme une image concordante de la vérité susceptible d’impacter sur l’existence humaine, Tarski a souhaité construire une théorie sémantique de la vérité. La célébrité de cette théorie dont les enjeux méthodologique et épistémologique sont révélés dans la volonté de proposer une image autre de la vérité que celle en vigueur dans les conceptions courantes sont pourtant aussi à l’image des interprétations qui en ont suivies, notamment celles de (...) Field et de Popper. La définition tarskienne de la vérité est donnée par l’instance : «La phrase «la neige est blanche» est vraie ssi, la neige est blanche». Cette formulation définit la vérité comme correspondance entre un énoncé et les données extralinguistiques. En dépit de cette formulation orientée vers la saisie des intuitions aristotéliciennes, la théorie sémantique a subi des interprétations réductionnistes qui semblent incompréhensibles. Si on ne peut nier que l’aventure tarskienne est celle d’une correspondance; on ne peut s’accorder avec les interprétations réductionnistes de la théorie tarskienne. Nous voulons montrer que la théorie tarskienne ne répond pas au réductionnisme de Popper et de Field. Le point de résistance de la théorie tarskienne étant donné par la formulation d’une sémantique formelle suivant l’approche modèle-théorétique. Tarski reste convaincu de l’existence des structures d’interprétation – qui deviennent objectives dès lors qu’on les a adoptées. Il y a peut-être lieu de parler de réalisme, mais il s’agit d’un réalisme intra-théorique ou intra-structurel. (shrink)

L'article vise à montrer la démarcation entre René Descartes et Karl Raimund Popper sur le statut épistémologique de la métaphysique dans l'«arbre de la connaissance». En effet, pendant que l'arbre cartésien du développement de la connaissance part d'une «métaphysique constituée» au sein de laquelle il enfonce ses racines, pour culminer sur les «3 M», l'arbre poppérien du progrès de la connaissance procède à l'inverse en enfonçant ses racines dans une «métaphysique à construire» comme ouverture à la science et à l'épistémologie (...) par la considération d'une première situation problématique dont le corollaire est une situation théorique, pour culminer sur un nouvel ensemble de situations problématiques/théoriques. (shrink)

The paper is devoted to the analysis of the ascriptions of practical knowledge to the groups of agents. The analysis is based on two very general theses: 1) the intellectualist thesis that practical knowledge is a kind of propositional knowledge or objectual knowledge, and 2) the thesis which links an individual knowledge attributions to a group knowledge attributions: If ‘s knows that p’ has the property P, then ‘G knows that p’ has the property P. Subsequently, the three kinds of (...) a group practical knowledge are examined: two summative, i.e. the distributed knowledge and common knowledge, and one non-summative, i.e. the collective group knowledge. This leads, prima facie, to some problems for the two main intellectualist approaches: i) it seems that groups does not have ‘the practical modes of presentation’, and ii) it seems that groups does not have the objectual knowledge. I end with some remarks on the possible solutions to these problems. (shrink)

Diverse epistemologists have proposed this Discriminability Postulate : If S knows that p, then S can discriminate between the case that p and other relevant alternatives. I propose that DP derives from other, more basic postulate, that sees knowledge as providing some Warrant Against the Risk of Error : If S knows that p, then this knowledge confers on S’s belief that p a warrant against the risk of error. The kind of error mentioned in WARE is the error consisting (...) in mistaking the case that p for some of its relevant alternatives. But the possibility of mistaking in that sense entails that the subject has appropriate representational access to the two items that have to be distinguished. The fact that DP derives from WARE provides grounds to think that if DP is true, then the discriminative capacities than it involves are not jeopardized when the subject cannot have representational access to one of the corresponding items. A corollary of this idea is a weakening of DP and a subsequent reduction of its potential to raise sceptical doubts against claims of knowledge. (shrink)

We know that Hans. George Gadamer, in his book Truth and Method substitutes the word ‘Bildung’ for ‘knowledge’. Our attempt to edify ourselves or to edify other persons may refer to the hermeneutic activity or to the inverse of hermeneutic activity, or, it may refer to activity of self-formation. The basic formulation of the question may be expressed in this way: whether there is one way or many ways in which we might be edified. Broadly speaking, different approaches to this (...) basic issue have been formulated differently. But there is an attempt to re-orient the notion of truth as a property of the propositional content to an event or phenomenon with ‘temporal specificity’ which is the result of accepting truth as that which occurs when the interaction between knower and the known object creates a fusion. Hence there is a possibility to reorient the conception of truth as that which occurs when the interaction between knower and the known object creates a fusion two of the achievement of mental pacification. Buddhists tend to see truths as nirvāna. Hence from the perspective of the Pudgalavadin the status of emptiness as a prajnapti would not have hindered it from the category of an ultimate truth. (shrink)

New interpretations of the truth as an attempt to achieve a more efficient test of true knowledge constantly emerge in the philosophy. But postmodernism, is giving up this trend; it does not recognize even the very notion of “truth”, considering it an attribute of the dominant ideology. Truth in postmodernism is, if it exists at all, completely situational. It derives from the given particular conditions and creates man as a reaction to these conditions, whereas the reaction is not necessarily appropriate (...) to them, and is generated by the free play of the imagination, as well. In the post-modern concept of truth, the truth cannot be reduced x. there are no centers and mechanisms and it is in the initial set of meanings and interpretations. Today we are experiencing the need to overcome dogmatic truth and feel the need for flexible quick forms, not dividing, but uniting people. (shrink)

Epistemological problem has been one of the central in philosophy in the post-Soviet area for the last forty years. This sphere of philosophy had less ideological pressure and there were opportunities for a research work. Here, interesting philosophers appeared with their original conceptions who created their own schools. Live discussions were conducted and fruitful links were established with some special sciences such as psychology, history of science, and linguistics. The situation has changed at present. New disciplines have appeared the existence (...) of which in philosophy was impossible, such as political philosophy and philosophy of religion. In essence, the history of Central Asian philosophy has been studied anew. For the irst time it has become possible to discuss seriously those problems related to social philosophy or ethics. In this new situation epistemological problem has become less important. It seems that the main approaches to its solution are known and developed in detail while one cannot say that about the other sections of philosophy. (shrink)

The subject matter of the paper is supposed to be the challenge to the transcendentalist theory of knowledge from the background of the “epistemology naturalized”. The heuristic power and cognitive limits of the naturalistically oriented theory of knowledge will be thoroughly scrutinized. A “strong” and more reasonable “moderate” attitude to eliminative epistemology will be considered. It is argued that the non-intentional re-description of the basic concepts of traditional epistemology in terms of impersonal and non-intentional “information”, “prediction”, “control” paves the way (...) not only to the elimination of the philosophical theory of knowledge, but also to the depreciation of philosophy as such. It will be substantiated that philosophical theory of knowledge cannot be reduced to general theoretical divisions of cognitive sciences. The significance of E. Husserl’s phenomenology as one of the most sophisticated approaches to the study of human reason in maintenance of the basic principles of the philosophical theory of knowledge will be shown. (shrink)

This theory is revealed in terms of existential materialism finding its source in Aristotle’s maxim that philosophy is a study of essential unity of the grounds of being and consciousness. Let me coin a word for this remarkable situation from which the process of cognition starts: “Dabewuβtsein”. New theory still makes use of the old principle of reflection postulating the subject/object dyad. Its metamessage is anti-new-Kantianism, indifferent to the unity mentioned, splitting essence and phenomenon, be it epistemology or its postmodern (...) background. Despite of the recognition of subject/object coincidence turning into their mutual interference in “Dabewuβtsein”, new theory points out that there is not really a dyad, but a triad of cognitive relationship: subject – language – object. To cope with the main gnoseological problem of truth, we offer that not only paradigmatic, but also syntagmatic axis has to be considered. The basic syntagma of gnoseology is contemplation on absolute and relative in true knowledge. (shrink)

Nietzsche’s conception of knowledge, usually known as perspectivism, bears such a resemblance to and has so many points of convergence with the skeptical doctrines that some of his commentators take Nietzsche’s “skepticism” for granted. But Nietzsche was frequently critical to skepticism and aimed to demarcate his own uniqueness towards the skeptical position. We propose to investigate here the similarities as well as the radical differences that separate both doctrines. We sustain that perspectivism is not a reflection on the limits of (...) reason, but a reflection on the incognizable nature of the world itself. Nietzsche’s attitude towards knowledge is not a skeptical doubt, but a suspicion. Unlike doubt, suspicion itself is likely to be included in the set of things under suspicion and he who suspects admits remaining in uncertainty. (shrink)

The tradition of philosophy relies on the hard rationality, which has the standard logic as and its application as its fundamental model. Knowledge and reason are relegated to only two options: hard rationality or irrationality. By attentively studying the history of science and its debates, Dascal comes out with his types of polemics theory. There are two types of polemics that are related to that dichotomized view of rationality: The discussion, guided by hard rationality, and the dispute, the “pathological” debate (...) guided by no rationality. Dascal brings out an alternative via, the controversy. The controversy is able to deal with a range of inquiries from science that remains unsolved, such as those that are inaccurate and uncertain. To be up with this open frame of questions for the debate and to accomplish persuasion, the controversy employs what Dascal calls soft rationality that is about what is reasonable. Aristotle, as it is well-known, presents the hard rationality of science on the Analytics. My aim here is to show that we can find a philosophical support for soft rationality even in the traditional Aristotelian view. (shrink)

In this paper I explore the conflict of philosophical intuitions that makes it hard to get a grip on the nature and scope of first-person knowledge. First, I shall sketch the shape of this disagreement, applying it to a debate between philosophical accounts of self-knowledge and psychological ones. Secondly, I shall argue that philosopher’s current work on self-knowledge opens up an entirely new way of thinking about many of our first-person claims. But while, this new way of thinking is inspired (...) by philosophical considerations, it is driven by psychologist’s empirical findings. I suggest that the philosophical and psychological accounts of self-knowledge can be reconciled; it may simply be a matter of calibrating this debate in terms of the kinds of mental states and processes under consideration, or the kinds of situations in which first-person judgments are made, or the kind of self-judging subject in question. I suggest an emphasis on the claim that more work needs to be done on methodological direction of acquiring self-knowledge that can subsume this psychological work on fist-person error while leaving the inalienable, intentional authority of agents intact. (shrink)

This paper is a contribution to the comparison of – on the one hand – the understanding of knowledge and belief by Bernard J.F. Lonergan, whose philosophy is a version of transcendental philosophy, with – on the other hand – notions of knowledge and belief held by contemporary analytical philosophers. A crucial problem of contemporary analytical epistemology is the question: what is knowledge? Although in epistemology we find different conceptions of knowledge, the basic conception to which discussions appeal is the (...) classical conception of knowledge. This limits knowledge to propositional knowledge, which is defined as justified true belief. The task of the paper is, first, to reconstruct the notion of belief used by B. Lonergan; second, to show how Lonergan’s notion of belief differs from that of analytical philosophers; and third, to show that the Lonerganian notion of belief is not the basic category involved in understanding propositional knowledge as it is understood by analytical philosophers. (shrink)

Any description must take some corresponding stipulation as its premise. All stipulations are formed in the tension between objective basis and subjective needs. This means that description has clear anthropological characteristics and therefore the nature of standard. Description will reach its edge and lose its meaning while it describes the stipulation as the premise of itself. But it will turn into the basic way of development of human description when the description is made on the foundation of a higher level (...) stipulation and goes beyond the original one. Some stipulations are clear and definite, and some others may be implied. It’s the origin of paradoxes that the description conflicts with the implied stipulation as the premise of itself. The basic origin of paradox is the conflict involves stipulation in the description. As for the concrete origins of paradoxes, there are three kinds of mechanisms that descriptions causes the conflicts between stipulations: Description causes the conflicts between the description as a special stipulation itself and the stipulation as the premise of the description itself; Description causes the conflicts between stipulation by interrelating stipulation involve paradox; Description causes the conflicts between stipulation by the adhesion of stipulation; Description causes the conflicts between stipulation by the confusion of stipulation. (shrink)

Marx’s concept of ideology first appeared in the Chinese context as the term “ideal ”; and Marx’s “form of consciousness” was expressed as “ideology” in Chinese. All this come from the initial use of the term in the Japanese version and later the Chinese version of ‘1859 Preface to the Critique of Political Economics’. But interestingly, though Cheng Fangwu was the first to make the German Ideologie correspond directly to the Chinese “ideology” in 1927, during the first half of the (...) 20th century, the main theorists in China theoretical circles as a whole seemed to have a natural tendency to use Marx’s concept of ideology in the name of “ideal form”, and still persisted in understanding Marx’s concept of ideology as form of social consciousness in general instead of as its specific form. (shrink)

Αναπτύσσεται η διδασκαλία του είναι, το πρώτο μέρος της εγελιανής λογικής. Οντολογικά η βασική διαφοροποίηση σε ‘Κάτι και σε Άλλο’ οδηγεί στην ανάπτυξη σύμφυτων τάσεων εντός του αντικειμένου, στην αναδίπλωση και αυτοαναφορά του, με αποτέλεσμα το αντικείμενο να μην είναι όπως φαίνεται έξωθεν, αλλά να αναπτύσσει δυναμική για τον εαυτό του. Έτσι διενεργείται η μετάβαση από την ποσότητα στην ποιότητα αλλά και αντιστρόφως. Επιστημολογικά, επειδή δεν μπορεί να γίνει διείσδυση στο αντικείμενο και η ποιότητα, καθώς και η ποσότητα, φαίνεται κάτι (...) το εξωτερικό, απαιτείται το στάδιο της ουσίας, δηλαδή η αφηρημένη θεώρηση να αντικατασταθεί από συγκεκριμένη και να γίνεται η περιγραφή με βάση καθορισμούς που επισημαίνουν σχέσεις του αντικειμένου με το περιβάλλον. Αν οι καθορισμοί είναι κατάλληλοι, το αντικείμενο συμφωνεί με αυτούς και τους επιβεβαιώνει, οπότε παράγεται η έννοια ως ταυτότητα Είναι και ουσίας, το αυτόνομο ον, που γεφυρώνει υποκείμενο και αντικείμενο. (shrink)

Η ανακοίνωση είναι μία απόπειρα αποσαφήνισης των συνθηκών κατανοησιμότητος των αξιακών μας όρων δια της σύζευξης των διακρινομένων καταστάσεων, δηλαδή του είναι και του δέοντος, στη βάση του πλατωνικού προτύπου που σχηματικά περιγράφεται στον Τίμαιο του Πλάτωνα. Πρόκειται για ένα διαχρονικό, μαθηματικό πρότυπο για την ανθρώπινη πραγματικότητα, την μόνη μέχρι στιγμής τουλάχιστον γνωστή στην οποία συγκλίνουν, συνυπάρχουν και συλλειτουργούν και δη ταυτοχρόνως, οι τρεις κόσμοι, ήτοι ο μικρόκοσμος, ο μακρόκοσμος και το «οπτικά» γνωστό μας ευκλείδειο σύμπαν. Η ανακοίνωση επιδιώκει να (...) συγκροτήσει και να δικαιολογήσει τη διαχρονικότητα του Πλατωνικού προτύπου ως τρόπον τινά «χάρτα» της ανθρώπινης προσωπικότητας. Ήτοι θέλει να δείξει σχηματικά ότι όχι μόνον η συνείδηση και το γεγονός είναι συμπληρωματικές όψεις της ίδιας πραγματικότητας, αλλά να επισημάνει και την παραπληρωματικότητα της υφής των δύο περιεχομένων της συνειδήσεως του ανθρώπου, ήτοι του περιεχομένου της εμπειρικής και της ηθικής. Διότι ο άνθρωπος, μέσω ενός άλλου είδους αρχής, που είναι η κριτική της κριτικής του δύναμης, «λαμβάνει» από τις εμπειρίες της ζωής του το άριστον και το κάλλιστον και δημιουργεί την ηθική πραγματικότητα του ανθρωπίνου βασιλείου πάνω στην οποία εδραιώνεται και λειτουργεί η επιστήμη της ηθικής. (shrink)

Как из идеального мира рождает Бытие? Идеальный мир это единый мир пространств идей, программы – смыслы которых есть проекты событий, создаваемых ноосферой, происходящих в материальный мир. Человек воспринимает, осознаёт и определяет материю, изменяющуюся во времени и пространстве, как существующий трёхмерный материальный мир. Единицами измерения сущего мира являются: объём для пространства, время для энергии и вещество для материи. В упанишадах сказано «Идее, чтобы обнаружить себя, требуется форма». Информация это проекция новой формы идеи. Такое определение слова «информация» вытекает при сложении смыслов нескольких (...) слов. Идея есть ограниченный объём пространства, притягивающий энергию, структурированный программой – смыслом, дающей направление энергии. Потенциальная энергия это движение в замкнутом идеей напряженном объёме пространства. По Платону «хоре». «Хора» - это вечный «третий вид», «не поддающийся разрушению», дающий место или пристанище всему, что рождается на свет; сам он недоступен восприятию…». Материя есть движение «законсервированное» напряжённым пространством идеи вещи. По Ньютону m = F/a. Человек наполняет ноосферу Земли энергией слов и действий, чем в идеальном мире создаёт программы - смыслы будущих событий. (shrink)

We examine Plato’s arguments about the essence of two types of mathematics – mathematics of natural science and mathematics of philosophy –, about the subject-matter of two types of mathematics, the laws of their rise and development during the Modern Times. We also consider the question of essence of the mathematical method of philosophy, its objectives, problems, research tools – Plato’s ideal numbers and the objects of sacral geometry. Further, it is also considered the mathematical method of Pythagorean philosophy and (...) its implementation in Aristotle’s Organon. We then pass over the objectives and problems of the methods of theologians and Holy Fathers of the Church – the method of “septenary” as development of the most ancient concepts about the existence of seven notes-principles and seven whirls of thinking. We proceed with an overview of the history of European philosophy and of the reasons for the attempts to create new mathematical methods of philosophy by Descartes, Spinoza, Leibnitz, and others. We treat the mathematical methods of philosophy of our contemporaries – J. G. Bennett and Drunvalo Melchizedek and the reasons for their appearance, discoveries in physics and psychology. Finally, we suggest our own mathematical method of philosophy as a system of seven equations of identity of cognition and mode of life, as a ladder of ascension from ignorance to the awareness of the Unity. This method combines the approaches of the Pythagorean method and the ideas in Plato’s Timaeus with the method of the “septenary” of the classics of theology and ideas of contemporary science and philosophy. It is a key to the Seven Sacra-ments of the Christian Church. (shrink)

A narrative approach to the teaching of philosophy at the introductory level offers to traditional aged college students, eighteen to twenty one years old, an accessible entrée to philosophical ideas. For many students in the introductory course, this single philosophy course will be their only exposure to philosophy. Through specific reference to three Platonic dialogs and Descartes Meditations it is argued that the presentation of philosophical discipline by way of personal narrative allows an approach that is true to the spirit (...) of the ideas as well as attractive to students at this stage of life. Reference to the settings of these philosophical works and a detailed analysis of the horse trainer analogies in the Platonic dialogs demonstrates the usefulness of this approach. It is further argued that any complete philosophical system will be similarly approachable in this way. (shrink)

Le professeur Kant affirme que la philosophie ne peut être apprise. Comment comprendre ce paradoxe qui sonne comme un défi à tout enseignement de la philosophie? On croit souvent y répondre au moyen de la distinction entre apprendre la philosophie et apprendre à philosopher mise en oeuvre par Kant lui-même mais doit-elle être comprise comme une opposition disjonctive? Et sur quoi au juste porte la réfutation qu’en donne Hegel? Faut-il l’entendre comme un entier refus de l’affirmation kantienne ou comme une (...) critique de la pédagogie qui s’en réclamerait? A partir de l’examen des textes, on montrera sur quoi Kant et Hegel se distinguent et sur quoi ils s’accordent, et on cherchera à déterminer ce qu’est apprendre en éclairant le rapport qui unit le maître et l’élève dans l’acte d’enseignement. (shrink)

L’intention qui anime cette recherche est de comprendre la nature et les conditions d’apparition de l’étonnement philosophique vécu par les élèves des cours de philosophie au pré-universitaire. Ce travail vise à approfondir une réflexion sur les fondements de l’enseignement de la philosophie au pré-universitaire. L’intuition accompagnant cette intention avance qu’à l’origine de l’apprentissage du philosopher se trouve l’expérience de l’étonnement.

