17 found

Year:

  1.  9
    Deliberative Democracy, Diversity, and Restraint.James Boettcher - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):215-235.
    Public reason liberals disagree about the relationship between public justification and deliberative democracy. My goal is to argue against the recent suggestion that public reason liberals seek a ‘divorce’ from deliberative democracy. Defending this thesis will involve discussing the benefits of deliberation for public justification as well as revisiting public reason’s standard Rawlisan restraint requirement. I criticize Kevin Vallier’s alternative convergence-based principle of restraint and respond to the worry that the standard Rawlsian restraint requirement reduces the likelihood of public justification (...)
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  2.  4
    Editorial, March 2020.Clare Chambers, Philip Cook & Sune Lægaard - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):155-156.
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  3.  42
    Is Multiculturalism Discriminatory?Bouke de Vries - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):201-214.
    Many political theorists are multiculturalists. They believe that states ought to support and accommodate minority cultures, even if they disagree about when such support and accommodations are due and what forms they should take. In this contribution, I argue that multiculturalists have failed to notice an important objection against a wide range of multiculturalism policies. This objection is predicated on the notion that when states support and accommodate minority cultures, they should support and accommodate many subcultures and individualistic conceptions of (...)
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  4.  63
    Response to Umbers: An Instability of the Duty and Right to Vote.Ten-Herng Lai - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):275-280.
    Lachlan Umbers defends democracy against Jason’s Brennan’s competence objection, by showing that voting even incompetently does not violate the rights of others, as the risk imposed is negligible, and furthermore lower than other permissible actions, e.g. driving. I show there are costs in taking this line of argument. Accepting it would make arguing for the duty to vote more difficult in two ways: since voting incompetently is permissible, and not voting imposes less risk than not voting, then not voting is (...)
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  5.  20
    Is the Reasonable Person a Person of Virtue?Michele Mangini - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):157-179.
    The ‘reasonable person standard’ is often called on in difficult legal cases as the last resource to be appealed to when other solutions run out. Its complexity derives from the controversial tasks that people place on it. Two dialectics require some clarification: the objective/subjective interpretation of the standard and the ideal/ordinary person controversy. I shall move through these dialectics from the standpoint of an EV approach, assuming that on this interpretation the RPS can perform most persuasively its tasks. The all-round (...)
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  6.  4
    A Defence of Voluntary Sterilisation.Paddy McQueen - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):237-255.
    Many women identify sterilisation as their preferred form of contraception. However, their requests to be sterilised are frequently denied by doctors. Given a commitment to ensuring women’s reproductive autonomy, can these denials be justified? To answer this question, I assess the most commonly reported reasons for a denied sterilisation request: that the woman is too young, that she is child-free, that she will later regret her decision, and that it will lower her well-being. I argue that these worries are misplaced (...)
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  7.  17
    Green Republicanism and the Shift to Post-Productivism: A Defence of an Unconditional Basic Income.Jorge Pinto - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):257-274.
    Green republicanism can be described as a subset of republican political theory that aims at promoting human flourishing by ensuring a non-dominating and ecologically sustainable republic. An essential aspect of green republicanism is the promotion of post-productivism while preserving or expanding republican freedom as non-domination. Post-productivism implies the promotion of personal autonomy rather than the pursuit of permanent economic growth and the promotion of labour as an intrinsically positive human activity, which for green republicans will have three positive aspects: reduced (...)
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  8.  16
    The Present and Future of Political Realism.Paul A. Raekstad - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):293-297.
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  9.  14
    Does Regulating Hate Speech Undermine Democratic Legitimacy? A Cautious ‘No’.Andrew Reid - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):181-199.
    This paper critiques the version of the argument that the regulation of hateful speech by the state undermines its democratic legitimacy made by Ronald Dworkin and James Weinstein. It argues that in some cases the harmful effects of hateful speech on the democratic process outweigh those of restriction. It does not challenge the central premise of the Legitimacy Argument, that a wide-ranging right to freedom of expression is an essential political right in a liberal democracy. Instead, it uses ideal and (...)
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  10.  16
    Border Coercion and ‘Democratic Legitimacy’: On Abizadeh’s Argument Against Current Regimes of Border Control.Uwe Steinhoff - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):281-292.