The frame of reference of this paper is, university teaching in prisons and the question of this paper is what teaching philosophy there really means. In my experience, it consists of transmitting philosophy as an exercise of thought between the participants of which –teacher and student- occurs an experience of freedom. It is about the paradoxical encounter between these two subjects, who are polarized by unavoidable tensions: political, epistemological, esthetic, existential. If this paradoxical dimension of philosophy is not perceived and (...) we take for granted that it can and must be taught, we run the risk of abandoning it. Added to these tensions, there are others which are inherent to contexts of imprisonment, where the public University has been building an inclusive space- concrete end symbolic-within the marginalization of prison confinement. The students “deprived of their freedom” are the ones who declare they feel free when they approach philosophy, while inhabiting prison environment. This paradox confirms the above mentioned: tension is a condition for the possibility of philosophy, because, far from limiting it, it is its own life. The transmission of philosophy always needs an emancipating teacher; but if they teach in prisons, they should be free both from intellectual and moral superiority feelings or attitudes. This requirement – maybe the most difficult- is sine qua non, if we want philosophy to have an emancipating effect within prison confinement. (shrink)

We are currently developing a short, online ethics course that attempts to teach students why well-intentioned people act unethically and what students can do to decrease the likelihood that they will find themselves in the middle of an ethical crisis in the future. Most of the well-known case studies in professional ethics textbooks concern ethical failures that do not involve difficult ethical choices. When our students read these case studies, it is not difficult for them to determine what went wrong (...) or what the players in the cases ought to have done. And students don’t need to read Kant or Mill to make these determinations. Importantly, the agents who acted wrongly usually seem to be ethical people. Rarely do cases involve moral monsters. In a similar vein, most cases of research misconduct are cut-and-dry, and most of our students who plagiarize did not enroll in the course intending to plagiarize. Rather, something went wrong. Professional ethics classes neglect to address an important practical question: Why do well-intentioned people find themselves in the middle of ethical crises and how can our students decrease the likelihood that they will find themselves in an ethical crisis in the future? We are developing a course that answers this question. Our course is built around the findings of John Dorris and other situationists. After teaching our students about situationism, we teach them a two-level theory of cognition that may help them avoid acting unethically. (shrink)

The PRINCONSER method has been developed based on the need for conservation of human beings and human society as a whole. It is a philosophical method that seeks to integrate both philosophy and science. Both philosophy and science are human knowledge. The PRINCONSER method has ontological, epistemological, axiological and philosophical anthropology foundations. Applications of this method are related to its foundations: The ontological foundation has application in philosophy. The epistemological foundation has application in science. The axiological foundation has application in (...) education and culture of behaviour. And philosophical anthropology has application in human sciences. Today humanity follows the way of self-destruction. The first problem is the breach on the three levels of human organization: individual, society, humanity. These three levels of disintegration are a reflection of human knowledge disintegration. Therefore, to address the global problems of the twenty-first century, we need to integrate human knowledge in a philosophical system. The fundamental instrument for the integration of human knowledge is the philosophical method. (shrink)

El tema de la enseñanza y el aprendizaje de la filosofía se plantea a tenor de las siguientes preguntas: ¿es necesaria la enseñanza de la filosofía?, ¿hacen falta herramientas de análisis, crítica y reflexión para la configuración de las sociedades democráticas de hoy? Estudios actuales de la UNESCO dan una idea acerca del estado de la enseñanza de la filosofía en el mundo, al tiempo que permiten analizar las posibilidades educativas de la filosofía como instancia indispensable para la configuración de (...) ciudadanos formados, más allá de la pura información, al servicio de la cual, hoy en día, se encuentran tecnologías como Internet; repositorio ingente de datos. Enseñar filosofía por un lado y aprender a filosofar por otro sitúan a los actores en la perspectiva de lo propiamente humano; el análisis, la crítica y la reflexión frente a las más diversas problemáticas, esto parece haber sido la filosofía en el pasado y esto mismo parece mantenerla viva en el presente en la certeza de que existirá, mientras haya necesidad de individuos que como seres humanos requieran de formación, además de la elemental y simple información. (shrink)

This paper describes and discusses the philosophical underpinnings of teaching business philosophy. Management textbooks and curricula are dominated by a “managerialistic” logic or ideology according to which rational planning, prediction and control is the basis of managerial power and legitimacy. Critics have made clear that this conception of rationality is reductionist. But the critique often dismisses rationality altogether as the failed project of the Enlightenment. My paper will argue that rationality should be seriously engaged with in management education, but that (...) such a serious engagement will illuminate business rationality as a multi-faceted concept. Thus, teachers of Business Philosophy should not be in the “trade” of promoting managerialism, neither in the “trade” of diminishing it. Rather, illuminating business rationality as a multi-faceted concept, allows us to teach Business Philosophy in a theoretical fruitful and ethically engaged manner that challenges us to see rationality as a form of activity or labor. (shrink)

Inasmuch as the mind of modern man is affected by a lot of factors which in their own turn are connected with new tendencies of the world development, the system of factors could be used to impersonate some constructs of modern way of thinking of growing generation. The transitions to new ideals of man is contemporaneous with the formation of new paradigms of thinking, so the development of contemporary life, respectively, is followed by man’s changing identity. It seems that education (...) of multi-dimensional man is one of the most important perspectives for the 21st century. On the other hand, the changing process of cultural education and globalization as well as iincreasing climate changes and the intense development of digital technologies cause new challenges for teaching content. The creatively oriented curriculum appears to meet the needs of 21st century learners, offering opportunities for education of multi-dimensional man. The author is convinced that the education of understanding a multi-dimensional man should be able to foster good traditions of cultural continuity, cultural dialogue with the past, cultural awareness as well as be able to increase the senses of responsibility, respect and other associated features. (shrink)

John Stuart Mill argued that we should treat every person’s happiness as of equal importance, being strictly impartial. My students react negatively to this, understandable insisting that they rightly love their own family and friends more than others. It is one reason they resist Mill’s utilitarianism. In this paper I explore how to teach the idea of loving your neighbor as yourself as a continually transcending ideal, citing sacred texts from world religions as well as Mill and Kant.

Beginning with Plato’s cave and Aristotle’s tower thought experiments represent a very old and often intriguing genre of philosophical writing. On the other side, neurophysiologic research on brain learning theories shows clearly that learning processes are more intense and more sustainable, if they engage the individual in autonomous activities. In this contribution the author who was member of a commission to plan, introduce and organize a school subject called “Practical Philosophy” in all types of secondary schools in NRW, suggests thought (...) experiments as a method of stimulating critical and autonomous philosophical thinking. This is not only meant as a preparation of earnest philosophical studies, but can help to develop an attitude in order to enrich philosophical cultures of thinking and arguing as well. (shrink)

The understanding and reflection about the theory of the Critique of the Pure Reason generated intellectual tensions in regard to the rigor and precision of the structure of the theory. The effort was in depth and of conceptual precision. The knowledge of the experience or empirical knowledge, is also called, a posteriori knowledge. This concept was deepened in the sense that the experience doesn’t originate all knowledge. The kind of knowledge that is absolutely independent of all experience is called a (...) priori. In regard to judgments another difference was introduced: analytic and synthetic. (shrink)

Starting from Kant’s well-known dictum which has become a topos in the professional didactic of teaching philosophy the author presents on the one hand the underlying approach to philosophy which is not limited to one particular philosophical school or to school in general, but, inspired by everyday life, focuses on the conditio humana. On the other hand, she delineates the underlying concept of teaching and learning as having dialogue character, as a process guided by reason and argument, which is related (...) both to the topic under discussion and to the persons involved. This approach is developed in Socratic-centered professional didactics which derive their inspiration from the conversation tradition of L. Nelson and G. Heckmann. The paradigm of this form of dialogue is developed in the constitutive elements of the market place in its fourfold universality, building upon the experience of the subject, the anti-dogmatic character in content and method, the self-assurance of reason as the court of appeal and above all maieutics, which dispenses with competitive behavior in discussion and establishes a sympathetic and tolerant culture of debate; the manner of substantiation by means of the “Regressive Method ofion” is in every way as specific as consensus about the truth of a sentence formulated by the group – the ideal ever to be pursued. These constitutive elements are analysed individually with a view to making use of the Socratic dialogue approach in schools, the aim being to underline the opportunities they offer young people to learn what fruitful and unambiguous philosophizing means. (shrink)

This article argues that a social constructivist approach to teaching critical reasoning is reductionist because it sees knowledge construction predominantly as a rational process of critical reflection. Research in adult education and theories of learning indicates that social constructivism fails educational practices. These studies suggest that this is the result of focusing too narrowly on cognitive knowledge. However, I argue that, while the impact of socio-cultural realities and political power structures on epistemological paradigms and educational practices cannot be ignored, social (...) constructivism falls short of taking into account embodied everyday experiences that form the vital context within which sense-making takes place. The article challenges social constructivism in maintaining that teaching and learning critical reasoning is a fully embodied process, inseparable from the experiential life-world of the learner that co-emerges with the complex structures of the environment. Following an enactivist approach, I propose a revisiting of the current social constructivist teaching paradigm so as to reconsider the question of how we learn things and to understand the process whereby meanings are created not only rationally, but also across multidimensional contexts and complex situations in which learners operate and of which they form an integral part. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to investigate the arguments in favor of philosophical education in the dimension of the political, namely, the significance of teaching philosophy for the sake of modern liberal and democratic state. The main reference points are the ideas of Jurgen Habermas and Martha Nussbaum, as representatives of different philosophical traditions and attentive observers of modern societies, who discussed these issues. Firstly, the concern expressed by Habermas with regard to the processes observed in western societies causing (...) the instrumental rationality to take over the lifeworld is being presented. Secondly, more specific issue, is being discussed - an issue described in the works of Nussbaum, concerning connections between teaching curricula and requirements of citizenship. The last part of the paper presents arguments in favor of a thesis that inclusion of philosophy courses in educational programs is of fundamental significance for preserving crucial values of modern liberal democratic states. (shrink)

Με δεδομένη τη δύσκολη κατάσταση του μαθήματος της φιλοσοφίας στη δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση, παρουσιάζεται μια πρόταση διδασκαλίας φιλοσοφικά αποδεκτή και παιδαγωγικά νόμιμη, εφόσον, αφενός, δεν προδίδει την ουσία της φιλοσοφίας ως «δημιουργικής ελευθερίας του φιλοσοφείν» και, αφετέρου, εμπνέεται από τα σύγχρονα δεδομένα της παιδαγωγικής επιστήμης. Διάλογος και πολυφωνία, στο πλαίσιο διερευνητικών και συνεργατικών διαδικασιών μάθησης, με την υιοθέτηση ενός νέου τύπου γραμματισμού και τη χρήση των δυνατοτήτων που παρέχει η τεχνολογία, σε συνδυασμό με την ερμηνευτική προσέγγιση φιλοσοφικών κειμένων, μπορούν να υπηρετήσουν (...) αποτελεσματικά τους βασικούς στόχους της φιλοσοφικής στοιχείωσης, ανανεώνοντας συγχρόνως το ενδιαφέρον των εκπαιδευτικών και καθιστώντας το μάθημα ελκυστικό για τους μαθητές. (shrink)

Στην παρούσα ανακοίνωση θα επικεντρωθούμε στο θέμα της χρήσης ψηφιακών εργαλείων στη διδακτική πρακτική της φιλοσοφίας στη Δευτεροβάθμια Εκπαίδευση στη θεωρητική θεμελίωσή της. Η φιλοσοφία και η διδασκαλία της με τη χρήση ψηφιακών εργαλείων σε πολλές περιπτώσεις θεωρούνταν ασύμβατες. Ωστόσο, όπως συμβαίνει και σε κάθε άλλο γνωστικό αντικείμενο, η διδασκαλία της φιλοσοφίας μπορεί να συνδυαστεί με τις τεχνολογίες της πληροφορίας και της επικοινωνίας1. Άλλωστε η διδακτική προσέγγιση των μαθημάτων στη σημερινή εκπαιδευτική πραγματικότητα έχει τροποποιηθεί, ακολουθώντας τις εξελίξεις μίας εποχής αδιαμφισβήτητα (...) τεχνολογικής. (shrink)

Практика преподавания логики позволяет выделить комплекс проблем, связанных с определением ее возможностей и границ в рамках развития науки в целом. Вопрос обоснования логики - это вопрос о природе логического. Какой наукой она является теоретической или эмпирической, имеет ли она собственный базис? Можно ли оценивать законы мышления как абсолютно объективные или необходимо включение субъекта познавательной деятельности в обоснование логических систем? Классическое понимание проблемы правильности и истинности сегодня также является недостаточным. Современная познавательная ситуация требует разработки и преподавания логики не только как теории (...) рассуждений, а прежде всего как основы познавательных сеток, которые позволяют человеку конструировать новые теоретические модели мира. Такое понимание места и роли классической логики в системе современного знания позволяет установить связь между собственными проблемами логики и теми вопросами, которые представляют особый интерес для современной науки. (shrink)

Harmony is one of the most important philosophical categories in Chinese Taoism and the practice of Tao in the life of Lao Tzu. It emphasizes the unity of Heaven and Earth, humans, all creatures, society, physical and mental substance. By the demonstration and exposition of many Taoist scholars, Harmony has been greatly extended to the social field, and has been very useful in the development of effective programs to manage conflicts among persons, organizations and states. According to Lao Tzu, Harmony (...) could be achieved by returning back into the power of an infant, since an infant is capable to be peaceful, harmonious, soft and natural. Thus, an infant possesses and manifests the greatest morality. (shrink)

Most scholars accept the proposition that the doctrine of the “Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove” was inherited from Chuang-Tzu school. However, most of them believe that Hsiang-Hsiu and Kso-Hsiang’s commentary on Chuang-Tzu flourished Chuang-Tzu’s doctrine in Wei-Chin period. This paper argues that Hsi-Kang’s thought was of great significance, when we make use of “realistic sentiments” connect the thought of Hsi-Kang and Chuang-Tzu together. This paper highlights the significance of Hsi-Kang for the rise of Chuang-Tzu school in Wei-Chin period. Firstly, (...) Hsi-Kang was concerned with individual life and longed for the freedom of the individual as a way to “transcend norms and be obedient to self-nature” in order to explore the spirit of the times. Secondly, by stating that to “transcend norms and be obedient to one’s own mind”, I thereby illuminate that Hsi-Kang appropriated Chuang-Tzu’s doctrine to include a vision of heaven and earth thinking and hoping for breaking through the plight of reality, and thus to develop an open mind. Finally, by Hsi-Kang’s reflection on the traditional functional viewpoint on music, I will explain how Hsi-Kang’s doctrine of “three voice” fable, states that “natural harmony of sound, and unrelated human feelings” can restore the free space of music and art. (shrink)

According to Daoism, the Dao offers a macro-perspective of observing life, illustrates the whole life from the beginning to the end, and answers the question about the ultimate meaning of life. At the same time, it presents methods for achieving the ultimate value, the core of which is to use the living system of light and sound and, gradually, to integrate with the Dao.

I argue that the right to solidarity may be understood as the negative right not to be hindered by social vulnerabilities in the exercise of citizen rights. I define social vulnerabilities as those vulnerabilities that result from structures of society. As a negative right, the right to solidarity shifts attention away from what is necessary for basic flourishing, and toward what is social structures that hinder full participation in other civic or political obligations and rights.

In her paper the author analyzes the role of cultural traditions in social transformation of post-Soviet societies. On example of post-socialist transformation of Belarus, she demonstrates the factors that have been dampening and obstruct the post-industrial reforms. Among them specifies the following: the destruction of traditional values through the introduction of modernist political ideology inconsistent with the national culture, political repression against the social groups supporting national religion and cultural traditions, a large-scale urbanization in an agrarian country by totalitarian political (...) practices, establishment of the repressive social institutions responsible for the social alienation and the suppression of civil initiatives. The author shows that the consequences of this transformation became a crisis of morality, disintegration of the family, deficiency of social trust, and collapse of a civil society, able to mobilize for reforms. Annihilation of cultural tradition turned into inability of the modern Belarusian society to find their own civilizational identity in the global world. As a result, the answer to the challenge of globalization was the establishment of an authoritarian state, compensating the lack of civil society and social solidarity. (shrink)

Die Theorie der Anerkennung gilt gegenwärtig als einer der zentralen Ansätze für die Weiterentwicklung und normative Grundlegung kritischer Gesellschaftstheorie. In dem vorliegenden Beitrag will ich in Auseinandersetzung mit zentralen Schwierigkeiten der Konzeption Honneths zeigen, inwiefern ein an der Sozialphilosophie des Pragmatismus orientierter Begründungsweg weiterführend sein kann, um die damit verbundenen Ansprüche auch tatsächlich einlösen zu können. Weil in Honneths Theorie das positive Selbstverhältnis, das über Formen wechselseitiger Anerkennung gesichert und stabilisiert werden soll, allein selbstbezüglich gefasst ist, droht gleichgültig zu werden, (...) in welchen sozialen Kontexten ein solches Selbstverhältnis konkret erzeugt wird. Die anerkennende Bestätigung dieser Selbstverständnisse, mag dann, weil sie bestehende Erwartungshaltungen erfüllt, die psychische Integrität der Adressaten schützen, sie bestätigt jedoch in diesem Falle auch die bestehenden Machtverhältnisse, in deren Rahmen sie ausgebil-det wurden. Im Rahmen eines pragmatistischen Ansatzes ist Anerkennen stattdessen nicht als Bestätigung vorgängiger Identitätsansprüche, sondern als ein sozialer Prozess zu verstehen, in dessen Verlauf bestimmte praktische Selbstverhältnisse realisiert, als realisierte durch ihre sozialen Folgen in eine Krise geführt, vor diesem Hintergrund kritisch reflektiert und schließlich überwunden werden. Erst auf der Grundlage einer solchen wechselseitigen Kritik können sich die Akteure über ihre handlungsleitenden Grundannahmen und Dispositionen aufklären. Der Begriff gelingender Anerkennung muss sich dann darauf beziehen, wie dieser Prozess der Erfahrung, in dem bestehende Selbstverständnisse und institutionell stabilisierte Handlungsformen hinterfragt und neu gebildet werden, in sinnvoller Weise organisiert werden kann. Während zudem in der honnethschen Konzeption legitime Sozialkritik an gesellschaftlich etablierte Kriterien des Anerkennens gebunden bleibt, können diese Kriterien in dem vorgeschlagenen begrifflichen Rahmen in dem Maße problematisiert werden, in dem sie die Weiterentwicklung eines so verstandenen Erfahrungsprozesses blockieren. (shrink)

The aim of my presentation is to show that the impact of knowl­edge on the present society is less than one believes. The means is the focus on a special form of knowledge-wisdom. First, I circumscribe the concept of wisdom from the standpoint of opposite as well as close notions. The fact of two levels on which the concept has been conceived is especially highlighted: that of a fragmented and separated cognisance and manners to manage one’s own existence whether this (...) entity is an individual person or a small or large community and that of an integrated wisdom of humanity in a holistic approach. These two levels of wisdom manifest in both the popular culture and in the history of social sciences and humanities. The second part questions the experience of life as the origin of wisdom. The point is that, on the one hand, this experience is incommunicable, and on the other hand, the human knowledge is accumulating. This problem of communication of wisdom is inquired in order to emphasise the social constraints that enframe the manifestation of wisdom/wise life at both the individual and social level. (shrink)

Since World War II social theory has generated two major critical analyses of science as a social phenomenon: that of the Frankfurt School, and of Science and Technology Studies. These academic efforts grew out of a broader movement in Western societies in the decades following the war to reach a better accommodation between science and society, motivated by deep-seated popular anxieties about the challenges posed by the advance of science and technology. In this paper, I first examine the overlooked parallels (...) between these two academic efforts, and go on to explain why they would in the end prove fruitless, indeed somewhat self-defeating. The explanation points to the instrumentalist and constructivist conception of science shared by the two schools which would eventually play into the hands of the “entrepreneurial university” and the commodification of science. (shrink)

The transition from one historical epoch to another is governed by the certain “turning point” in progressive development of the society. It implies necessarily a change of the concept of time – the author defines it as “tempogramma” – as a way of arrangement of different events in the individual’s life activity and in the life activity of social groups. In accordance with tempogramma an individual and social groups are “included” into the era’s “new time” which should be “their time”. (...) Tempogramma determines “life’s perspective” of an individual and of social groups. The particular concepts of time are distinguished in the configuration of tempogramma as the whole: directedness of time, time of initiation, time of judgment, historical time, time synchronization. Distinguished par-ticular concepts of time are invariants in the sense that they must be present in any tempogramma. The transition from one historical epoch to another is impossible without change of the dominant type of tempogramma; in frame of such type of tempogramma the only thing is possible – a mass consolidation of «diverse» characteristics of the society. The author distinguishes mythological, religious, and scientific types of tempogramma as common types. Culturally the lawfulness of such typology is partly determined according with a typology of world view. But more important reason of lawful introduction of tempogramma of common types is that each type of tempogramma differs fundamentally from others in the distinguished invariants. (shrink)

Any human activity can be easily presented as a chain of preparing, making and implementing decisions. The importance of decision-making for social philosophy is due to their role in the life of society and the single individual. The decision is an event which is socially conditioned; it integrates knowledge, interests and the world-view of the person. In the modern world, risk is a feature of everyday life and affects everyone. The choice of a decision in the conditions of risk is (...) usually based on a certain model of rational behavior, which highlights the question of what actions can be considered rational. The answer to this question presupposes certain philosophical and methodological foundations. Philosophy in this case performs an integrating function, combining approaches of various disciplines on the one hand, and forming a common conceptual basis on the other. The paper presents the author’s methodological position that risk is always related to the agent and decisions that he or she makes. In the conditions of risk there always is a quantitative evaluation of the decision’s consequences which is not possible in the conditions of uncertainty, and this is the key factor in distinguishing risk and uncertainty. The author provides justification for the thesis that decision-making in the conditions of risk is not an agent’s confrontation with circumstances beyond their control but a conscious and rational choice. The author also shows the importance of procedural rationality for decision preparation and making. (shrink)

Since Hegel, Fichte’s theory is called subjective idealism. The theory is divided into a theoretical part and a practical part. The concept of need is very important. It functions as the bridge between the two parts of the overall theory, which literally builds on the concept. The concept of need is different from the concept of drive in Fichte. Since the drive is found in the ‘pure I’, it can’t be fulfilled. Through experience, need which derive from the drive can (...) be satisfied. According to the moral law, the class of scholars should make men acquainted with their true needs and direct their future needs, and also function as the means for satisfying those needs. Only then can society be improved in orienting itself toward the goal of total unity. (shrink)

The authors estimate up-to-date communicative situation as a crisis one and it is revealed in this article. The problem of intercourse in the sphere of total communication is dramatic. The progressing growth of the world of It happens simultaneously with reduction of I-You relations at the expense of it. Loneliness turns into a global problem of a modern man and raises a question how to overcome this condition practically, which are the methods to overcome it, what thing they depend on, (...) what their in-fluence on an individual is. Deformation of the communicative world causes special method of self-organization of intercourse by this or that display of compensatory intercourse which has reciprocal value and unpredictable re-sults. Particular concern under the conditions of up-to-date communicative situation causes illusive compensatory processes in the sphere of communi-cation that provides forming social communities with negative direction and oriented at illusive self-affirmation and primitive hedonism. We believe that comprehensive understanding of compensatory intercourse allows mastering its productive forms, promoting all-round individual development, clarifies the ways of performing of transzensus from illusive forms of self-affirmation to dialogic self-affirmation, by performing the ways of “direct compensation” by the means of communication to “overcompensation”. (shrink)

В нашем докладе мы рассматриваем феноменологический концепт «жизненный мир». Наиболее подробно понятие «жизненный мир» анализируется в творчестве немецкого философа Эдмунда Гуссерля. Для Гуссерля, анализ данного понятия открывает философам пути выхода из кризиса, в котором оказалась наука. Этот кризис заключался в том, что новые полученные знания все больше стали отдаляться от жизненных приоритетов и смыслов обычных людей. Во времена жизни Гуссерля наука сделала большой шаг в своем развитии и негативным аспектом данного процесса стал разрыв между миром науки и жизненным миром человека. (...) Для людей, новые открытия совершенные в начале века, к примеру, исследования свойств атома, являлись очень трудными для понимания. Обычные граждане не видели и не в полной мере осознавали, какую пользу и влияние могут оказать эти новые открытия на их жизнь. Именно поэтому, Гуссерль поставил своей задачей, всесторонний анализ концепта «жизненный мир». В дальнейшем, особую роль в данном исследования сыграл ученик Гуссерля Альфред Шюц. А. Шюц создал новое направление в исследовании социальных процессов – социальную феноменологию. Целью данного направления было исследование: как формируются социальные и культурные смыслы, как осуществляется процесс понимания между людьми и каким образом осуществляется трансляция жизненного опыта от одного поколения к другому. А также, изучение механизмов работы человеческого сознания. (shrink)

In this paper, I propose to undertake the following four things: first, I want briefly to point up the fractured state of western society which, according to many commentators, has permitted individualism to thrive unchecked and left collective well-being to wither. Second, I wish to rehearse the broad Aristotelian argument that human beings are essentially social animals, and that, therefore, human flourishing is best undertaken in social gatherings or communities. This, then, leads to the third, and main argument that the (...) fashioning of a particular way of life is likely to aid human flourishing, and one of the best accounts of just such a way of life is to be found in the works of the French philosopher, Pierre Hadot. My concern is to offer a analysis of Hadot’s overall thesis which rests on the recasting of certain ancient spiritual exercises as four ‘learnings-to’: learning to live, learning to die, learning to dialogue, and learning to read. Fourth, and last, I wish to say something about the central and iconic figure that embodies these spiritual exercises, namely, Socrates. In so doing, I hope to demonstrate that Socrates’ example of how to live a life is central to our current concerns, and that the reasons for actions in contemporary society may be derived from what I call ‘the Socratic imperative’: a transformation of the self, and a counter-cultural critique which aims at the transformation of society. (shrink)

My paper will deal with the contribution of philosophy to peace building. It provides a review of the peace concept in the works of Erasmus, a positive definition of the peace concept and an introduction of two important tools for peace building: philosophical counselling and Socratic dialogue. In line with Erasmus, I will define peace as a quality of friendship. I will distinguish an individual, social and political aspect of the peace concept and argue that we should integrate these different (...) aspects of the peace concept in order to build peace. Dialogue seems to be the connecting substance. Philosophical practice can be the tool for shaping this substance by individual counselling or Socratic group dialogue. Philosophical practice originated in the 20th century. With a social utility in mind philosophers started counselling individual persons or moderating groups again. They criticised academic philosophy as being too theoretical and too detached from everyday life and revitalized a style of philosophy, as practiced by Socrates, Seneca, Erasmus, Descartes and many others in the history of philosophy. With respect to peace building, philosophical counselling helps individuals to deal with personal themes or problems in life and the Socratic method structures dialogue so that peace can be discussed in a rational way. Both serve attitude building and provide a philosophical experience important for peace building. As morale, I like to propose a variant of a famous saying of Erasmus, “Dulcis pax expertis”, i.e., “peace is only sweet for those who know it by experience”. I think that philosophical practice can provide us with such an experience. (shrink)

An emerging approach to research is gaining ground with the aim to produce usable knowledge, able to support adaptation decisions, provide straightforward estimates of uncertainty, and meet the needs of climate sensitive sectors. An approach that implies collaboration among researchers, stakeholders and outreach specialists, gathered to develop not only a scientific contribution, but to offer a renewed appreciation of the relationships between knowledge, nature and society. What are the epistemic features of this new approach to knowledge production? How can Philosophy (...) of Science help to conceptualize these new trends of research practices now emerging and consolidating, a trend where social scientists are not only invited to participate but to play an essential role? This presentation1 distinguishes two main senses of the concept of co-production, both playing an important elucidative function in current philosophical accounts and revisions of the relationships between science and society, human and natural systems, triggered by these new trends. One focusing on the articulation of talents, perspectives and values needed to produce new types of knowledge, and the other on the intertwined transformations of identities, institutions, languages and discourses that characterize the workings of science and technology within society. (shrink)

The paper will draw on Foucault’s the last College de France lectures of to present his exploration of Cynic self-transformative practices and self-subjectivizing “ways of living” associated with social and political transfor-mation of ontology - of “life” and not just the “world” - as politics of difference, otherness, and alterity. For Foucault subjectivity is a historical production shaped through discursive practices immersed with social practices, where the transcription of power relations reflects various forms of governmentality as well as different “regimes” (...) and “dispositifs”, combining various techniques, mechanisms, relations, effects etc.. Subjectivity is not a socially fixed determinate product but “techniques of living” that provide the foundation for the social and discursive practices and subjectivization and self-subjectivization processes, but as a foundational horizon that is open, contingent, and always shifting. Foucault’s late focus on the “care of the self” and “parrhesia” not only complements his analyses of regimes of truth or of mechanisms, techniques, processes, and powers associated with various forms of governmentality, but provides the final chapter of his social and political ontology. (shrink)

Social recognition and social identity are closely related phenomena. Today we tend to understand them – with reference to Hegel – as a dialectical coherence, which is prominently the case in critical theory. However, the Hegelian dialectic did not survive after Hegel, and we now have two very different components of it that are both interesting as well as challenging. One is the figure of overall development of the entire society, which is predominant in the kind of dialectic thinking – (...) and thus the notions of recognition and identity – to be found in critical theory. The other is the notion of concreteness that refers to the presence and density of historicity in our situated experience and contextual practices. The concreteness of recognition and identity, it is argued, is a topic of immediate sense and taken-for-granted meaning, i.e., of aisthesis and institution, which is more directly addressed in the corporeal phenomenology. (shrink)

Рассматривается содержание протестного сознания в современной России, которое характеризуется как сознание со смещенным объектом: реальные страхи вытесняются и замещаются фантазмами, грезами, бредокомплексами и т.п. Сознание невротизируется как на стороне «верхов», так и «низов» общества. Вводится понятие ипохондрического кордона как социального синдрома, сформированного разного рода социальными фобиями. Сознание без-участности обусловлено, прежде всего, отсутствием в обществе удовлетворительной философии труда. Место фигуры Рабочего заняли фигуры криминалитета, гламура, анархизма, социальной дикости и варварства.

In this paper, I aim to identify the different cognitive, contextual and social values involved in epidemiological research on Chagas disease. As it is considered as a ‘neglected tropical disease’ by the World Health Organization, I will try to unfold the many senses of ‘neglected’ and in which sense different non-cognitive values can be manifested in research on this disease through a pluralism of disciplines and methods. The point of departure of this investigation is a model that explains the dynamics (...) of scientific activity. The model is the one developed by Hugh Lacey, based on the notion of strategies of research, in which scientific research has to be socially framed. I will try to show that the social, political and economic conditions of certain populations, which define their ‘neglected’ character, constitute a perspective that needs to be considered in epidemiological research. Finally, this perspective is defined in the moment of adoption of strategies of research that reflects the social and ethical values adopted by scientists in Chagas disease investigations. (shrink)

Russian social consciousness contains a number of specific archetype images and priority mythological plots which have both a direct and indirect influence on attitude of Russians. The myth about the Hero is of current importance in times of crisis or in transition period. The “powerful hand” can save miraculously the nation from troubles and “put it on the right track”. Archaic character of Russian social myth is manifested in the forms of political myths which fully correspond to ancient heroic chart (...) of the good and evil struggle. A political hero has to solve irresoluble problems, he has no real past, his personal life, human weaknesses, and all these have a mythological analog, specially created in accordance with the society’s expectations. Identification social myths become apparent most of all during the crisis periods, when the destruction of one important socio-cultural myth, which ideologically ties together all society structures, is taken place. Nowadays, the Russian consciousness is differentiated rather significantly and disintegrated, and Russian public consciousness looks like a certain many-voiced discourse which includes conceptions strikingly differed from each other on nature of Russia and its population. (shrink)

В докладе проводиться феноменологический анализ понятия власти с целью определения исследуемого понятия и прогнозирования содержательных линий социального управления на основе проведенного анализа. Согласно авторской концепции, власть - это социальный феномен, проявляемый в процессе социального управления с целью материально, информационного или энергетического воздействия на социальных субъектов, результатом которого является их объективация и полное либо частичное подчинение.

Основной тезис выступления в идее существования предпосылок межнациональных коллизий вне сферы национально-этнических отношений, в самой социумной жизни. Они заложены в мире идеального, сознания и образов, раскрывающих смысл личностного и социумного бытия, живут относительно самостоятельной жизнью, воспринимаемые каждым поколением как данность, имеющую метафизическую природу и ценность. Метафизические идеи воспринимаются человеком как объективные качества бытия, придающие смысл жизни и деятельности человека. Таковыми феноменами, ставшими метафизическими предпосылками национально-этнической конфликтности являются идеи Свободы, Равенства и Справедливости. Их превращение в идеальные феномены, стимулирующие конфликтность и в (...) итоге кризисность социума является следствием усилий распространить абстрактный идеал межличностных отношений на сосуществование и отношения надличностных образований, в том числе и национально-этнических общностей. Необходимым и возможным решением сложившейся проблемы является ограничение и конкретизация содержания понятий свободы, равенства и справедливости в общественном сознании и на законодательном уровне. Приори-тетной при этом, является возвращение государства, с государственными законами в сферу межнациональных отношении. Без принятия на себя роли арбитра государством, который вырабатывает нормы сосуществования народов сфера межнациональных отношении будет источником угрозы для целостности страны. Государство, его сила и бессилие играет в этих проблемах решающую роль. (shrink)

My theses are the following: 1) Bergson’s open society excessively maximizes the concept of an open society. Contrary to Bergson’s view, Popper’s open society excessively minimized the concept of an open society. Both maximized and minimized models need to be reexamined. 2) It is fanaticism that is the enemy of a 21st century open society, while historicism was the enemy of 21st century open society. Fanaticism has erupted in the appearances of religious fundamentalism, closed nationalism, and political populism. 3) Fanaticism (...) starts first from believing a certain doctrine. Fanaticism, itself does not possess a certain doctrine nor possess any specific content. It does not matter if it is any religious doctrine, racial or ethnic doctrine. Second, fanaticism has the believer blindly believing and practicing it, so it does not allow any critical attitude. Third, it does not accept any other doctrines. The world is viewed in a dichotomous way, in which one doctrine is regarded as the only good and all the others are evil. 4) The features of fanaticism are dogmatism and exclusion. I insist that both features are fatal obstacles threatening mankind’s civilization in the 21st century. (shrink)

World War II had ended in splitting Korea in half between the Soviet Union and the United States. Thereafter, the Unification of the two countries of Korea reveals a continuing major obsession of Koreans on both sides of the demarcation line. In a philosophical perspective, the Korean Unification will also be a long journey, marching to democratic republicanism. The indigenous blossom of the Korean Democracy started from the Dong-hak Peasant Revolution in 1894, which was an enlightened attempt to it, but (...) thwarted by Japanese intrusion. The second phase was the 3.1 Independence Movement in 1919, which developed into the unfinished republican revolution for the recuperation of sovereignty in a modern sense. The third stage was the Korean Emancipation in 1945 that ended in an incomplete half emancipation which divided into two Koreas. In this sense, the future Korean Unification should fulfill another half remained. Thus, it would not be an option, but an imperative to Koreans to accomplish Unification. In consideration both of our modern history of democratic republicanism and the current globalization throughout the world, this achievement of Unification should be done in the principle of acronym SMART which represents the Korean Unification as a creation of new international peace paradigm of North Eastern Asia, including the Pacific Rim power-nations. (shrink)

Since the Opium War, China has changed its society from traditional agricultural civilization to a modern industrial society. Compared with other countries’ transition from an agricultural society to an industrial society, China’s modernized reforming has something in common. That is why the powerfully marked agricultural civilization and the constantly changed international environment make China’s social transition having unique features. First, it is a long time for the process of the social transition. Second, the process of social transition is extremely complicated. (...) Third, social conflicts tend to be sharpened during the period of social transition. Last, the process and completion of social transition is quite tough. (shrink)

This article analyses the process of the foundation of the Czech state and its national self-identification throughout history. For this purpose the author mentions the three key periods: the Czech Reformation, Habsburg’s pe-riod and the 20th century in Czech history. These events are closely connected with the past of the Czech lands demonstrating the difficulties of coexistence between the Czechs and the other nations as well as the way the Czech people behaved under the political oppression: they have permanently desired (...) to sustain their own culture, language and independence. The main question of the study is how Czech people managed to preserve national identification and to create a self-sufficient state despite the external influences. According to the author`s opinion, those influence and political dependence throughout almost 500 years were the important factor that helped the Czechs to appreciate their uniqueness and to protect it from the foreign invaders. The concrete ways of this process are analyzed in the article. (shrink)

The paradigm of spatial paradigm is a derivative of the developing mentality structures and universal description of epistemological and ontological aspects of human existence, social space and its structures. It provides internalization of external conditions, of forms of social and cultural life, and externalization of schemes of perception and action, as a series of simple shapes of increasing dimensions: a point, a line, a square, a pyramid. The development of social space and its structures is associated with the emergence of (...) carries of a new spatial paradigm within the society. In the initial state, society is not structured and occupies minimal social space. Each subsequent level increases both size of social space and its dimension by one. The carriers of the highest spatial paradigm determine size of social space and act as representatives of the society as a whole. Social structures of different levels form a nested construction, which is isomorphic to the structure of their mentality. Historical periodization of the development of society and its culture follows changes of the spatial paradigm. For Ancient Greece it includes zero-dimensional period, one-dimensional, two-dimensional, three-dimensional and finally decay and collapse of all social structures. (shrink)

Languages are not called mirrors, but rather lenses of the world, and for a reason. The world perceived by an individual refracts in the native language according to his ethnic mentality. As an intermediary between individual thinking and social reality, language sets not only cogitative stereotypes and world outlook limits, but also standards of behavior. The language assimilation alters the ethno-cultural identity at social and individual levels. Since the familiar material life conditions, cultural environment, social surroundings do not always correspond (...) to occurring changes in the mentality of a polyglot, it leads to personal and social contradictions, inter-ethnic conflicts. Cultural and linguistic unification accompanying globalization entails extinction of small and rare languages. The gradual extinction of the world languages raises the questions of language rights, language freedom, language planning, and language politics. Observations of the mentality of the Chuvash people show that for young people original positive qualities gain strength before the threat of globalization. During a modern era ethnic features and ethno-cultural activity of the population don’t disappear, and it casts a doubt that the processes of modernization and integration remove ethnic problems from today’s agenda. (shrink)

Axel Honneth’s development of a theory of recognition is aimed at an intersubjective reconfiguration of social philosophy grounded on normative and anthropological premises. Honneth attempts to extend Jürgen Habermas’ communicative paradigm beyond its linguistic formulations and challenges the social-theoretical separation of system and lifeworld, whilst offering important insights towards an intersubjective theory of power and analysis of social action. In this sense, Honneth seeks to investigate the normative, intersubjective relations underlying all social spheres, including the market and state bureaucracy. However, (...) despite his early insights into an alternative analysis and critique of power, in his subsequent development of a theory of recognition, Honneth does not adequately account for power as a constitutive factor in relations of recognition. It might be argued that Honneth’s intersubjective theory requires a consideration of power not only in terms of domination, but also as an ontological category constitutive of identity and social formations. This paper investigates the problems that result from Honneth’s attempt to bring together a theory of intersubjectivity, normative theory and the project of critique, and considers the resulting loss of insights regarding an intersubjective theory of power. (shrink)

In The Apology and elsewhere, Socrates defends a vision of the philosopher as “gadfly”, an interrogator and social critic intimately connected to his or her particular community. In this paper, I examine the relevance of this model of the philosopher for the contemporary world, a world characterized by migration, transience, and dislocation. Specifically, I argue that current trends in professional philosophy, including the twilight of tenure-track employment and the increasing reliance on temporary forms of employment, make it difficult for philosophers (...) develop community attachments, and therefore to discharge Socrates’ practical task. Beyond even such current trends, I argue that the professionalization of philosophy in general is not conducive to the Socratic model of philosophizing. In shedding some light of these arguments, I end by contrasting the Socratic model of philosophy with a more contemporary image provided by Deleuze and Guattari: the image of the nomad. I argue that this model of the philosopher retains the possibility of critique essential to the Socratic model, but also addresses the transient conditions that many of us find ourselves in today. (shrink)

Мифология является одним из важнейших социально-культурных явлений, изучение и анализ которого дает ключ к пониманию многих явлений духовной жизни общества на различных этапах его развития. Тем не менее, до сих пор мифология поднимает больше вопросов, чем дает ответов. В исследовательской литературе миф часто рассматривается как феномен первобытной или античной истории, по которому можно реконструировать жизнь и образ мышления древнего человека и архаических обществ. Такое отношение к мифу - как исторически преходящему явлению - неправомерно. Также существует сомнительное толкование мифа как вымысла (...) или фантазии. Это мнение распространено сегодня, но имеет скорее метафорический смысл. В данном случае нас интересует миф как специфический способ освоения окружающей действительности, уходящий корнями в древние времена, но проявляющий свою феноменальную живучесть и способность к возрождению. Мифологическое сознание никогда не исчезало из глубинных пластов последующих культур, а сопровождает человечество на протяжении всей его истории, лишь изменяя силу проявления и векторы влияния на общественные процессы. Оно присутствует в латентном состоянии в различных социальных и культурных феноменах современного общества. Возможности мифа сохранять свою жизнеспособность и эффективность связаны с его чертами, востребованными и в современной ситуации. Это - синкретизм мифического образа, в котором идея-представление не отделена от чувственной наглядной формы, практического действия и эмоционального компонента; неисчерпаемость мифических символов; симпатическое отношение к действительности; суггестивность массового сознания; наличие не логических, а интуитивно-ассоциативных связей; акцент не на объяснении реальности, а на адаптации к конкретным условиям и др. Несмотря на революционные достижения науки и техники, в современную динамичную эпоху, отличающуюся крайней подвижностью связей и доминант, усилилось чувство взаимозависимости, нестабильности мира и тревоги, зыбкости человеческого существования; в мозаичном мире мультимедийных информационных технологий слабеют вера в возможности постичь логику происходящего. Это приводит к расширению функционального поля мифологического сознания, успешно существующего вне противоречий и в ожидании метаморфоз. Часто традиционные мифические образы являются основой для формирования современных социально-политических или национальных мифов, которые играют исторически разные роли. Миф удивляет своей способностью гармонично вписать человека в любую противоречивую ситуацию, сохраняя его внутреннюю целостность и целостность воспринимаемого бытия. В этом состоит его огромный потенциал как способа не только чувственно-образного освоения действительности, но и целенаправленного воздействия на общественное сознание. (shrink)