    Arash Abizadeh claims that ‘[a]nyone accepting the democratic theory of political legitimation domestically is thereby committed to rejecting the unilateral domestic right to control state boundaries’. He bases this conclusion on the premise that ‘to be democratically legitimate, a state’s regime of border control must result from political processes in which those subject to it—including foreigners—have a right of democratic participation’. I shall argue that this premise, even if it were correct, does not support the conclusion since ‘democratic legitimacy’ is (...)
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  11. Respect in Neo-Republicanism: A Good Too Rich or Too Thin?Dimitrios E. Efthymiou - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (1):103-122.
    The article critically examines the neo-Republican conception of respect put forward by Philip Pettit in Robust Demands of the Good. The paper argues that Pettit’s treatment of respect as a rich good in RDG is too thin in some ways, but too rich in others. There are four critical claims to support this argument. First, that both invading the domain of basic liberties, and failing to protect and resource the capacity to exercise choice, constitute individually sufficient conditions for disrespectful treatment, (...)
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  12.  14
    Rainer Bauböck: Democratic Inclusion: Rainer Bauböck in Dialogue: Manchester University Press, 2018.Zsolt Kapelner - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (1):149-154.
    Rainer Bauböck is among the most renowned scholars in the field of citizenship and democracy. In a recent volume, Democratic Inclusion, he—together with other authors—addresses the so-called democratic boundary problem. This book is an extremely valuable resource for anyone working on this problem; Bauböck presents a complex and sophisticated theory of the principles of democratic citizenship while his respondents put forward crucial questions not only about his theory, but also about the debate in general. At the same time, the volume (...)
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  13.  1
    Rainer Bauböck: Democratic Inclusion: Rainer Bauböck in Dialogue: Manchester University Press, 2018. [REVIEW]Zsolt Kapelner - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (1):149-154.
    Rainer Bauböck is among the most renowned scholars in the field of citizenship and democracy. In a recent volume, Democratic Inclusion, he—together with other authors—addresses the so-called democratic boundary problem. This book is an extremely valuable resource for anyone working on this problem; Bauböck presents a complex and sophisticated theory of the principles of democratic citizenship while his respondents put forward crucial questions not only about his theory, but also about the debate in general. At the same time, the volume (...)
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  14.  18
    What is the Wrong in Retaining Benefits from Wrongdoing? How Recent Attempts to Formulate a Plausible Rationale for the ‘Beneficiary Pays Principle’ Have Failed.Sigurd Lindstad - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (1):25-43.
    Many moral and political theorists have recently argued that the fact that an agent has innocently benefited from wrongdoing or injustice can ground special moral duties to help out the victims or simply give up the benefits. This idea is often referred to as the ‘Beneficiary Pays Principle’. This article critically assesses three recent attempts at providing a rationale for the BPP and argues that there are profound problems with each of them. It argues that even if we accept plausible (...)
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  15.  13
    The Costs of Disobedience: A Reply to Delmas.Piero Moraro - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (1):143-148.
    According to the Samaritan principle, we have a duty to rescue others from perils when we can do so at no unreasonable cost to ourself or others. Candice Delmas has argued that this principle generates a duty to engage in civil disobedience, when laws and practices expose people to ‘persistent Samaritan perils’: by engaging in this form of protest, she claims, citizens can contribute to the rescue of the victims of serious injustice. In this article, I contend that her argument (...)
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  16.  8
    A Soft Defense of a Utilitarian Principle of Criminalization.Thomas Søbirk Petersen - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (1):123-141.
    The aim of this paper is to argue that the utilitarian principle of criminalization is sounder than its poor reputation suggests. The paper begins by describing three possible answers to the research question: To what extent should the consequences of criminalization matter morally in a theory of criminalization? Hereafter I explain why I shall discuss only two of these answers. Then follows a detailed and critical specification of UPC. Furthermore, I will argue why criticisms of UPC made by philosophers such (...)
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  17.  98
    The Teleological Account of Proportional Surveillance.Frej Klem Thomsen - 2020 - Res Publica:1-29.
    This article analyses proportionality as a potential element of a theory of morally justified surveillance, and sets out a teleological account. It draws on conceptions in criminal justice ethics and just war theory, defines teleological proportionality in the context of surveillance, and sketches some of the central values likely to go into the consideration. It then explores some of the ways in which deontologists might want to modify the account and illustrates the difficulties of doing so. Having set out the (...)
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