The paper is devoted to examining the analytic tools for under-standing sociocultural processes. To analyze the influence of the social and cultural environment on some fixed economic, administrative, state building, educational, informational and communicative processes the notion of the matrix effect is introduced in the paper. For this purpose the author addresses the phenomenon of historical pseudomorphoses mentioned by O. Spengler in his 2nd volume of Decline of the West. She considers that this metaphor is very useful for understanding societal (...) processes. The matrix effect is understood as a similar phenomenon to “imprinting”, when the well-known political, civil, economic, educational and other institutions under the influence of a form introduced from outside obtain a certain form. Some examples of matrix in the humanities, certifying its sociocultural context are analyzed. Among them are: V. Andrushchenko’s “pedagogical matrix”; P. H. Collins’s “matrix of domination”; P. Bourdieu’s theory of stucturation, and the concept of habitus as the key methodological instruments for social-philosophical understanding of the notion “matrix”. Based on this approach the sociocultural matrix is understood in this paper as a pattern of social identity of a group of people included in the system of relationships and interaction of social institutions that allow them to orient themselves spontaneously in the society. Three types of the matrix effect were depicted as they represent the most common patterns of social organization. The author finds the matrix influence to be deep and variable. The main mass types of social imagination and cognition, dominant behaviors, and principles of administrative institution construction come into view. The socialization process, the daily experience transmission, the adoption and assimilation process of other cultural values take place with the help of the matrix; the necessary stereotype recreates, propagates and popularizes. The methodological possibilities of the specific matrix mode of social philosophy research are examined in the paper. The author reveals that, first, the processual aspect of things, rather than the static one, is emphasized. In the given case a state, church, political parties, etc. are represented mainly in the process of arising and reproducing, but not as static organizations. Secondly, the matrix is perceived not only as a form, but also as the main type, a pattern of a certain kind of mass activity. The matrix is the symbol of existing institutions on an individual daily level. The above-mentioned patterns as matrixes are the algorithms of the order of interconnection in the society. Such a setting problem opens the possibilities of integration of sociological theorizing on micro and macro levels. Thirdly, the matrix effect can be used for describing multidimensional schemes. This utilization is another peculiarity of their examination, because such analysis is based on the advantages of correlative mechanisms, but not on genetic and causal ones. (shrink)

The position on all religions should be based on the constitutional regulations about the secular character of the Russian state and the equality of citizens regardless of their attitude to religions. Only the secular state can provide freedom of worship of its citizens. According to the results of the sociological research of different organizations the following conclusion can be done: the public views of the Russians would like to minimize the influence of religion as a social institution. Confabulating the manipulative (...) influence of religions, and, especially the Russian Orthodox Church, the state expands it and may cause the future social conflicts. (shrink)

Unlike traditional views on populism, some influential theorists like Margaret Canovan have argued that populism must be regarded as a “shadow” which follows democracy’s inherent weakness or deficit. Benjamin Arditi agrees with Canovan, but he stresses the need to take a closer look at the distance or conflict between democracy and populism. According to him, populism is nothing but a “periphery” located inside democracy and has a good chance to enter into conflict with the latter. This paper attempts to articulate (...) further Arditi’s thesis by focusing on populists’ un-and anti-democratic political behavior. The paper will conclude that populism must be differentiated from the equality- and participation-oriented populistic democracy. (shrink)

This paper deals with relevance of non-violence in changing scenario of globalizing society. Gandhiji practiced non-violence in all walks of life, which is specially based on Bhagavadgita. He advocated non-violence qua Anasaktiyoga and conceived that the concepts of Ramarajya, Sarvodaya, Svadeshi, Sarvadharmsambhava, etc. are derived from non-violence. In its culmination, non-violence becomes identical with compassion, love, detachment and self-control. He confined non-violence not only in spiritual sphere but also in socio-political and economic spheres of life. Now as a result of (...) globalization, the market forces have captured political economy. It has wid-ened world-wide disparity between rich and poor. Consequently disharmony, exploitation, terrorism and unrest have appeared in social phenomena. The non-violence must be adopted as the ethics of globalization to resolve these problems and also to bring all humanity under one world and one religion, i.e., humanism. This will be a paradigm shift in the domain of politics which focuses on changing of hearts and attitudes of people to convert them into a family. This is the noble mission for whom Gandhiji lived, fought and sacrificed himself for the sake of humanity and eternal peace on the earth. (shrink)

Human life should not be perceived out of the context of its everyday-life content. The individual attributes senses to such series of acts and interrelations on the basis of self-identity in certain communities. Going through this process, the individual effects transition from the situation of pure “I – consciousness” to that of being related. Life attains meaning from the identity “I – related to”. These are related to such fundamental characteristics of human existence as “being – among others”. An individual (...) imparts a certain meaning or sense to his own life by attributing meanings to life practices. The individual does not produce the imparted meanings deliberately as they are defined by the existing social and cultural communities and collective identities. Meanings of life may be metaphorically defined as “what for”. Recognition of collective senses as personally meaningful marks the transition from individual to social consciousness. Social consciousness is largely based on aggregate perceptions of the common past. The ‘we-here’ identity is based on the ‘we-in-time’ identity rooted in social memory. Values and meanings related to the existing collective identities and socio-historical communities are defined here as “socio-historical senses”. (shrink)

Socialization remains a serious and urgent issue for present phi-losophy. Present history is a mixture of mentalities and cultures. The significance of the real ratio of the personal and the individual in expanding of social being is constantly increasing. The matter of socialization appears in obtaining experience, drawing into language, the formation of conscious abilities, development of social role, cultural adaptation of a man. At the same time socialization is procedural in the definition of the method of involving the person (...) into social experience. Traditional philosophy offers the following theoretical concepts of the forms of socialization; 1. “The formation” of the man as processing of originally “raw material”, 3. “Existence” as a constant remote perspective of the essence, and 4. “Mirror” as the opening of a bud, but the petals are torn off by society. However, the real processes of socialization should take into account not the interpretation of a man but the essence of a man. This actualizes the analysis of socialization through the regularities of social being. (shrink)

Eπιχειρείται η εξέταση της σύγχρονης πορνείας από ηθική σκοπιά, όπως τη διαμόρφωσε ο καπιταλισμός στο πρόσωπο της πόρνης. Σκοπός μας είναι ο προσδιορισμός των φαινομένων αυτών της ηθικής που, εκτός από τη θεωρητική τους διάσταση, αγγίζουν και τις πρακτικές διαστάσεις της ηθικής επιληψιμότητας. Η μεθοδολογική προσέγγιση βασίζεται στη δυ-νατότητα της καπιταλιστικής δυναμικής να παράγει τρόπον τινά “ανθρώπινα απορρίμματα” και στη μη δυνατότητα της πόρνης να αίρει το δεσμό της με το χρήμα, ως τον μαστροπό της υπηρεσίας που προσφέρει. Τα συμπεράσματα (...) εστιάζονται στην ανάγνωση του καπιταλισμού, ο οποίος κατηγορεί την πόρνη ως παρία της κοινωνίας, την διώκει και ταυτόχρονα τη συντηρεί καθοδηγώντας την στη δουλεία ενός παρασιτικού και ταυτόχρονα διαστροφικού μόχθου, στερώντας από αυτήν οποιαδήποτε βοήθεια για ηθική μεταστροφή και για εύρεση της αλήθειας. Συμπερασματικά παρόλο που αναγνωρίζεται η πλήρης εμπορευματοποίηση της προσωπικότητας ως το μόνο εκπορευόμενο στοιχείο, προτείνεται μια ορθότερη ανάγνωση της υπεραξίας της ύπαρξης από το ίδιο το υποκείμενο, προκειμένου η λήθη στην ανυπαρξία να δώσει τη θέση της στην μνήμη της αξίας, έτσι όπως αυτή προσεγγίζεται από τη σκέψη των φιλοσόφων, όπως Ζ. Michea, Η. Arendt, Ζ. Bauman, Α. Gorz και Γ. Σαγκριώτη. (shrink)

Το φιλελεύθερο δημοκρατικό υπόδειγμα ακολούθησε την αντίληψη της πολυειδίας των αρχών, η οποία διέπει την αγγλοσαξωνική ηθική φιλοσοφία. Στον αντίποδα, ο κρατικός σοσιαλισμός ακολούθησε την αντίληψη του ενός δρόμου, που εκπηγάζει από τις αρχές της φιλοσοφίας του Ρουσσώ. Στοιχεία αυτών των αρχών εντοπίζονται στην επαναστατική θεωρία του Μαρξ και των Μπολσεβίκων. Ωστόσο στις ίδιες αρχές βρήκε ερείσματα και η μεσοπολεμική ακροδεξιά. Οι κοινές αφετηρίες αυτών των κατευθύνσεων μπορούν να αναζητηθούν τόσο στο αφηρημένο σχήμα της γενικής βούλησης όσο και στην αποσύνδεση (...) της από τη βούληση των πολλών. Μάλιστα την αποσύνδεση συνοδεύει η υποκατάσταση της βούλησης των πολλών από αυτόκλητους ερμηνευτές της γενικής βούλησης. Με αυτό το ριψοκίνδυνο άλμα η βούληση των πολλών υποκαθίσταται από τη βούληση όσων διατείνονται ότι γνωρίζουν το μοναδικό δρόμο για τον ηθικό βίο ή εμφανίζονται ως μοναδικοί κάτοχοι της αλήθειας των ιστορικών νόμων. Το χρώμα που οι αυτόκλητοι σωτήρες επιλέγουν για να αυτοπροσδιορισθούν είναι διαφορετικό, καθορίζεται από την επιλογή του αντικειμένου της σωτηρίας, εάν δηλαδή θα σώσουν τον λαό και την εργατική τάξη ή την πατρίδα και τη φυλή. Όμως το φιλοσοφικό λίκνο που τους γεννά είναι το ίδιο. Μολονότι ο Ρουσσώ δεν επεδίωξε την ηθική νομιμοποίηση του αυταρχισμού, η θεωρία του γνώρισε συναφείς αναγνώσεις. (shrink)

Ο ασφαλέστερος τρόπος προσέγγισης της έννοιας της ελευθερίας στη φιλοσοφία του Κροπότκιν είναι μέσω της ανάλυσης που ακολουθεί τη μεταγενέστερη διάκριση αρνητικής και θετικής ελευθερίας η οποία συνδέεται με τον Aΐζάια Μπερλίν. Ο Ρώσος διανοητής εκκινεί από μία αντίληψη της ελευθερίας ως ηθικού αυτοκαθορισμού, η οποία διέπεται εμφανώς από τις αρχές της θετικής ελευθερίας. Εν τούτοις δεν υποτάσσει την αυτονομία στην ετερονομία, αντίθετα την εκλαμβάνει ως σχέση αλληλεξάρτησης. Στο έργο του συναντάται εμμέσως η “ανθρωπολογική” ή “οντολογική” θεώρηση του τρόπου συγκρότησης (...) του ανθρώπινου υποκειμένου με την “κανονιστική επιλογή” υπέρ μιας ορισμένης οργάνωσης της πολιτικής και της κοινωνίας. Αυτές καθιστούν δυνατή τη συνύπαρξη θετικής και αρνητικής ελευθερίας, δηλαδή τόσο την ατομική όσο και τη συλλογική ελευθερία. Η μελέτη του έργου του αναδεικνύει μία σχετική ανακολουθία μεταξύ της ελευθερίας των ατόμων να καθορίσουν τη ζωή τους και των αντικειμενικών, φυσικών διαδικασιών, τις οποίες επικαλείται ο Κροπότκιν. Παρά ταύτα ο ίδιος θεωρεί την κοινωνική επανάσταση ως συλλογική απόφαση, στηρίζει δε την κοινωνική του πρόταση τόσο στην αυτοοργάνωση, όσο στην αλληλοβοήθεια και στον κοινοτισμό. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο οδηγείται σε μια ιδιαίτερη σύζευξη των δύο φαινομενικά αντιθετικών διαστάσεων της ελευθερίας. (shrink)

This article studies the problem of the relation of the anthropological and the social in the context of justification of the Other. The Other, in the anthropological subject, is the internal Other. It is the ability to remember what has been experienced and understood; it is what makes the subject self-identical. The social Other appears for the Self in the form of a fact that it is necessity to distinguish, in the form of social group, nation, friend or enemy. The (...) social maintains the totality of the present, cutting off not only the past, but also the future as a projection. The anthropological Other is essentially incomplete. During the age of totality it is embedded into ever more loneliness and silence. However, the past maintains itself, requiring to provide the word to the separate unity, to all those who is not considered in the strategies of the social. (shrink)

Статья посвящена анализу содержания понятия «собственность» в классическом определении Аристотеля, а также динамике его изменения в процессе исторического развития общества от доиндустриального к индустриальному, постиндустриальному и информационному этапам. Рассматриваются качественные изменения хозяйственной деятельности и смысла понятия собственности в информационном обществе.

В статье представлен анализ экологической культуры, охватывающей сферу отношений человека и общества к природе, являющейся способом оптимизации деятельности людей, целью которой выступает гармонизация взаимодействия природы и общества, предполагающая в своем целостном виде преобразования всех трех компонентов системы «природа – общество»: 1) совершенствование очеловечено-природного мира, всей системы «производство-потребление» в том направлении, которое бы обеспечило прогрессивное развитие как собственно социального, так и естественного. Решение данной задачи предполагает реализацию отраслевой и пространственно-временной структуры производственного потребления, внедрение безотходной, малоотходной, ресурсо- и энергосберегающей технологии. 2) Реконструкцию (...) естественного мира с целью оптимизации процесса взаимодействия природы и общества. 3) Реконструкцию социального мира. Основное внимание автор акцентирует на том, что достижение гармонизации взаимодействия природы и общества возможно посредством технологических, социально-экономических преобразований, в основе которых лежат особые ценности культуры. Указанные преобразования ориентированы на обеспечение экологической безопасности, являющейся составной частью социальной безопасности. (shrink)

Доклад посвящен целостному и концептуальному анализу формирования новой интегральной философии взаимопонимания как мировоззренческой и методологической основы духовного согласия и социальной стабильности современного полиэтнического общества. Истоки этой философии коренятся в традиционной казахской мудрости и учении первого учителя Востока аль-Фараби. Его опыт философствования уникален тем, что ему удалось раскрыть смысл и ценность концепта взаимопонимания между греческой и исламской философией. Факт признания того, что в мире существует единое интеллектуальное пространство взаимопонимания и своими истоками оно пребывает в философии – вот что главное. Основываясь на (...) таком духовном опыте, мы в казахстанской философии созидаем сегодня полнокровную диалогическую философию взаимопонимания, необходимую в эпоху расширяющейся глобализации. Исторически сложившаяся практика разрешения конфликтов с применением силы и военного превосходства становится архаичной, изжитой. Появляется острая потребность в утверждении иных форм сосуществования народов: это, прежде всего, альтернативная структура взаимопонимания и диалога, которая исторически была свойственна отдельным регионам и временным периодам, но в ХХІ веке выдвигается в качестве первостепенной и основополагающей идеи конструирования нового мирового порядка на основе принципа многополярности глобализации конфликтов необходимо противопоставить глобализацию взаимопонимания и сотрудничества: у человечества нет иного выбора. (shrink)

Metaphysics of personality is seen as a complete and viable process of development of philosophical thought in Russia, intensified by interferences, polemic, and discussions. It is demonstrated that the reception of the major principles of European personalist tradition was accompanied by the development of original Russian concepts and the search for new foundations of the metaphysics of personality within the framework of neo-Kantianism, personalistic philosophy of education, metaphysics of all-unity, G. Fedotov’s philosophy of culture, and N. Berdyaev’s existentialist personalism. It (...) is revealed that each of the analyzed Russian thinkers has attempted to solve the problem of the metaphysical “justification” of man’s personal dignity in his own way. The existentialist trend in Russian personalism, which is a characteristic feature of Russian metaphysics of the epoch in question, has been revealed. The research which includes comparing historical and philosophical positions of the representatives of the national metaphysics gives sufficient reason to regard their work as an important and integral part of the history of European personalist philosophy of the 20th century. (shrink)

An understanding of the approaches to the problem of causality, as they are represented in Leo Lopatin’s and Vassilii Zenkovsky’s works, is important for the history of philosophy and methodology of science. As we think, L. Lopatin discovered the creative nature of causality and came to a new philosophical outlook based on a variable quantity, whereas traditional philosophical doctrines were based on some different constant quantities. L. Lopatin states that his theory of causality is necessary to prove that both metaphysics (...) and a non-positivist world view are possible. As V. Zenkovsky proves, psychical causality is always the causality of some active “substance”. This “live substance” expands its inner creative forces autonomously and teleologically, implementing its pre-laid individuality. The psychical causality is creative by its nature. V. Zenkovsky’s analysis of causality is his first methodological step to his further philosophical and pedagogical studies. The two theories of causality have some common ontological premises and represent a tendency in the Russian philosophy that might result in a new theory of causality. (shrink)

Dorpat personalism school starts its metaphysical inquary with the question of existence and analyzes the concept of subject through immediate self-consciousness as the basis of existence. As representatives of a school of critically-oriented thinkers, personalists develop new insights based on critical evaluation of preceding philosophical systems, emphasizing the importance of the history of philosophy. Therefore, to determine what is understood by the immediate self-consciousness as the basis of personality in metaphysics of personalism, this paper will describe personalist criticism of Leibniz’s (...) doctrine of monads. In the introduction, I briefly outline personalism tendencies in philosophy and describe the Dorpat personalism school. The first part of the paper describes personalism philosophy and Leibniz’s metaphysics, emphasizing the importance of immediate self-consciousness. The second part describes the distinction of the types of existence in personalism and consistency that follows, relating them to immediate self-consciousness. In the third part the basics of personalism ethics will be outlined. (shrink)

The problem of philosophical understanding of the status of society and the role of philosophy and intellectuals in it in the era of the empires’ collapses arose with special acuteness. The most vivid interpretations, not having its continuation, criticized by its contemporaries, recur in the history of the similar socio-political situation, having reproduced not only the model of philosophical argumentation, but also of its own social helplessness. An example in the history of philosophy can be Vekhi – Russian intellectual movement (...) organized around the collection of seven essays published in 1909 and the so-called “new philosophy” in France and repeating them respectively in the new Russia, and now – in France, after the elections of 2012. (shrink)

Le temps de «la Renaissance russe religieuse» ressemble à l’époque de l’Antiquit tardive marquee par le syncrétisme alexandrin, ou le savoir philosophiques se melangeait avec des diverses pratiques religieuses et mystiques. Après Vladimir Soloviev la culture russe est marquée par le rejaillissement de l’intérêt vers au gnosticisme des premiers siècles du christianisme et la gnose néo-européenne, donc les éléments sont largement intégrés aux systèmes philosophiques, ainsi que sont utilisés par des poètes. C’est non seulement la doctrine de la chute du (...) Plérome du Principe féminin, mais aussi l’intérêt vers des formes de la connaissance non-rationelles, l’idéalisme, la doctrine de l’ascension, l’apophase, l’élitisme. Le gnosticisme est perçu dans la pensee russe comme la partie de l’héritage antique, contrairement à ce que Plotin reprochait aux gnostiques l’audace imprudente et opposait leur philosophie a la sienne. H. Jonas marquait la ressemblance de la conception du monde gnostique et la philosophie de l’existentialisme avec sa sensation de l’abandon de la personne au monde et son ahgoisse de l’être. Probablement, la complexité accroissante et l’imprévisibilité du monde rend le gnosticisme antique populaire à l’époque des guerres et les révolutions. On ne peut pas retrancher cependant du compte l’inspiration intellectuelle de la gnose, acquise lors de l’histoire européenne. La gnose attire des philosophes et des poètes par le potentiеl heuristique de mythe et de la métaphore. (shrink)

Critique des idées de Descartes est un chapitre distinct, assez importante de l’histoire de la philosophie russe. Dans sa thèse «La crise de la philosophie occidentale» Soloviev affirme que le penseur français par son interprétation mathématique de la réalité physique élimine du monde naturel «toute force vivante», réduit le contenu spirituel à «l’activité formelle de la pensée». Dans ses trois articles sur «la philosophie théorique» Soloviev affirme qu`une connaissance directe de la substantialité du sujet n’existe pas, que Descartes se mêle (...) illégalement les notions du sujet empirique et du pur sujet pensant. Toutefois, la critique de Soloviev, apparemment n’atteint pas son but. Au contraire, il convient de noter la proximité de la position des deux penseurs sur un certain nombre de questions fondamentales. Tous les deux prennent comme un point de départ de la philosophie théorique la pensée; reconnaissent la possibilité de trouver la vérité ultime; insistent sur l`absence des présupposés dogmatiques dans la théorie de la connaissance; déclarent la certitude immédiate de faits mentaux; proclament la nécessité d’utiliser le doute méthodique. Tous les deux vont au-delà des phénomènes psychologiques à l’existence ontologique. Par conséquent Soloviev est l’héritier des idées de Descartes plutôt que son adversaire intransigeant. (shrink)

In this paper I will single out and analyze the main personalistic and liberal ideas offered in Chicherin’s social philosophy; his findings about the problems of the organizational, economic and political structure of society and some general conclusions related to the range of philosophical and historical problems. My opinion is that there is a cultural constructive potential, significant for modern society, in the ideas related to Chicherin’s version of the phenomena of personality, freedom, property, law, family, civil society, church and (...) state. It is also related to the way the philosopher solves problems of the interaction between personality, society, state and the interpretation of such important problems of historical development as the reform and the social ideal. (shrink)

The concept of the individual, as a rule, is examined in connection with the liberal tradition of Russian philosophy. In the conservative model it is rarely studied and frequently even the very presence of a study about the personality is denied, since attention is entirely accentuated on society. But for the Russian conservatives of the end of XIX and the beginning of XX centuries, the search for an alternative to the propagation of the mass person, which is turned havoc against (...) the background of the modernization of Russian culture becomes urgent. To chief ideologist of Russian conservatism K.P. Pobedonostsev, the democratization of the public and cultural sphere is seen by way of the degradation of elite, and people culture. He attempted to connect the traditions of Russian orthodoxy with the philosophical searches of the slavophiles of the middle XIX of century, the romantic idealization of medieval culture and the criticism of bourgeois society. It is one of the first, who critically comprehended action on the personality of mass culture. Ideal “organic” society is based on the principles of hierarchical quality and paternalism. The turn of K.P. Pobedonostsev to “the soil”, as a unique orthodox-monarchist “people’s movement”, is consonant with views F.M. Dostoyevsky and N.Y. Danilevskiy, and the ideas of the leading part of cultural elite, unexpectedly draw together with it, also, N. A. Berdyaev. (shrink)

The aspiration to understanding cosmos and man in it, has been an important element of philosophical research in different historical epochs, beginning from the times of Ancient East and West, up to the present time. But the problem of revealing the principle underlying Being which gives an opportunity to see the whole of the world as a single, organizing itself integrity as well as man’s place and meaning in it, remains actual. From the angle of cognizing such a principle of (...) cosmic thinking and developing research methodology based on it, the holistic approach underlying the original Russian philosophy is in our point of view of considerable interest. Having an indissoluble connection with the world philosophical thought but shaped historically on the basis of the Russian spiritual culture, it found its most consistent and logical expression in the ‘Teaching Living Ethics’. Its specific character consists in the fact that it serves not only for forming a synthetic way of understanding the world, but, directing man to spiritual improvement or Transfiguration, contributes to a harmonious way of life and further cosmic evolution. To implement this methodology theoretically and practically it is important to cognize the algorithm of the dynamics of manifested Being springing from the Three-Hypostases Being of the Absolute. (shrink)

In conditions of crisis of public life, systems of extra confessional mysticism esoterics, eschatological motives receive wide distribution in para-intellectual circles. But even in philosophy mystical motives are inherent even in especially rational directions. All mystical doctrines express themselves not so much in a language of concepts, as in a language of symbols. The mysticism subject within Russian Baden neo-Kantianism is represented as quite pertinent if we are to take into consideration that the ‘istoriosofiya’ differs from history philosophy in that (...) it applies to secret knowledge of history, mysticism being in its plan, and demands, along with learning, experience of history as the personal spiritual destiny. The Russian symbolism inherited the main western, line however, having corrected it a little. Symbolism, as the world outlook direction, as reaction to materialism, positivism and realism in the European culture, covered the widest circles of intellectual elite of society. Russian neo-kantianist Feodor Stepun considers mysticism as the fundamental moment of Russian outlook. Sergey Gessen supports this point of view and argues that mysticism – the type of metaphysics arising on border, philosophy separating area and culture from the sphere of irrational experience. (shrink)

The author considers the key aspects of Nikolay Gogol’s philosophical attitude, mainly represented in the works of the last period of his life, and basic literary works. The fact that Gogol was a pioneer in many themes of contemporary art such as avant-garde, theatre of the absurd, surrealism, “the dehumanization of art” is well-known as well as his influence on existential philosophy. There is a necessity to overcome an asymmetry between literary and philosophical developing of Gogol’s creative work. The author (...) distinguishes a number of philosophical issues in the writer’s creative work: individual soul ; connection of metaphysics with sociality; original understanding of phenomenon of entrepreneurship and management in Christian transfiguration of life; adaptation of Christianity to social relations, etc. The key idea of Gogol’s metaphysics may be defined as a statement of “problem of soul” which is a particular variant of the problem of consciousness. Artificial search of so called “philosophical grounds” of the writer’s “creative work” is not as significant as comprehension of the fact that Gogol as distinctive thinker went independently beyond literary bounds, overcoming literature. (shrink)

Grigory Skovoroda occupies a totally special place in Russian cultural consciousness. Realizing its own specifics, Russian philosophy of XIX-XX centuries was searching for its fundamentals, origin, source, and «seed». Such origin for Russian philosophical consciousness became the personality of wandering thinker Grigory Skovoroda, whose outstanding qualities, like Socrates, were organic unity of inquiry and life. Many generations of Russian intellectuals, from Mikhail Kovalinsky to Alexey Losev, saw this Ukrainian poet, pedagogue and religious thinker as a «first Russian philosopher», forerunner of (...) original Russian philosophy; philosophy, which takes the concepts of «integrity», reconciliation of philosophical theory and practice of life as priority. (shrink)

At the turn of the 20th-21st centuries, we observe a communitarian turn in the political and legal consciousness both in Western society and in Russia. From methodological point of view, this turn is characterized as postmodern discourse of philosophy of law. Communitarianism is a kind of expression of justice and the rise of the question not only of freedom, but also of the welfare. The spread of communitarian discourse in Russia is particularly noticeable. Communitarian discourse is explicit in the political (...) culture of traditional type, represented in the Russian philosophical and legal thought. Despite the difference in the historical paths between Russia and Europe, there appear general laws of development of the philosophical and legal thought. (shrink)

Стремление к осмыслению космоса и человека в нем – важный элемент философских исканий в разные исторические эпохи, начиная со времен Древнего Востока и Запада до наших дней. Актуальной здесь остается проблема выявления принципа, лежащего в Основании Бытия, открывающего возможность системно-целостного видения мира как единой самоорганизующейся целостности, а также места и значения человека в ней. С точки зрения осмысления подобного принципа космического мышления и разработки основанной на нем исследовательской методологии, на наш взгляд, представляет значительный интерес целостный подход, лежащий в основе самобытной (...) русской философии. Имея неразрывную связь с мировой философской мыслью, но, исторически произрастая на почве русской духовной культуры, он нашел свое наиболее последовательное и логичное выражение в Учении Живой Этики. Его особенностью является то, что он служит не только формированию синтетического способа осмысления мира, но, устремляя человека к духовному преображению, способствует гармоничному образу жизни и дальнейшей космической эволюции. Для теоретической и практической реализации этой методологии важно осмысление алгоритма динамики проявленного Бытия, проистекающего из принципа Триипостасности Основ Абсолюта. (shrink)

The paper studies the philosophy of Russian diaspora of the twentieth century. We consider the works, which attempt to interpret the foundations and cultural unity of the European Christian civilization. V.V. Zenkovsky in an untitled manuscript, written between 1920 and 1925, and published in 2011, analyses the history of European civilization, and searches for ways out of the large-scale European crisis. Zenkovsky assumed that it is possible to overcome the crisis through the construction of a harmonious, integral culture. Thus, he (...) tried to develop systematically the fundamental principles of Christian civilization. We compare Zenkovsky’s manuscript with the work of other thinkers of Russian diaspora devoted to the principles of Christian civilization. Semyon L. Frank in his book The Spiritual Foundations of Society and Ivan A. Ilyin in his Foundations of Christian Culture examine the problems of Christian civilization in the context of social philosophy and philosophy of culture. The Russian philosophers try to interpret the spiritual crisis of European civilization and find ways to overcome its contradictions. Their ideas remain relevant and can still stimulate the philosophical discussions of our time. (shrink)

In the given article we consider peculiarities of historical cognition under the conditions of globalization, of which one of the most important characteristics is a forceful interpretation of history. Here, we prove that it is performed in the interest of the subjects of globalization, i.e. leading western countries on the account of the countries of «the Second and the Third World», and that is why the ideologists of globalization are not interested in objective study of the historical Past. They use (...) history in its euro-centric variant, in which basis there are mondialistic tendencies, justifying aggressive ambitions of globalization initiators, and the result of it becomes the menace that separate societies can lose their socio-cultural essences. In the given situation, consideration of axiological peculiarities of Russia becomes of special importance and substantiates its place in the globalized world society upon the basis of its own historical traditions. (shrink)

In this paper I will argue how Descartes in the First and Second Meditation of the Meditations uses a very clear suspension of judgments or assent that in many ways resembles the epoché of the ancient skepticism, especially that of pyrrhonistic variant. First I show how the pyrrhonistic epoché works and what purpose it was used. After that I show how this Cartesian epoché both resembles and differs from the ancient epoché. My main argument is that Descartes, when using the (...) method of doubt, doesn’t really dismiss or abandon earlier knowledge or beliefs, as he is sometimes been viewed, but more likely doesn’t take any stance in them, suspending his judgment on the existence of the outside-world. I base my argument both on my reading of Meditations and the “as it were sensing” -interpretation of Descartes’ use of method of doubt by John Carriero. (shrink)

Giovanni Pico della Mirandola decided to study all the ancient and medieval schools of philosophy, including the Pre-Socratics, in order to broaden his scope. Pico showed interest in ancient monists. He commented that only Xenophanes’ One is the One simply, while Parmenides’ One is not the absolute One, but the oneness of Being. Melissus’ One is in extreme correspondence to that of Xenophanes. As for Xenophanes, Pico seems to have fallen victim of ancient sources, who referred to Xenophanes and Parmenides (...) as members of the Eleatic “tribe”. In the case of Parmenides Pico draws mainly on the Platonic dialogues Parmenides and Sophist and not on intermediaries such as the Neoplatonists and other commentators. Despite of Pico’s knowledge of Empedocles’ philosophy, it is worth noticing that Pico was also strongly influenced by the medieval kabbalistic literature and the pseudo Empedocles. While Neoplatonists, such as Proclus, commented Empedocles and interpreted him according to the Neoplatonic spectrum, Pico’s appreciation of the philosophy of Empedocles was mediated through Arab and Jewish mysticism. Pico counted among his sources the Pre-Socratics, but the way he read them was not always direct and consistent. He intentionally chose to interpret them through the spectrum of intermediaries such as the ancient Commentators, the Neoplatonists, the Arabs and Jews mystics. (shrink)

El estereotipo de René Descartes como reformador, reforzado por la visión de un agudo y vigoroso pensador como Jacques Maritain, así como por el seductor discurso heideggeriano quienes a su modo ven en Cartesio más que a un Parménides de la modernidad, a un Protágoras moderno, hacen que se construya en torno al Caballero de la Turena, una versión convencional de nuestro tiempo a partir de la cual el autor del Discurso es el responsable de las atrocidades de nuestros días, (...) por un lado, así como por otro, como hace, por ejemplo Richard Watson, se crea en torno a él, el mito del nuevo Prometeo que nos trajo no el fuego, sino la televisión, la democracia, la ciencia “liberada” y la internet. Analizaremos la filiación metafísica de Descartes al proyecto de la Contrarreforma, y señalaremos que su pensamiento no es de ruptura civilizacional sino antes bien, de continuidad, pese a su originalidad. (shrink)

Este escrito pretende abordar la crítica que le hace Vico a la educación de corte cartesiano que se impartía a los jóvenes de la Nápoles de su tiempo. La razón para ello era que formaba ciudadanos ineptos para la vida civil. La propuesta viquiana se encamina a mostrar que además de educar en el método cartesiano, se hace necesario promover entre los jóvenes el estudio de la elocuencia, dado que esta es una poderosa herramienta para que puedan enfrentarse con prudencia (...) a la vida civil. Esta propuesta debe comprenderse a la luz del verum factum, este principio es la posibilidad de articular los dos métodos de estudios y zanjar, de una forma original la querella entre antiguos y modernos en aras de educar hombres aptos para la vida en la ciudad. (shrink)

L’objectif de cette communication est d’analyser la définition du concept cartésien de substance dans les Principes de la Philosophie. Dans l’article 51 de la première partie des Principes, Descartes propose une définition de la substance, à savoir, comme une chose dont l’existence n’a pas besoin d’aucune chose créée pour exister. D’après cette définition, la notion de substance est liée à une indépendance. Cependant, le terme indépendance dans ce contexte n’est pas clair. On peut penser que Descartes considère l’indépendance comme causale. (...) Mais, quoique la compréhension du sens du terme indépendance comme causale soit utile pour montrer que le sens du terme substance n’est pas univoque lorsqu’il est appliqué à Dieu et aux substances créées, elle n’est pas suffisante pour distinguer les substances créées de leurs modes. Une autre façon de comprendre la notion d’indépendance est de la comprendre comme une indépendance d’inhérence. Ce sens d’indépendance, comme non inhérence, permet de montrer que l’extension de la définition de substance créée comme entité indépendante n’est pas coextensive aux modes. La conclusion de cette communication nous amènera à déterminer l’extension du concept cartésien de substance dans les Principes. (shrink)

Kant’s critical project has been understood as a description of the functioning of knowledge. Such an understanding of the first Critique seems however limited, especially if we consider Kant’s frequent use of political analogies. These analogies suggest another reading in which Kant’s critical project emerges as an attempt to overcome a state of nature in reason through the institution of a legal state in and by reason itself. Seen in this perspective, Kant’s critical metaphysics can be considered revolutionary, because it (...) assumes the issues of the two revolutions of modernity, the political and the scientific one: from the former, Kant adopts the conviction that a conflict can be settled only through the separation and reciprocal limitation of powers, as theorized by Locke and Montesquieu - and thus neither by force nor by the establishment of an absolute power; from the latter, he acquires a model of proof, which is based, not on description, but on the elaboration of an explicative hypothesis. The Critique of Pure Reason, then, is not a mere treatise of epistemology or of descriptive metaphysics, but the attempt of setting up a policy of reason at the service of peace and civil communal life. (shrink)

In the first part of the paper I shall discuss some difficulties and problems in the historiography of Renaissance philosophy arising from a gap between some assumptions and preconceptions concerning this period on the one hand, and historical and archival evidences on the other. The need for a new historiography arises both from the publication of new sources which have not yet been discussed with sufficient scholarly attention and from a new approach to the Renaissance and its place in the (...) intellectual and cultural history in the transition from the Middle-Ages to the early modern era. In the second part I shall present three scholastic thinkers of the Renaissance: Antoninus Pierozzi and the concept of conscience; Giorgio Benigno Salviati and the concept of will; Lorenzo Pisano and the concept of love. I shall try to demonstrate their contribution and importance to philosophical and theological discussions pertaining to moral psychology. (shrink)

Arthur Schopenhauer raises the “question of the meaning of existence” and, with this question, philosophy inverts its alienation implied by the discourse which usually has marked it as tradition. However, with this question the philosopher unleashes an “evil genius” far more incisive and deadly than Descartes’ one, since, being a-rational, it affects even the rationalistic mathematical-moral parameters in which Descartes’ one was defined. This genius appears in Schopenhauer’s philosophy as a “will” that manifests itself in a “world” of individuals who (...) co-exist at the expense of eliminating each other, a “world” where pain and suffering urge the question for meaning. So, for Schopenhauer, it is the will that – having become independent of the desires that, according to Descartes, a priori understanding makes it desire, as both, understanding and will, compound this unit called “cogito”. Hence, this response does not eliminate the question either, but only knocks the bottom out of it and even demands it more urgently, thereby vindicating the character of philosophizing as humanly essential. (shrink)

A partir de la constatación de que la cuestión del lenguaje en Kant oscila entre un polo, donde se verifica que Kant prácticamente no ha hablado del lenguaje y que en sus obras no se halla una filosofía del lenguaje elaborada y articulada explícitamente, y otro donde se ve su decisiva influencia en la filosofía del lenguaje, el presente trabajo: presenta un caso relevante en la Deducción metafísica de Crítica de la razón pura para un enfoque de dicha cuestión. Con (...) ello el trabajo sugiere, entonces, la posibilidad de una interpretación interna que asume positivamente las indicaciones kantianas explícitas y su valor como punto de partida para la reconstrucción de la posición de Kant respecto del lenguaje. Esta interpretación sostiene que cuando se analiza lo que Kant explícitamente indicó en el marco de su propia terminología y conceptuación se puede, a pesar de que no está desarrollada, identificar una posición respecto del lenguaje fundada en la concepción misma de la filosofía crítica, de posible relevancia para discusión actual en filosofía del lenguaje. (shrink)

La Modernidad es hija, se dice, de esa voluntad cartesiana de refundación radical de la filosofía y la ciencia como tales, que pasa por la prueba decisiva de la duda metódica. El pensamiento existencialista que va de Pascal a Kierkegaard, y de éste a Barth, pasando por Unamuno, cuestiona la radicalidad de esa refundación, que deja intacta a la fe religiosa profesada por Descartes. En la fundación del mundo Moderno, cabría “traducir”: ¿qué es lo que en el fondo pesa más, (...) Atenas, o Jerusalén? Se trata de una crítica muy aguda, que nos obliga a elaborar toda una relectura del presente, y del pasado inmediato de nuestra civilización occidental. Esta breve comunicación intenta, simple y sencillamente, trazar los ejes “cartesianos” de ese importante problema. (shrink)

Bessarion’s major philosophical treatise In Calumniatorem Platonis is a systematic approach to Platonic and Aristotelian philosophy written in response to George of Trebizond’s Comparatio Philosophorum Aristotelis et Platonis, which attacked Plato’s authority and proclaimed Aristotle’s superiority. A striking example of this is Bessarion’s attempt to defend Plato against George of Trebizond’s accusation that Plato did not offer sound arguments in favor of the immortality of the soul. In this article, I focus on Plato’s proof of the immortality of the soul (...) in the Phaedrus, as presented by Bessarion in the eighth chapter of the second book of the In Calumniatorem Platonis. The Phaedrusʼ proof is based on soul’s definition as a self-mover: since the soul always moves itself, it is the source of motion and is, therefore, ungenerated, imperishable and immortal. Bessarion’s interpretation of the Platonic proof gives the impression that Bessarion cites the text where Plato argues that the soul is immortal, and he summarises the text where Plato argues that the soul is ungenerated and imperishable. I argue, however, that Bessarion does not offer an original reading of the Phaedrus’ proof, and I also propose that Bessarion’s interpretation reflects his attempt to harmonize the Platonic and the Aristotelian views. (shrink)

Despite the constant assertions made in the field of politics and law about the natural equality of all men, currently there are a significant number of claims arguing that human rights do not respect cultural diversity. Any law with a pretension of universality is perceived as a cultural imposition with no regard to the subjective aspects that would determine its legitimacy; consequently moral objectivity is viewed as impossible, extending thus the feeling of relativism. The main aim of this paper is (...) to show how Samuel Pufendorf’s concept of natural equality must be reconsider as an important precedent of the universality of fundamental rights. The definition of equality given by this author is very significant and currently relevant in establishing a justification for this universality, overcoming thus the alleged claim of the impossibility of moral objectivity. (shrink)

La question de la fondation n’a cessé de hanter la métaphysique. Elle a reçu trois formulations majeures dans l’Idéalisme Allemand. Chez Kant la subjectivité a priori est montrée comme la base de la validité de la connaissance humaine. Dans la spéculation hégélienne, les notions mêmes de substrat ou fondement cèdent le pas à l’unité de la forme et de la matière, de l’historique et du conceptuel, c’est-à-dire à la transparence du réel tout entier. Finalement, chez Schelling l’idée de Dieu est (...) repensée pour réunir l’intelligibilité de l’essence et la factualité de l’existence. (shrink)

Ο καρδινάλιος Βησσαρίων υπήρξε ένας από τους σημαντικότερους Έλληνες λογίους και συνέβαλε στον επαναπροσδιορισμό της πλατωνικής φιλοσοφίας στη δυτική Ευρώπη του 15ου αιώνα. Το In Calumniatorem Platonis είναι το σημαίνον φιλοσοφικό έργο του και αποτελεί μία συστηματική παρουσίαση της πλατωνικής φιλοσοφίας. Πρόκειται για μία συγκροτημένη ανασκευή του Comparatio Philosophorum Platonis et Aristotelis του Γεωργίου Τραπεζούντιου, μιας πραγματείας που εναντιώνεται σθεναρά στον Πλάτωνα αναδεικνύοντας την υπεροχή του Αριστοτέλη. Αντιπροσωπευτικό παράδειγμα είναι η απόπειρα του Βησσαρίωνα να αντικρούσει την κατηγορία που επιρρίπτει ο (...) Τραπεζούντιος στον Πλάτωνα αναφορικά προς την αδυναμία απόδειξης της αθανασίας της ψυχής. Προβάλλοντας την επιχειρηματολογία του Πλάτωνα που διατυπώνεται στο Φαίδρο, ο Βησσαρίων επιχειρεί να αποδείξει ότι ο Πλάτων τεκμηριώνει την αθάνατη φύση της ψυχής. Μέσω της συγκριτικής μελέτης των δύο κειμένων, του Πλάτωνα και του Βησσαρίωνα, η παρούσα εισήγηση επικεντρώνεται στην κριτική αποτίμηση της ερμηνευτικής προσέγγισης του πλατωνικού εγχειρήματος από τον Βησσαρίωνα και στην ανάδειξη των ερμηνευτικών αποκλίσεων αυτού, που υπαγορεύονται από τη γενικότερη σκοποθεσία της πραγματείας του: το συγκερασμό των πλατωνικών και αριστοτελικών αρχών. (shrink)

It is a mark of our age that the long-standing relations between politics and religion founded long ago along the axis of liberal-democratic principles have turned out to appear problematical. Recently raised religious demands and movements put on the agenda a common question: to what extent are such demands and movements compatible with the principle of the peaceful co-existence of diverse cultural forms, which is the essential reference point of any democratic imagination? It a cliché that fundamentalism understood as the (...) opposite of temperateness in holding and practically following up religious convictions constitutes the limit for tolerating religious demands and movements within liberal-democratic regimes. Such a quantitative distinction between fundamentalism and “moderate” forms of religiosity paradoxically work out for the increase of tension between religiosity and democratic political life, because it implies that non-fundamentalist forms of religiosities are indeed “diluted” forms, while fundamentalist forms represent genuine and uncompromising loyalty to the religious creed. This paper investigates the possibility of making a qualitative distinction between fundamentalist and non-fundamentalist forms of religiosity by employing the categorical duality between zealotry and piety, which can then serve as the criterion for the acceptability of religious demands and movements within democratic political spheres. (shrink)

In this paper, it is argued that terrorism undermines the justification of perspective relativism. The cliché, “one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter,” is offered as an example of perspective relativism. Perspective relativists argue that moral principles and judgments have no universal moral import. Those who defend the cliché expression presuppose that the evaluation of terrorism is necessarily perspectival. For them, there are no morally objective differences, e.g., between deliberately killing combatants and deliberately killing innocent noncombatants. Yet there are (...) morally objective differences between these two acts. While the first act might be justified, the second act is considered murder. Hence, the evaluation of terrorism is not necessarily perspectival. Therefore, in the face of the evil that terrorists bring about, it is argued that perspective relativists have a substantive burden of proof to show that there are no transcultural moral values. (shrink)

Despite the ideological differences among the most influential contemporary interpretations of Spinoza’s political philosophy, they all agree in considering Spinoza as a radical, subversive, revolutionary political thinker who defends the sacred inviolability of individual liberties and recognises the multitude as genuine subject of democracy. They relegate or simply ignore, however, polemic and yet central topics of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus such as Spinoza’s negative considerations on the multitude, his resolutely anti-revolutionary tone and his view of the State as an absolute power (...) principally concerning the regulation of public opinion. These ideas contradict the radical democratic Spinoza of contemporary interpretations, because of their apparently anti-democratic nature. In this paper I argue that these ideas, on the contrary, are consistent with Spinoza’s conception of democracy. Furthermore, I claim that they can help for re-thinking politics and the political in the context of today’s crisis of democracy and democratic State, since they make visible the conflict and struggle for power inherent to all democracy between political and apolitical actors. This paper firstly analyses 1) the distribution of power and the different social/political actors in Spinoza’s democratic state; 2) the administration/regulation of public opinion and Spinoza’s concern on rebellion and revolution; and 3) the current crisis of democracy in the light of Spinoza’s political thought. (shrink)

To identify with confidence some ways in which the politics of Africa could be improved depends not at all upon a vision of a utopia. With Karl Popper, I agree that utopian thinking muddles meaningful political reform rather than assisting it. Liberalism opposes large scale planning, and quite without reference to any utopia supplies terms in which to be aptly critical of the corruption, by which in the present day, African states all are riddled. Liberal reforms in Africa would institute (...) market accountability there. That there is in Africa at present no operative “institution of market accountability” means among other things that information that is crucial for considering ways to improve conditions in Africa does not collect and so remains unavailable to citizens, planners, and political decision-makers. Lack of accountability because of economic corruption is tantamount to a failure of intellectual openness. Liberals typically defend intellectual openness by focusing on the protection of individuals. This aspect of liberalism is potentially harmful to Africa, where the ambient ethic to the extent that one functions is communitarian. I argue that the individualism aspect of liberalism is incidental not essential: I deny that liberalism is counter to a society’s upholding communitarian ideals. I argue that to fully institute market accountability in Africa would mitigate many of the chief harms to Africa and would produce many benefits. It would not require that Africans sacrifice their communitarian spirit. (shrink)

Although ancient philosophers used to attribute great significance to the heroic actions of statesmen, this element of “greatness of soul” was purged off, if not entirely, then at least to considerable degree with the coming of Christian philosophy. Augustine in particular, related the element of bravery to the original sin of pride, the fundamental of all sins. Aristotle mentions in the Nichomachean Ethics: “In the decisive sense, one is said to be andreios when he fearlessly faces a noble death and (...) those things that lead to it –such things especially concern military affairs”. Plato also refers to that element of human psychology in The Republic, saying that the guardians will be andreios “if they choose death in battles over both defeat and slavery”. Another reference is made by Thucydides in Pericles’ Funeral Oration where Pericles congratulates the Athenian soldiers for exchanging their life on earth to honour their polis: “To me it seems that the consummation which has overtaken these men shows us the meaning of manliness in its first revelation and in its final proof.” Although the Socratics argued that politics aspire to perfection and praise heroic actions, Christian philosophers argued that the role politics is to contain the damage that human beings cause to each other due to their evil wills. This aspect of Christian thought finds its secular incarnation in the political thought of Hobbes, who teaches that violent human pride must be subdued by the State for the sake of political peace. (shrink)

The article aims to prove that neither the scholastic philosophical tradition nor the modern European Enlightenment ideas influenced the Independence of Mexico. The author analyzes a third wave of thinkers that emerged at the end of the colonial period of Mexico, authors that proposed a renovation on traditional philosophy incorporating the advances of the scientific European thinkers but rejecting their naturalistic point of view. In counterpart, these authors proposed an inclusive point of view: maintaining Catholic beliefs and the innovations of (...) science. The article analyses this perspective through Calvijero VIth’s Dissertation, where he argues on these matters. (shrink)

Catoptric interpretation of political symbols makes it possible to investigate the “image effects” of political symbolism, which, in the context of catoptrics, can be considered as an identification of image effects. That identification has been made by raising associative structures in rationally ordered political space.symbols are often directed at the catoptric assimilation of politics, actualization of “inventing thought” to influence the political life and assessment of political events and facts. Structural properties of political symbols mean homology of political matters and (...) vary due to the logic of specular return of reality, while maintaining a basic condition for the stability of the rational and irrational representations. A political symbol can appear as a “creator” of the worlds that are perceived as behind the looking-glass, actually manifesting meanings. The catoptric concept has the most appropriate explanatory and heuristic capabilities, and the consideration of the image effects of political symbol reveals limits of descriptivity and ambiguity. (shrink)

John Dewey considered democracy not only procedural and politically technical as a mere form of government under other institutional forms, but as a specific form and way of life of a political community. The substance of democracy as a way of life is firstly its ethical, cultural and spiritual ideal, and then its procedural state and proper technology of political power. The task of a democratic form of government is to make proper social arrangements that include all individuals and that (...) eliminate external arrangements of status, birth, wealth, sex, etc., which restrict the opportunity of each individual for full self-development. Democratic order thus contributes to human happiness very significantly. Human beings aspire after happiness which grows in the processes of sharing experiences with others and their common contribution to the common good. Democracy always remains some kind of a moral ideal in the thoughts and deeds of citizens. In a political context, freedom without real opportunities for participation is empty and purely formal. Real and active participation of citizens in politics is, therefore, very important. (shrink)

Liberal cosmopolitanism, from Kant to Habermas, has been designed as an ethical/political project based on inalienable rights. Accordingly, liberal cosmopolitans offered institutions to protect these rights. While Kant conceptualized a three-layered juridical order to create a League of Nations, Benhabib pointed out the creation of cosmopolitan norms, and Habermas emphasized the need for a constitutionalization of international law within the UN system. This moral and juridical project of liberal cosmopolitanism eliminated the political significance of cosmopolitanism and pushed the democratic elements (...) based on political struggle aside. Can cosmopolitanism be defined on the basis of political struggles for rights? As a response to liberal cosmopolitanism, Arendt’s political thought offers a new cosmopolitan vision with her aim to refound the concept of authority in a post-metaphysical world and redefine the concept of humanity in dark times, her conceptualization of political action with agonistic character, her replacement of dissent at the center of political life, and her concept of “a right to have rights” as a critique of international human rights. This preliminary study traces a new understanding of cosmopolitanism in political thought of Hannah Arendt. In this context, her thought, which is followed by liberal as well as radical thinkers, will be argued in a creative fashion. The central argument of this study is that an Arendtian cosmopolitanism cuts across the conceptualizations trying to order the world through moral norms or extra-legal and extra-political regulations. It enables us to create a principle to reconsider our understanding of cosmopolitanism in a political manner. (shrink)

First, I will briefly sketch the philosophical background of Nancy’s thought by highlighting an important feature of his fellow philosopher and friend Jacques Derrida’s understanding of religion; second, I will discuss Nancy’s own critique of the discourse about both the contemporary so-called ‘return of religion’ and about ‘secularization’ respectively; and third, I will show how in Nancy’s own thinking secularization and ‘mondialisation’, i.e. globalization interrelate within one and the same movement of ‘mondanisation’: mundanisation whose immediate political importance becomes obvious within (...) the scope of what he calls a deconstruction of Christianity. (shrink)

Kant’s idea of Perpetual Peace has set the world in a constant search for peace amongst nations and peoples through the construction of an international relations project whereby these relations are based on an international law that has actually moved towards this goal without obtaining the best results: we are still engaged in conflict. Constructing a contemporary law of peoples implies considerable transformations in international organizations, in the way ordinary citizens ought to be seen, in the establishment of a cosmopolitan (...) law based on the positivization of Human Rights, and in the achievement of a cosmopolitan justice that allows for larger and better mechanisms for people’s inclusion and participation in the solution to global problems. (shrink)

A partir de la propuesta kantiana sobre la Paz Perpetua, en el mundo continuamente se ha procurado la paz entre las naciones y los pueblos, con la construcción de un proyecto de relaciones internacionales basadas en un derecho internacional que ha logrado avances con esas intensiones sin obtener los mejores resultados, los conflictos continúan en el mundo. La construcción de un derecho de gentes contemporáneo implica importantes transformaciones en las organizaciones internacionales, en la manera de ver a los ciudadanos como (...) ciudadanos del mundo, en el establecimiento de un derecho cosmopolita basado en la positivización de los Derechos Humanos y en la procura de una justicia cosmopolita que permita mayores y mejores mecanismos de inclusión y participación en la solución de los grandes problemas globales. (shrink)

Political society is essentially a totality of behavior, so behavior is the basic unit of political society. Traditional behavioral theory studies behavior mainly from the perspective of psychology. Modern behavior theory should study behavior from the perspective of logic，and the logic research of behavior should take on the psychological implication of suspension behavior as the prerequisite. Behavioral logic is the first premise of political philosophy. Behaviors are divided into atomic behavior and molecular behavior. There are six models of atomic behavior. (...) The causal relationship among behaviors forms behavior chain. The chain is constituted by objective behavior, pre-behavior and post behavior. (shrink)

In this paper I want to show the importance of the concept of reasonableness in John Rawls’s theory of justice as fairness, as well as explain the problem of reasonableness in this theory. The starting point will be to stress the requirement of reasonableness that is made to the moral agent in justice as fairness. Later, I will identify some criticism about these criteria. I will show the criticism made by Estlund about the insularity of the concept of reasonableness and (...) the necessity of truth for justification, and the criticism established by Timmons and Gaus regarding the requirement of reasonableness as excessive and ineffective too. In the next step, I shall try to respond to these criticisms and, at the end of this paper, I shall lay down an argument about a kind of reasonable moral responsibility that may be contained in justice as fairness. (shrink)

The Weberian theory of the rationalisation of the world, which has as its cornerstone the idea of “elective affinities” between Protestantism and capitalism, has generated considerable controversy. The aim of this paper is to offer an interpretation of that theory and to study three possible ways of understanding it: the first suggests that Protestantism gave rise to capitalism; the second that capitalism caused Protestantism; and the third asserts that no causal relationship exists between them and that the question must, rather, (...) be explained as the historical convergence between the two phenomena. I shall argue that the theory should be read in this third way and I will try to briefly give the reasons why. (shrink)

In this paper, I seek to challenge two prevailing views about religious accommodation. The first maintains that religious practices deserve accommodation only if they are regarded as something unchosen on a par with the involuntary circumstances of life people must face. The other view maintains that religious practices are nothing more than preferences but questions the necessity of their accommodation. Against these views, I argue that religious conducts, even on the assumption that they represent voluntary behaviours, deserve in certain circumstances (...) certain kinds of accommodation. In the first part of the paper, I explain how religious conscience should be understood and show that they must be understood as one possible expression, along with nonreligious or secular beliefs, of a person’s convictions of conscience. In the second part, I demonstrate that the main ground for religious accommodation is the need to protect fairly, through such rights as religious freedom and freedom of conscience, the ethical commitments and conscientious beliefs of all citizens. (shrink)

In this brief lecture I intend to consider some aspects of the theory of justice as proposed by Amartya Sen in his 2009 book, The idea of justice, where, besides summarizing his intellectual journey, Sen broadens the scope of his critique of John Rawls. I would like to focus on this particular feature of Sen’s recent thinking, trying to situate it in its comparative approach of justice. As I show, Sen does not appear committed to propose a theory of justice (...) that is exactly new, but to analyze which aspects of the existing theories, particularly the Rawlsian one, have prevented, or at least have not favored the effective attainment of justice that they themselves advocate. (shrink)

El pensamiento político, en el amplio sentido del término, constituye uno de los ámbitos del exilio intelectual español de 1939 menos explorados y, sin embargo, más ricos, por su diversidad temática, su variedad de contextos y de registros, su proyección crítica y su originalidad de planteamientos. Dicho pensamiento podría ordenarse en torno a dos ejes fundamentales: En primer lugar, la reflexión sobre el liberalismo y el socialismo. Autores como María Zambrano, Joaquín Xirau, Eduardo Nicol, José Ferrater Mora, Francisco Ayala oSalvador (...) de Madariaga, entre otros, plantearon, desde perspectivas diversas,un pensamiento liberal que, ligado a menudo a una cierta retrospectiva de latradición hispánica, busca señas de identidad propias frente a las herenciascanónicas del liberalismo de raíz ilustrada. Asimismo, autores como Fernandode los Ríos, Luis Araquistáin, Juan D. García Bacca o Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez,plantearon un pensamiento socialista heterogéneo que comprende desde perfilesde raigambre krausista y neokantiana hasta asimilaciones sistemáticas de la obrade Marx, siempre reacias a formulaciones cientistas o deterministas. En segundolugar, una genealogía del totalitarismo contemporáneo. Más allá de la reflexiónsobre el fascismo español y sus fuentes reaccionarias, se repara también – y sobre todo - en su condición europea, ligada a la progresión inmanente, secularizadoray tecno-científica de la racionalidad moderna. Tal es el caso de las reflexionestempranas sobre el fascismo de Eugenio Ímaz y María Zambrano, las cualesencontrarán cierta continuidad en planteamientos posteriores de autores comoJosé Gaos y Eduardo Nicol, centrados en las nuevas formas de totalitarismoinscritas en la razón instrumental. (shrink)

This paper discusses Kant’s dealing with a fundamental of modern politics, that is, the concept of sovereignty, as well as its own capacity to reshape political order. Overcoming failures and fallacies that traditionally such a concept has maintained, Kant’s political philosophy focuses on the way to reach international peace institutionally. Starting from the discussion of contradiction in sovereignty, the paper briefly analyzes the analogy between individuals and states; finally, core elements of Kant’s cosmopolitan thought will be presented. Kant’s project basically (...) seeks to rewrite the early modern relation between politics and philosophy promoting republicanism, which is, mainly, a theory that shares state’s powers and defends representation. Extending such a political way from domestic to a world domain, Kant’s final solution for a World Republic implies a change of paradigm, by which modern sovereignty gets reassessed into a blended institutionalized coercion that emphasizes vertical power-sharing, so it realizes a cosmopolitan model of world order. (shrink)

In the current political discourse and in the day-by-day public debate, discussions about justice come frequently together with the word “dignity”. In some way, this second term constitutes the aim of the first one. Justice is a worthy public objective precisely because governmental actions seek for the realization of everybody´s dignity. Situations of exclusion are unacceptable because then somebody is treated as being an outsider of the human race. However, in the theoretical approaches to the issue, only a few times (...) does justice run side by side with dignity, at least in explicit and clear terms. It’s true that words like respect or self-respect, appear frequently when the question is about the rules of fair distribution or the scope of human rights, but there is among the thinkers some kind of reluctance to use the notion of “dignity” as a central part of the foundations of social justice. John Rawls, for example, uses only three times the word in all of his classic A Theory of Justice. Probably philosophers think that the notion of human dignity introduces some essentialism in the rational argumentation, and inevitably some theological bias. At best, the introduction of the word does not improve the reasoning in any way. In this paper I affirm that there are good reasons to link philosophical foundations on justice with adequate notions of human dignity. Not for theological of metaphysical reasons, but for practical reasons. If we do not introduce the dignity dimension, our constructions about justice will remain speculative exercises. The public have good and rational arguments to bind justice with dignity. (shrink)

La Historia es uno de los medios privilegiados en el que se apoya la memoria para poder persistir. A través de los relatos históricos de cronistas, maestros, historiadores, novelistas, artistas plásticos, la memoria era preservada, creada o recreada, interpretada o reinterpretada. Estas construcciones — estas memorias —, que pretenden hacernos conocer el pasado, no pueden separarse ni de sus autores, ni del momento o del contexto en el que fueron elaboradas, ni de los grupos que se las han apropiado. A (...) lo largo del siglo XIX mexicano las dos fuerzas políticas dominantes — liberales y conservadores — se disputaban la capacidad de imponer una versión del pasado que fuera congruente con sus ideas de lo que era y debía ser la nación mexicana. Se toma como ejemplo la disputa a la que dio lugar la guerra de Independencia de México sobre la inclusión o la exclusión de acontecimientos, de tradiciones y de culturas en l a invención de la nueva nación mexicana. (shrink)

This paper nalyzes the relationship between one of the main themes of contemporary political philosophy, that of justice, and one of the main phenomena that characterize our societies today: the diversity of identities. In particular we start from the idea that it is necessary to overcome the vision of the State and its homogenous citizens and break old stereotypes that are the basis of many of the Manichean visions in the contemporary world. Retrieving, among others, Nancy Fraser’s proposal, highlighting the (...) relevance of thinking three-dimensionally about justice: not only from the economic dimension of distribution, but also the cultural dimension of recognition and the political dimension of representation, because in the contemporary world injustices exist not only in the economic field but also in the cultural and political realms; from exploitation and marginalization, imposition and cultural violence, and lack of power and self-determination. (shrink)

The author considers the fact that feminism has two ways of development in the political sphere of the society: either formation of an independent political force or marginalization determined by inadequate view about the interpretation of the political realm gender dimension. According to the author, feminism is threatened by erosion and decay in case of its invading the non-political sphere and transference of opposing categorical divisions associated with the idea of “masculine” politics elimination. Since the non-political sphere becomes the field (...) of generating sub-political civil initiatives, the positive prospect for political feminism is not to engender political issues, but to determine certain forms of civil participation and influence within society and social dialogue; as well as the frames of political representation, while maintaining the non-political sphere autonomy. (shrink)

Die Frage, wie man das Politische definieren kann, ist eine der wesentlichen Fragen der gegenwärtigen politischen Philosophie: Was macht eine Handlung oder eine Idee „politisch“ oder „unpolitisch“? Um diese Frage zu beantworten, muss zunächst bestimmt werden, was das Politische von der Politik unterscheidet. Seit Carl Schmitt gibt es verschiedene Kriterien für diese Unterscheidung. Letztlich hat Jacques Rancière „das Politische“ als Antagonismus zwischen Politik und Polizei definiert und behauptet, ähnlich wie der Ansatz der politischen Anthropologie, dass die Politik außerhalb des Staates (...) möglich ist. In diesem Zusammenhang ist Sophokles’ Tragödie Antigone problematisch, denn es gibt zahlreiche Kommentare, die Antigones Handeln „unpolitisch“ nennen. In diesem Beitrag werde ich versuchen zu zeigen, dass Antigones Position nicht „unpolitisch“ genannt werden kann. Am Schluss werde ich aus der Sicht Rancières erläutern, warum Antigones Handeln „politisch“ ist und wie Politik als Emanzipation und Gleichheit möglich sein kann. (shrink)

In the paper I want to suggest an environmental argument in favor of global distributive justice. This argument aids in the understanding of the idea of a global share of burdens and benefits which comes from natural resources. A similar argument was raised in the past, together with the demand for the restraint of deforestation in Brazil, for example, even though the rain forests are natural resources located in its territory. The argument I suggest regards the atmosphere as well as (...) greenhouse gas emissions as common, and hence, its distribution should be grounded on considerations of global justice. If rich countries think that they are sovereign to do whatever they like with natural resources which are within their territories, then poor countries should have the right to do the same with greenhouse gas emissions to the atmosphere above their territories, and consequently make an uninhibited and unrestrained use of these resources. Rich countries who reject this idea have to accept the idea that they should share part of their wealth with poor countries, from which they ask for restrained development. (shrink)

La mayoría de los estudios sobre la obra de Paul Ricoeur han enfatizado sus escritos fenomenológico-existenciales y su filosofía hermenéutica. No se trata de impugnar aquí la relevancia central de estos temas en su vasta obra. Tampoco es cuestión de negar que si bien sus escritos políticos constituyen, como él mismo advierte, “la estructura de recepción para la filosofía política. Esta filosofía política queda por hacer.” Lo que se intentará destacar, como él mismo enseña, es que “la humanidad viene al (...) hombre por medio del cuerpo político que el individuo no se hace humano más que en esa totalidad que es la ‘universalidad de los ciudadanos.” Sirva la cita para mostrar que si bien no elaboró una filosofía política orgánica, su interés por esta materia nunca estuvo ausente. Proponemos rastrear sus reflexiones políticas bajo la hipótesis de que mientras el hilo conductor de su pensamiento político es el “vivir-bien”, tanto como sus trabajos tempranos apuntan a una síntesis entre libertad e institución, en el marco de una filosofía política autonomizada de lo económico, en los textos tardíos la síntesis es entre justicia e institución, en el dominio de una filosofía política que no admite ser reducida a lo jurídico. (shrink)

The paper examines the problem of object determination of political philosophy in the context of scientific knowledge of politics and political practice. Political philosophy has special status among the variety of the humanities and social sciences that consider politics as their subject. Political philosophy in its specific is in value-oriented attitude of the researcher to the object of his interest. A possible result is the recognized social practice of such political action that is an action of a political philosopher. Value-oriented (...) position of the political philosopher differs in essence from manipulation practice which subject acts for the purpose of private or group interests’ realization misleading concern of their true intentions. The aim of the political philosopher is political enlightenment. He is a scientist and a researcher of politics, speaking for truth, and a political actor, influencing politics, at the same time. (shrink)

The 2008 and 2012 presidential elections in the United States of America showed that democracy and demographics are correlated in a microcosmic nation, where the concept of majority ethnic group is becoming an endangered species. President Obama’s reelection victory can be attributed, among other factors, to the Obama Code, or Obama’s “effective way to bring the country together around fundamental American values”. The victory was also due to his domestic ‘Diplobamacy’, i.e., Obama’s cultural understanding of, effective dialogue and communication on (...) domestic issues and policies relative to gender, class, race, immigration, and age, also referred to as ‘Gender Diplobamacy’, ‘Class Diplobamacy’, ‘Race Diplobamacy’, ‘Immigration Diplobamacy’, and ‘Millennial Diplobamacy’. Throughout President Obama’s first term and during both presidential campaigns, he showed that not only did his biracial identity allow him to better understand the complex demographic and cultural realities of today’s USA, but it also allowed him to see our common humanity and interests in a networked global village. The Obama Code and Diplobamacy allowed Obama to forge a new majority through “the coalition of the ascendant”. In the 21st-century’s multipolar world, “the Obama Doctrine” prefigures a new era of multilateralism, renewed internationalism, global democracy, and cosmocitizenship. (shrink)

Of the many ideological blind spots that have afflicted political perceptions and analysis, none has been more debilitating than the equation of democracy with liberalism. Thus those who attempt to derive propaganda value from such an equation are vulnerable, as the US government has found, to the rhetorical counter attack that in opposing democratically elected governments, such as that of Hamas or Hugo Chavez, they are not merely being anti-democratic, but are in illiberal opposition to human rights and civil liberties (...) also; an argument quite independent of the same charges emanating from their support of, for example, the governments of Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. Furthermore The Council of Europe has drawn attention to the US government’s inhumane, humiliating, degrading and cruel treatment, including torture, of prisoners, at Guantanamo, and the torture of prisoners in the supposedly secret or “black” prisons operated both by the CIA, and other countries, where the torture of prisoners, often illegally or extra judicially rendered to them, has been outsourced. In light of this the paper takes up a discussion of the nature of the relationship between Liberalism, Democracy and Torture as it is germane to the current legitimation crisis facing supposedly liberal democracies. (shrink)

In this paper I argue that the attempt to develop practice dependence as a middle path between cosmopolitanism and social liberalism ultimately fails. In particular, I contend that the only type of practice dependence that can coherently be defended collapses into cosmopolitanism. I trace the origin of practice dependence theory from Cohen and Sabel’s work through Sangiovanni and Valentini. After discussing the various different types of practice dependence, I argue that the only type of practice dependence that stands up to (...) scrutiny is functionalism, but that if functionalism is true, it commits us to cosmopolitanism. (shrink)

Religious dialogue is a trend and characteristics of the contemporary religious development, it has a historic significance. Religious dialogue is based on the existence of religion in a diversified society. This is not a problem of which theoretical possibility needed to be discussed and studied, but a historical fact which can be derived by the religious history of the development of China. Diversification is not only the basis of religious dialogue, but also the logical premise of democracy: without the existence (...) of diversification, equality and freedom, as the essence of democracy, there will be no basis for discussion. Such understanding of the nature of democracy has a positive and practical significance. (shrink)

Experience itself, Gadamer argues, can never be science. It is a non-scientific deliberation. This paper aims to critically analyze the recovery of the concept of “hermeneutical experience” in Gadamer’s philosophical investigations. Focusing mainly on Gadamer’s magnum opus Truth and Method and his later writings on ethics and politics, this examination will allow us to discuss a) the imaginative development of Gadamer’s interpretations on Aristotle’s notion of phronēsis as practical judgment and its political repercussions for modernity, b) a construction of a (...) possible dialogue between Aristotle’s proto-hermeneutical inquiry on praxis and Hegel’s phenomenological account of the experience of conversation, c) a critical engagement with both Habermas’ procedural conception of political philosophy, through which the role of philosophy is largely restricted to the problem of designing procedures for determining the validity of generalizable, collectively binding norms and Derrida’s unconditional and anti-foundational idea of ethics where the call of the other; the arrival of the other, of a singular event, is a burden, an infinite political responsibility; and finally d) a more aesthetic and non-cognitivist idea of experience where there is an openness to the tragic nature of human action. (shrink)

The issue of ideology is a very important proposition in Marxist theory. In the course of their scientific exploration to establish historical materialism and in their critique of the whole of capitalist society and culture, as represented by Germany, Marx and Engels always treated materialist inquiries into ideological issues as the focus of their struggle with idealism. By adhering to the fundamental intellectual principle that man’s social being determines his social consciousness, they defined ideology’s reactive mechanism and social function in (...) terms of the interrelationship of economic, political and mental life; defined its subjective mechanism and class attributes in terms of the mutually generative and prescriptive relations between social consciousness and social entities; and defined its cognitive features and its character of practicality in terms of the forms of existence of social consciousness and the relationship of knowing and doing. From this they constructed three dimensions and nine perspectives for interpreting ideological phenomena and clarified intellectual tenets and a scientific methodology for understanding ideology. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to critically evaluate Chantal Mouffe’s adaptation of the concept of the political proposed by Carl Schmitt. It is my claim that her adaptation is contradictory to Schmitt’s assertions on the political. The rigidity of the concept of the political cannot lend to promising adaptations for democratic theory. The primary interest lies not, therefore, in possibility or cogency of her adaptation, but rather with the consistency of basing this view on Schmitt’s concept of the political. (...) In this aim, I argue, Mouffe fails to find the correct theoretical background. I thus offer three reasons for misappropriation of the concept of the political: misconstruction of the friend-enemy distinction along the adversary-enemy lines; Mouffe’s claim that consensus is unreachable; and different views of ontology in Mouffe and Schmitt. (shrink)

In this work, I explore the question of whether Karl Marx did characterise capitalism as unjust and condemn it as such. I argue that he did not. Proponents of the view that Marx condemned capitalism as unjust contend that his use of terms such as ‘robbery’, ‘theft’, and ‘embezzlement’ against capitalist exploitation necessarily commit him to moral condemnation of capitalism. In addition, his vision of a communist state where the principle, ‘from each according to his ability to each according to (...) his needs’ will apply, proves that some principles are essentially more just than others on a tran-historical standard of justice. I argue that Marx’s texts vindicate him of moral indictment. Exploitation of workers under capitalism as espoused by Marx, conforms to the capitalist mode of production, hence, the transaction through which the workers are exploited by the capitalist and the distribution relations ensuing from this relation are just. Marx’s use of ‘robbery’ and cognate terms, I argue, is metaphorical, hence, not a proof of his condemnation of capitalism. I further argue that the need principle is not a principle of justice, for Marx had firmly stated that communists do not preach morality. (shrink)

Nietzsche’s connection with the Anarchists sounds rather peculiar since he is known for his hostility towards anything socialistic. However, this paper makes use of “elective affinity” – a term deriving mainly from Johann Goethe and Max Weber, which I intend to adopt in the way Michael Lowy did in his essay on Jewish libertarian thought – in order to present various hints of this connection. For Lowy, elective affinity is a kind of dialectical relationship that develops between two social or (...) cultural configurations and cannot be reduced to direct causality or to ‘influences’ in the traditional sense. It is a mutual and active attraction that can end up even at a fusion. Hence, hints of this affinity will be presented, firstly, by locating the “presence” of Nietzsche in the thought and politics of anarchist thinkers – and especially in Gustav Landauer – and, secondly, by recognizing fragments of the anarchist worldview in certain aspects of the Nietzschean philosophy and life. (shrink)

This paper tries to discuss the concept of inclusive toleration, conceived as that toleration which is not based on empirical considerations –more kantiano- nor it needs political justifications, but it is rooted on individuals’ dignity conceived as a metaphysical preconception and not as the result of public recognition. To see the scope of the concept we analyze John Locke’s views in his Letter concerning Toleration, and John Rawls’ ideas on the cooperation of free individuals who voluntarily and rationally interact to (...) arrive to political agreements. It will be argued that Rawls’ position is more inclusive than Locke’s, though it still has obvious shortcomings. (shrink)

The public sphere plays a crucial role in the functioning of liberal democracy. As a sphere conceived ideally independent of state control and economic influence, it serves as the sounding board of social and political concerns, where communications take place, ideas are exchanged, and arguments are put forward. The liberal notion of the public sphere relies on values such as inclusivity, transparency, equality, and rationality. This paper explores the limits of the liberal notion of the public sphere by looking into (...) the recent media transformation, which blurry the boundary between public and private, change the form and content of the circulation of information, and are decoupling the communicative from the political realm. Taken together these media transformation ask for a reconsideration of the dominant model of the public sphere. (shrink)

This paper examines Aristotle’s conception of responsibility through three different interpretations present in contemporary ethics and political philosophy. The topics of moral and political responsibility are discussed within Nicomachean Ethics and Politics, which contain an emphasis on human character and its components, the virtues. Discussion on responsibility has been present in one form or another within the history of western philosophy since its very beginning. As there has not been any universally recognized, continuous process of definition, the writings on responsibility (...) by Aristotle are still as valid source as any other of the more recent theories on the subject. Aristotle doesn’t have a directly translatable word for “responsibility”. Therefore some interpretation has to be used. If ethics and political philosophy of the last decades are looked at, it seems that there have been several different approaches to Aristotle’s conception of responsibility. In this presentation three of these approaches are examined: responsibility for action, responsibility for character and political responsibility. Through these three interpretations of Aristotle’s responsibilityit is reflected upon, what of his ideas could be utilised in contemporary discussion on responsibility. (shrink)

Die Idee einer rationalen Öffentlichkeit, die als Bedingung jeder repräsentativen Demokratie gilt, wird heute einer immer heftiger werdenden Kritik unterzogen, sodass für eine Neu-Organisation des Gesellschaftslebens eine neue Idee der Öffentlichkeit notwendig geworden ist. Statt bzw. neben einem homogenen Öffentlichkeitsbegriff, der auf dem Staatsbürger beruht, sollte durchaus die Möglichkeit einer auf Multitude beruhenden kollektiven Öffentlichkeit untersucht werden, was auch zur Diskussion hinsichtlich einer „absoluten Demokratie“ beitragen könnte. In diesem Beitrag wird, ausgehend von der Antigone des Sophokles, die Funktion des Chors (...) in der klassischen Tragödie behandelt und in Erwägung gezogen, inwieweit diese Funktion für die Entwicklung einer neuen Idee der Öffentlichkeit fruchtbar gemacht werden könnte. Dabei soll ersichtlich werden, dass eine solche Untersuchung des Chors mit all seiner Betonung des Konflikts, der Unbestimmtheit, der Kontingenz, gewisse Möglichkeiten in sich birgt, ein Verständnis der Politik zu transformieren, das auf Leitbegriffen wie Konsens, Ordnung, Notwendigkeit beruht und meist in Herrschaft endet. Ein von den heutigen Bedingungen ausgehender Ansatz zur Untersuchung der Funktion des Chors, dessen tragischer Aspekt in den Werken des Euripides mit Hilfe eines deus ex machina verwischt wurde, kann zu einem Begriff der Politik beitragen, der es ermöglicht, dass sich das Politische und das Tragische treffen und eine poetisch-feminine Idee der Öffentlichkeit entwickelt werden kann. Dieser neue Ansatz einer Untersuchung der Öffentlichkeitsfunktion des antiken Chors und deren Bedeutung für die heutige Politik werden in diesem Beitrag ausgearbeitet. (shrink)

This article examines the contemporary political-social crisis of Europe, tracing causes of such crisis in the project of the EU or, more precisely, in fundamental contradictions and intrinsic difficulties of EU theories and practices in relation towards the concept of the political and concept of democracy. Investigating various, principal as well as particular examples of the gap between EU forms and European realities, with special reference to processes of depolitization, the author, in dialogue with both philosophical conceptions of radical left (...) and right, lines out new shapes of discursive movements and social impulses for action. In final part of the article, coming from the thought on true democracy as an alternative to the current EU project, the choice between politics and anti-politics is presented. In such light, rethinking of both the contemporary situation and the future of Europe, doubtlessly refers to the event of the political based on freedom, equality and justice. (shrink)

The paper attempts to briefly examine some basic issues of Aristotle’s political philosophy. The first part presents some perspectives based on the interaction between the concepts of justice and equality. It also presents an example taken from Plato’s Politeia for the importance of justice as a value which can educate good citizens. The second part refers to citizenship and the need for a community to have a prevailing middle class, characterized by the value that Aristotle defines as “civic virtue” [πολιτική (...) αρετή]. The last part of the paper explains the concept of “civic virtue”, which has to be connected with abilities, middle solutions and distance from extremes. It also deals with advantages concerning democratic and lawful systems of government, which should be supported by educated individuals, according to what was previously referred. (shrink)

The paper presents a discussion of the theory and practice of direct democracy and its relation to a stable legal system and legalism. In contemporary theories of democracy, the most important factor in determining the proper functioning of this system is elections. The referendum is regarded as most popular institution of direct democracy. According many constitutionalists and theorists of democracy, the referendum is not an improvement to democratic rule because it is inherently simplistic and rejects compromise. It represents a danger (...) to the state of law because it weakens constitutional controls, which can be shocking and frustrating to the people. In many cases, it can be used as a populist instrument to impose limitations on freedom. Also, groundbreaking applications of the referendum in the early 21st century pose serious problems for political and social life, so the political elites seek to avoid this procedure. Generally, they use arguments about the specialization of law, and arbitrarily decide about the use of the referendum. The main role of the referendum in contemporary democratic countries is no longer to allow for the expression of a dialogue between rulers and the governed in the law-making process. The contemporary situation can be described as a crisis of democracy, but we can also find symptoms of a new post-democratic era. (shrink)

My paper will be an inquiry on the meaning and the role of political philosophy. Political philosophy has a different ambition than other fields of academic philosophical doctrines: it should create ideas and theories that go twofold ways; they have to be consistent enough to be considered as a sufficient moral theory of good society, but they also had to be in some ways politically relevant for actual societies. In my paper I claim that if one of these aspects is (...) overemphasized then political philosophy will lose it credibility, either on political feasibility or as a philosophical academic doctrine. Therefore it seems that political philosophy is in the middle of Rawlsian conceptions of ideal and non-ideal theory. I claim that political philosophy should consist on at least these three elements; regulativity, reforming and reflectivity. These elements give political philosophy it contents as a eutopia model, in other words, model for a realistic good society. (shrink)

The article deals with the politics of secularism as an essential component of modern democracy, confronting the contributions of three major contemporary political philosophers about religion and public life. I present, first, Charles Taylor’s characterization of secularist regimes as attempts to secure the basic principles of the modern moral order. Next, I argue that John Rawls’s growing interest in the relation between religion and democracy led him to an even more inclusive view of public reason. Thirdly, I show that Jürgen (...) Habermas preserves a distinction between faith and knowledge that proves essential to grasping the debate over the place of religion in the public sphere. All three thinkers are concerned with the appropriate forum for the basic political language of the secular state. In a nutshell, my interpretation highlights a much greater proximity between Habermas and Rawls regarding political justification, on the one hand, and between the former and Taylor concerning the normative basis for the secular state, on the other hand, than their various interventions seem to indicate. (shrink)

The concept of radical democracy is a concept that is often used in an ambiguous way. There are a lot of theorists that are theorizing radical democracy, either outspokenly or labeled radical democrats by their peers. Regardless, there doesn’t seem to any consensus on what the concept of radical democracy entails and how it differs from any other conception of democracy. This lack of conceptional clarity leads to a situation where the radical in democracy is used only to add rhetorical (...) strength to the concept as a whole. In this paper I will first present a couple of already existing different conceptions of radical democracy, they are not seen as definitions but are descriptive of similarities in the usage of the concept within different contextual frameworks. After this I will present what I find the most plausible usage of the concept which is radical democracy as difference. In this view radical democracy is viewed as a concept where difference is seen as the main constitutive feature of democracy, a view that ties this question to the agonism/deliberative democracy debate. (shrink)

Rawlsian framework is based on a cooperation model, which takes a democratic society as a cooperation system. Such a conception of democracy not only obscures the distinction between democracy and despotism; it also makes it hard to argue for the superiority of democracy over despotism. This article develops a different model, the competition model, to explain the historical development towards democracy and to justify democracy as a social order superior to despotism. I argue that once we adopt the competition model (...) to understand democracy, its distinctive characters as well as its merits will fully bear out. (shrink)

A central concern for non-ideal theory is how to reconcile what political morality demands with what political reality permits. My view is that a liberal conception of religious freedom should be guided by this concern. In this paper I offer a brief defense of an egalitarian conception of religious freedom that takes non-ideal theory seriously. Many liberal accounts of religious freedom are framed in terms of American or European legal and political traditions and in this way are liable to suffer (...) from a kind of parochialism. A non-ideal theory of religious freedom should have something useful to offer to transitional societies, including emerging democracies with Muslim majority populations and I try to show that an egalitarian conception of religious freedom is promising in this way. (shrink)

A framework derived from Jürgen Habermas’ Between Facts and Norms is utilized to address the question of how claims for minority rights, that emerge from ethical-political discourses, may receive public recognition. The major difficulty in this regard turns upon discrepancies between the interpretations of minority cultural needs by the members of a given community and interpretations of the same needs on the part of those outside of the community in question. I argue that the best way to assess across cultural (...) “barriers” the credibility of the outcomes of substantive discourses does not involve minimizing requirements for their deliberativeness, as some recent publications claim, but rather strictly differentiating between the procedure and substance of the deliberation. (shrink)

This paper attemps to point out the importance of the approach of Leo Strauss in the 21st century. The Straussian approach to the history of political thought requires the recovery of ancient knowledge of political things. And this is in turn requires the revival of classical political philosophy. Leo Strauss puts Ancient as Modern, approaching Modern as the philosophical foundation of Western decadence. For Leo Strauss, positivism and historicism led western civilization to relativism. The classical political philosophy discredited as anti-democratic (...) and incompatible with modern natural science. Moral values were undermined by historical facts. Good and evil ceased to employ modern political philosophers and received by the discredited metaphysical field. Modern man surrendered to individualism, conformism and nihilism. (shrink)

The issue on the role of moral values in politics is among those ones which cause hot debates both in academic area and in everyday life. Some contemporary philosophical approaches on it not only enable or deprive politics with moral characteristics, but everyone in its own way carries out ‘the politics of morality’, which provide them with a necessary horizon to initiate the successful ‘import’ or ‘export’ of moral values at the different stages and the levels of politics. Morality and (...) moral values paradoxically function in the relation to politics. They a) enable to keep political processes alive, b) serve as an integrators of social life via political actions. But at the same time they can forbid the construction and constitution of social ‘body’ in political actions. In other words they prevent the main actors of political life from the coming to the agreement on the core values and always endanger the process of ordering of social coexistence. (shrink)

The purpose of the present work is to rethink the dichotomy between recognition and redistribution taking the current scenario of the European crisis as a critical resource. Initially, we will address the theme based on Nancy Fraser’s article titled “Social justice in the knowledge society.” Then we will try to demonstrate how the crisis’ vocabulary leads us to a moral background that breaks the dichotomy between the concepts of recognition and redistribution present in Fraser’s article. After that we will apply (...) Lazzarato’s interpretation of Foucaldian category of power in order to understand the European crisis in terms of a structured exercise of power established by the creditor-debtor relationship. From this relationship placed in relief, one can resume Fraser’s concept of struggle for recognition in other perspective, now consonant with a transnational policy, in which the cultural background that accompanies the crisis arises as a result of a political strategy. In this sense, both struggles will be subordinated to the same political game. (shrink)

This paper attempts to show that in western late modern societies, in the absence of absolute foundations and the lack of a frame of meaning that opens new horizons of expectations, a political self-understanding of the present in terms of past, begins to emerge. This is possible because the major “catastrophes” of the twentieth century have not established a rupture between past and present on the political plane. What I am trying to show here is that the kind of break (...) between past and present made possible by events such as the French Revolution and the fall of the Soviet Union, took place because these events provoked political ruptures. Because the catastrophes of the 20th century did not break the political order which gave them birth, they have created an order of time which, without leaving the future aside, feeds itself from the past which is read in the register of a memory code. (shrink)

Vivimos situaciones de déficit de nuestras democracias y de debilitamiento del Estado de derecho. Los resultados socio-políticos actuales no son necesariamente los resultados que deberían ser. Cada vez más los propios ciudadanos se implican en el pensar acerca de lo que está mal en el mundo, cómo sería éste si fuera mejor y cómo dar los pasos específicos para mejorarlo. Su creciente tendencia a implicarse en los asuntos públicos es una de las respuestas en auge ante la debilidad de nuestras (...) democracias como ámbitos de expresión de la soberanía popular y del estado de derecho como institución protectora de sus ciudadanos. Este fenómeno ha provocado una lucha de poder dentro de la esfera política entre gobiernos y ciudadanía que bloquea en sí misma las vías de superación y de apertura hacia nuevas posibilidades. En respuesta a este bloqueo una posible solución consiste en extrapolar la situación desde lo político a lo metafísico, para encontrar un fundamento del orden social que permita resituar los fenómenos políticos. El contenido del presente trabajo es una muestra de las líneas principales de una investigación en relación al estudio de las posibilidades de la sociedad abierta de Bergson como posible vía de fundamentación metafísica en la compensación de los actuales déficits democráticos y en la creación de nuevas formas de soberanía popular. (shrink)

With the intention of considering again the relation between Biopolitics and Human Rights, the following lines are devoted once more to the dialogue that Giorgio Agamben establishes with Hannah Arendt. The origins of totalitarianism, published in 1951, and Homo sacer: Il potere sovrano e la nuda vita and Mezzi senza fine: note sulla politica, published respectively in 1995 and 1996, shall be our more prominent references. The dialogue will be, however, oriented by the courtship of humanitarian help. We should take (...) seriously the hypothesis of the Italian philosopher hereupon. For one side, the humanitarian sense emerges in our century purified of every political commitment, contributing to consolidate the comprehension of life as mere life, as biological life, as simple fact of being alive. For another side, holding paradoxically the vision of bare life as the one dismissed of rights, we could observe that the humanitarian aid replaces the recognition, the assignment and the guarantees of rights. The distribution of food and medicine delays always more the gesture of recognition of equality, the fair assignment of rights and the guarantees of opportunities in order to allow the exercise those rights. It takes us to the point where we cannot avoid anymore the suspicions that a secret solidarity, renewed between the international organizations of humanitarian aid and the forces that they must confront, nourishes the contemporary dreams. (shrink)

Las líneas que ocuparán nuestra atención han sido escritas para evidenciar un engranaje de similitudes detectadas en las ideas de los importantes teóricos del siglo veinte: Hannah Arendt y Hans Gadamer. Arendt autodefinida teórica de la política, filósofa, discípula de Heidegger y por ende heredera de la tradición fenomenológica. Gadamer, figura clave en el campo de la hermenéutica, discípulo de Husserl al igual que de Heidegger. El punto de partida se encuentra en las ideas alusivas a los fundamentos de la (...) libertad humana, termino omnipresente en la tradición filosófica; en Gadamer asociado al sedentarismo como etapa evolutivo-social; en Arendt, concepto esencial, a la llegada al mundo de cada individuo, potenciales actores políticos. Recordando que en la filósofa de Hannover, en la esfera de los asuntos humanos el desempeño de cada actor, es decir la acción, es el corazón mismo de la política, olo que es igual: poder intrínseco a nuestra plural estadía en el mundo. Bajoambas concepciones hallamos igualmente la auctoritas, opuesta en Gadamera la violencia tribal primitiva, pero en consonancia con el poder reconocido.También Arendt disociará la fuerza o violencia de la autoridad; porque la fuerzaserá el modo pre-político o a-político de ser en la esfera de los asuntos humanos. (shrink)

In this research, possible variants of the correlation between violence and non-violence in politics are revealed through the prism of N. Machiavelli’s works, especially Machiavelli’s idea, Machiavellianism, humanistic, and pacifist concepts. The basic difference between the specified variants of understanding the correlation between morality and politics is established. It is stressed that Machiavellianism cannot be named a policy at all, for such an activity is an extremely criminal offence. Machiavelli’s limited humanism can be relatively justified only at the stage of (...) formation of the national states, but it is inadmissible in the globalizing world. The pacifist non-resistant variant is considered to be immoral. It is asserted that modern global problems, both international and domestic ones, can be solved only on the humanistic non-violence policy basis, whose principles are revealed in the “axial time” suggested by the world religions and philosophy as developed by I. Kant, F. Dostoevsky, M. Gandhi, M. L. King, etc. (shrink)

En esta oportunidad analizaremos el tratamiento de los conceptos de “población” y “público” realizado por M. Foucault y la apropiación de ellos efectuada por M. Lazzarato a partir de la noción deleuzeana de “sociedad de control”. M. Foucault aborda la categoría de “población” como un dominio específico de intervención gubernamental, visibilizada como arraigo biológico de la especie y como superficie de sujetamiento en el “público”. Retomando esta idea, M. Lazzarato afirma que el despliegue de los procesos de subjetivación y de (...) sometimiento presentes en las sociedades contemporáneas ya no se registran en la intervención directa sobre las poblaciones, sino en la producción continua y reiterada de “públicos”. Según el pensador italiano, la emergencia de “públicos” se presenta en un escenario que transmutó de sociedad disciplinaria o de la biopolítica a lo que Deleuze denominó “sociedad de control”. El análisis propuesto develará al capitalismo en sus formas actuales ya no centrado en la producción y reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo a partir del encierro, sino en la producción de bienes de servicios para ser consumidos. Existimos en una sociedad global de consumo en la que las técnicas de gobierno, ahora noopolítica en termino de M. Lazzarato, se dirigen hacia la modulación de la volición para producir deseo por la mercancía. (shrink)

En mi texto, defiendo la tesis de que la igualdad y la libertad no son suficientes para entender en qué consiste la justicia global: necesitan complementarse con la idea de fraternidad. El debate filosófico actual sobre la justicia global enfrenta a cosmopolitas y estatalistas y gira en torno a la igualdad y la libertad. Pero ambos enfoques tienen problemas. La igualdad, en su versión cosmopolita, tiende a proponer una justicia distributiva mundial y una igualdad global de oportunidades difíciles de justificar (...) y aplicar, y en su versión estatalista acaba negando cualquier tipo de injusticia en las grandes desigualdades globales; y la libertad deja sin atender a todas aquellas personas con un sufrimiento extremo que no se puede probar que los ricos globales hayan causado. Creo que la fraternidad se puede transformar en un principio político útil para entender la moralidad política global y los deberes de justicia de los ricos globales. (shrink)

From the reconstruction of the approaches of Rodrigo Uprimny and Rajeev Bhargava on transitional justice models, it will be posed that the minimally decent society concept, coined by the second author, sheds new light on the discussions about better models to be implemented in societies with humanitarian crises. Intertwining the arguments of these authors could allow us to extend the scope of application of transitional justice to diverse contexts, say from dictatorship to democracy, from war to peace, or from a (...) barbaric society to a minimally decent one. (shrink)

Throughout the past decade, philosophers have grappled with the idea that armed conflict in contemporary times has ushered in a new, transformative era of warfare, maintaining that the new phase introduces crucial differences that undermine existing frameworks for the ethical analysis of war. I argue that such differences are strikingly different from one in which older wars of the modern period took place. In this paper, I maintain that emergent properties of new wars frequently include the rise of intrastate identity-based (...) conflicts, asymmetric warfare involving states and nonstate actors, high civilian to combatant death ratios, growing disregard for the laws of armed conflict, and increased use of irregular war strategies and tactics, which may or may not include the use of new technologies. In my defense of the new war hypothesis, I discuss two additional features. First, the blurring of distinctions across multiple categories that formerly characterized old wars, and second, the perpetual/ongoing nature of new wars. (shrink)

The idea of deliberative democracy is as old as democracy itself. Like democracy, it has its origin in Greece, in the fifth century B.C. To think democracy in terms of the deliberative ideal brings certain internal tensions in the ideal: tensions between procedural justification and the need for independent standards of judgment and reason; tensions between freedom and equality; and the tensions between its ideal and the actual conditions of pluralism and complexity in contemporary globalized societies. Resolving such tensions is (...) a demanding issue for the present pluralistic democracy. Following Habermas and Rawls, the present paper will try to find out whether its proposed reforms can enrich and improve democratic practice and provide justice in contemporary social life. (shrink)

The alleged legitimacy of democracy is founded on the legislative and executive representative power. But, the voters sometimes are ignored by their representatives. However, with the instrumental possibility of the new media, democracy can evolve into participative citizenship and can overcome the limitations of centralized democracy. While the traditional mass media were kept in the hands of interest groups and suppose that ordinary citizens possessed democracy and seek to find information, the new media grant information and seek democracy. With it, (...) voters can to have an active role in legislation, execution, jurisdiction and audit regarding the acts performed by the government. The limitations are solved by the new media. We proposed to create a mediated citizenship. It is here that the role of the new media takes a higher position in the increment of political communication reciprocity between representatives and their constituents. The importance of the new media, then, lies in the fact that they have the capacity to sustain the rights of the ignored majorities and the oppressed minorities. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to justify the view that the intrusion of capitalism in democracy is not only undesirable; it is repugnant to the idea of self-government as well. I shall also bring to light in this context the historical background that has made the intrusion possible. Democracy as a social ideal based on moral values and its aim is to ensure the right to equality of all men. Capitalism on the other hand, is an economic view that (...) denies financial equality of humans and as such it is a barrier on the way to install spiritual equality and dignity of them all. In spite of the fact the people of capitalist countries believe that to be liberal a democracy must have a capitalist market society. According to them, “liberal democracy and capitalism go together.”1 And it would be surprising to them if this close relation between the two were merely co-incidental. I would like to differ from the view and put forth historical evidence to prove that the combination of capitalism with democracy is a curse in the history of civilization. (shrink)

Sophistry is alive and thrives. I argue that this less than venerable tradition modern and contemporary political philosophers continue to this day. I take Protagoras as the archetype sophist, and I show that John Stuart Mill, as does Protagoras, advocates happiness not in an ancient, rational, sense but in a sophistical, passional, sense. Despite their protestations, John Rawls and Robert Nozick continue to advocate a utilitarian happiness of a similar passional sort. The upshot of their sophistry is all too obvious (...) in our present financial crises. (shrink)

This paper aims to analyse the political thought of Theodore Beza, focusing on his construction of a right of resistance to be exercised by the Huguenot party, that had him as one of the most prominent leaders of its cause. This right of resistance was based on an empowerment of the “lesser magistrates” and the “Estates-General” of France to offer resistance against a tyrannical government. In his most important political written published in 1574 “On the Right of Magistrates over their (...) Subjects”, it is noticed an important fact to the history of the political thought that is the creation of the expression “fundamental laws”, that in our current days in many countries is used as synonym of “Constitution”. Although the resemblances of the use of the expression, in Beza’s times it had a loose sense when compared with nowadays usage. (shrink)

This paper explores the moral and political implications of Euripides’s Medea. Drawing critically on Aristotle’s and Nietzsche’s readings of Euripidean tragedy, I will show that in his Medea, Euripides brings to the attention of his Athenian audience that the Greek democratic ideal of persuasion can also be used by a foreigner/woman in her demand for justice. In doing so, Euripides at once advocates the civilizing power of Athenian political life and its civic ideals, and demonstrates its limitations and injustices, in (...) particular with regard to women and “barbarian” foreigners. But at the same time, Euripides also emphasises that the politics of revenge initiated by Medea herself, in response to her failure to persuade her opponents through speech, demonstrates not only the error in her judgement but also the deeply wounded moral psychology of the oppressed and marginalised people. The paper finally examines the principal contributions of Euripides’s tragic storytelling to political theory with particular reference to the concepts of cruelty, compassion and “enlarged mentality.”. (shrink)

Over the past decade or so, the liberal principle of legitimacy, which requires the justification of coercive law based on public reason, has come under severe attack from all sides. Some have criticized what they see as the exclusion of religious reason from the public sphere. Still others argue that the liberal proviso assumes a too-narrowly secularist definition of public reason, which, in fact, is more restrictive than what the principle of separation of church and state demands. Critics argue that (...) religious citizens’ participation in public debate should not be conditioned on whether they use public reason or not. Instead they should be free to use whatever reason they have—religious or not—in public deliberation on policy issues. While some political theorists have replied to these criticisms by engaging at the theoretical level with these arguments, I propose to assess them in practice. I start by granting the critics of public reason what they wish—namely to allow comprehensive reasons in discussion concerning justification of law—and examining the practical consequences of this measure. In assessing these consequences it will become apparent that, at the formal level of making and administering law, only those reasons that are accessible by all equally have a justificatory power. (shrink)

Confucianism designed a kind of social political theory quite different from those in the west. It was rooted in their realistic understandings on man, society, and the natural world. Generally, Confucians held that humankind has a specific meaning owing to mind though man came from the natural world and connected with all things. Human nature had to be defined in terms of mind whatever it was looked like. The potential ability of mind would be formed and perfected in a long (...) empirical history so as to shape one’s essence. The ability of mind to endow something with meanings was primary and then those of value judgment and rational cognition. It was the ability to plant meanings into things that was regarded as moral or positive in Confucians’ eyes because one’s world of meaning would be continuously widened and enriched. The process of resting meanings on things was exactly “efforts morally”. It led to a conclusion that education to help one require autonomy plays the key role in a society. It seems to be the only standard to judge whether a society is good or right. (shrink)

Face à la fragilité du monde, nous assistons à une forte sensibilisation, à l’émergence d’une nouvelle sollicitude et d’un souci de l’autre. En voyant les mauvaises conséquences de la mondialisation, comment doit-on considérer les étrangers qui vivent ensemble avec nous? Dans cet article, nous allons discuter la relation entre nous et les autres, selon le concept de la politique proposé par Jacques Derrida, tout en mettant l’accent sur l’hospitalité et la « démocratie à venir », afin de pouvoir répondre aux (...) questions qui sont soulevées entre « nous » et les autres. Notre travail est centré sur deux axes. D’une part nous soulignerons la dimension éthique de la déconstruction, c’est-à-dire nous discuterons de manière approfondie la relation entre nous et l’autre. De l’autre part nous développerons une déconstruction pratique à partir de l’action. Le concept d’hospitalité bouleverse le point de vue de l’État-nation, on ne distinguera plus aussi aisément les sans-papiers, les clandestins, les immigrés hors la loi. L’hospitalité caractérise un espace commun sans nom, réalisant finalement le rêve du cosmopolitisme et du citoyen mondial. (shrink)

While assessing the validity of the arguments in John Locke’s A Letter concerning Toleration, the scholarship on the English philosopher tends to overlook the distinction that he is making between three sources of religious intolerance, namely state, religious establishments and individuals, and concentrate mainly on the persecution by the state. The reason for this tendency in Locke’s scholarship is that nowadays toleration either by an established religion or by individuals is not an open question in the Western world. Consequently, Locke’s (...) interpreters mostly focus on what the philosopher has to say about the possibility that the state will use its force in order to limit the freedom of its citizens, not necessarily their religious ones. This leads them in turn to interpretative disagreements about the validity of the three kinds of arguments that Locke raises against religious intolerance, namely political, religious and philosophical arguments, as well as to the question of how they relate to each other. I argue that these disagreements arise not only from underestimating Locke’s essential distinction between the three possible sources of religious intolerance, but also from underestimating Locke’s interweaving strategy of argumentation. The aim of this paper, then, is to show that when one pays the proper attention to Locke’s distinctions as well as to his polemical strategy the relations between his three main arguments and their validity become clearer. Consequently it makes Locke’s A Letter concerning Toleration an important text regarding contemporary challenges of religious toleration in the western world. (shrink)

Contra Quentin Skinner’s and David Runciman’s influential accounts that aim to prove what kind of person the Hobbesian state is, in Leviathan Thomas Hobbes compares a commonwealth to an artificial man or an artificial God, but never to an artificial person, nor to a fictitious person. The commonwealth, therefore, should never be constrained to its persona civitatis since, besides its group personality, it also comprises “the multitude”, i.e. flesh and blood people disposed to act in a certain way. The analysis (...) of Hobbes’s definition of a commonwealth will show that, although group personality symbolises unity through representation and although it is essential that this unity exists, we cannot simply identify it with the state. Hobbes’s state, therefore, should be defined as an entity that encompasses both material and formal elements. (shrink)

The most important causes of radicalisation of the political interactions are the alienation of power and political influence, the marginalization of the political subjects, aggravation of the problems of the legitimacy of power through the use of inadequate mechanisms of legitimisation, a certain irrationalization of policy. A significant part of people is eliminated from the political processes. Political parties do not give possibilities to influence the policy to any potential out-of-power political entities and they do not serve as the means (...) of involvement into the politics of the future. The authority does not often fulfill political functions of the power within the society. It does not guide significant for the development social processes and in this sense it appears to be marginal as well as the political parties. The policy is deprived of the essence which is related to the conditions and forms of reproduction and development of the society and human being. The problem of legitimacy is often being solved inadequately when legitimation is based on a traditional or charismatic type. For the rationalization of the policy the following is required: social dereification, restructuring of the society and of the political field itself. New groups of interests, directions and ways of realization of these interests and possibilities of its conformance in management and the associated social design should be identified and completed with regard to social development. In the communication with regard to such projecting, in the process of specification of such projects «places» and «roles» in the social and political space can be created. (shrink)

Republicans hold that freedom is non-domination rather than non-interference. This entails that any instance of interference that does not involve domination is not freedom-lessening. The case for thinking of freedom as non-domination proceeds mostly by way of a handful of highly compelling cases in which it seems intuitive to say of some person that he or she is unfree despite being in fact free from interference. In this essay, I call attention to a kind of case which directs attention to (...) what seems to me to be a highly counterintuitive element of the republican conception of freedom. The challenge to republicanism is that of providing a compelling response to this kind of case. (shrink)

The concept of promise has lately returned to the philosophical arena. As a result, we can observe through a new perspective the relationship between the individual and society, action and justice. Furthermore, it addresses the crucial question on the connection between ethical and political theory. In this paper we will examine the genealogy of promise and its relation to contract theories, the transition from the early modern tradition of natural law to modern political theory. The central themes in the tradition (...) of natural law revolve around ethics, juristic theory and the philosophy of Law. In this way, promise, agreement, vows correlate with the notion of contract and, generally, juridical conventions. The subsequent development of contract theories, however, underscores the moral character of promise in contrast to the notion of contract, which claims a strict, technical, juridical character. As a conclusion to the investigation of this difference, we will examine a question that refers to two contradictory theoretical views: is promise a precondition or a result of contract? In so doing, we will focus on the implications of the argument that promise is on the root of the social contract or that obligations and agreements originate in the state, not from the individuals. (shrink)

The representation of a population is not a conventional subjective choice, neither does it depend upon ideal and non-ascertained statistical conditions. The mathematic law that we present solves this problem and can become a foundation for the political-social sciences: If a population of size N is constituted by m groups of citizens and each group possesses percentage wi of the entire population, then the minimum number of citizens n that have to be selected from all the population groups for the (...) representation of the entire population is given by the relation:This relationship explains the size of the Parliament in the Athenian Democracy, hence its name. It has been successfully tested in statistical sampling and may be tested in other areas as well. (shrink)

The relationship between politics and virtue has been a controversial issue. While some significant scholars of politics make a sharp distinction between what is political and what is not, others underline the impossibility of separating politics from the virtues despite the fact that the unity of political and virtuous lives had been more apparent in Ancient and Medieval times. This paper aims to re-consider the problem of virtue in terms of liberal politics in general and the liberal principle of neutrality (...) in particular. In doing so, it distinguishes three different arguments, namely `inescapability of virtue`, `virtue lost` and `reclamation of virtue` arguments. First argument underlines the impossibility of separating politics from virtue, even liberal principle of neutrality is itself virtuous. Second argument shows the impossibility of virtuous politics in modern liberal politics for it is only Ancient politics that makes virtue possible. Third argument on the other hand criticizes liberal neutrality and individualism which undermines virtue politics. However, it is optimistic about the articulation of communal virtues into the liberal context. As opposed to these three arguments, this paper offers a Rawlsian solution which centralizes justice in particular as the first virtue of a well-ordered liberal society. It argues that without negotiating fundamental rights and equal liberties, the Rawlsian solution transcends the limitations of the liberal neutrality by articulating political virtuous into liberalism. As a result, the paper concludes that liberal democracies would be politically virtuous without imposing any particular virtuous life conceptions. (shrink)

This paper elaborates a conception of democracy as a possible quality of all social situations in which political power is executed by some over others. Critical of proceduralist, substantivist, and ethical conceptions of democracy, exemplified by Van Parijs, Rancière and Dewey respectively, it does not propose a synthesis of those three, but aims to move beyond them, arguing in favour of an understanding of democracy as a mixing regime, consisting of a plurality of repertoires that, in each and every situation, (...) can materialize the quality of democracy, and are therefore, themselves, an object of choice, decision, and contestation. This conception will be tested in an application to three recent cases. (shrink)

We can hardly deny the fact that nowadays the sphere of public administration of any state is experiencing the effects of an extremely unstable and unpredictable world in the most concentrated form. Challenges of both endogenous and exogenous origins threaten the political and administrative systems, so modern government has to change its preferences and is called upon to play a more dynamic, more complex, and less certain role, to develop itself. The extent of development of the modern state substantially depends (...) on the ability to make new knowledge, to raise a role of education and scientific activity in society, to modernize the public sphere. However state development in many ways depends on the ability not only to make knowledge in various areas of activity of society, but also to use it for timely reaction to complication of horizontal and vertical communications in social and political spheres. One of the effective ways of knowledge production and its usage in economy and political governance is the development of knowledge networks. In the public sphere knowledge networks are based on the possibilities of e-government and electronic democracy. They also can be formal and informal: they can be formed in the system of public administration, and mainly out of it. (shrink)