An article published several years ago on the provision of Constantinople with meat came to the conclusion that beef had always played a considerable role in the Byzantine kitchen. A reexamination of the written sources and some archaeological evidence allows for the following conclusions: The Byzantines used horned cattle mainly as working and draught animals, in some regions also for dairy produce. Although the Byzantines did not avoid eating beef , archaeological evidence generally indicates that beef was only occasionally consumed, (...) and then only such animals as old dairy cows and plough oxen slaughtered before dying a natural death. In some instances, however, written sources mention foreigners, e. g. soldiers from other lands, as consumers of beef. (shrink)
In the early twentieth century, ornithology underwent significant changes. So far, these changes, basically, have been studied by focussing on the elite of professional biologists working at universities or state museums. However, important developments also occurred in what Lynn Nyhart has called “the civic realm” of science – the sphere given form by private naturalist associations, nature writers, taxidermists and school teachers. This article studies the changing dynamics of civic ornithology, by looking at one particular case: the influential orinthological observatory (...) in Rossitten, East-Prussia. This observatory, the first of its kind, was founded in 1901 and led, for the first three decades of its existence, by the minister Johannes Thienemann. This article analyses the ornithological practices Thienemann developed in Rossitten and the rhetoric he used to defend these practices. In both, so it is argued, one finds a mixture of the traditional, locally anchored naturalist approach with the new ideals of the “modern” and “experimental” university laboratories. The innovations which Thienemann introduced in this hybrid form of ornithology called for specific spatial strategies which made optimal use of the natural chatacteristics of his workplace and which mobilized a large civic network of geograhically scattered amateurs. At the same time, his work also altered the space he shared with the birds – materially, conceptually and culturally. Thus, this article maintains Thienemann's ornithology can only be understood by acknowledging its continuous interaction with the geographical and civic context in which it arose. (shrink)
This paper has the aim of making Johannes von Kries’s masterpiece, Die Principien der Wahrscheinlichkeitsrechnung of 1886, a little more accessible to the modern reader in three modest ways: first, it discusses the historical background to the book ; next, it summarizes the basic elements of von Kries’s approach ; and finally, it examines the so-called “principle of cogent reason” with which von Kries’s name is often identified in the English literature.
Th e lecture elucidates and compares Johannes Volkelt’s and Heinrich Rickert’s positions on the problem of metaphysics. It comes to a reference of views representative of the metaphysical approach of early neo-Kantian Johannes Volkelt to representative of Baden School of late New-Kantian, Heinrich Rickert. In the lecture I would like to make the reconstruction and the analysis of philosophies of Volkelt and Rickert in the context of the problem of metaphysics. Th e object is the content, premises and (...) consequences of their philosophy in comparison to New-Kantian and other philosophy. Th e basis for the reconstruction is their expressions in their various writings. Th e purpose is the analysis of the transformation of western metaphysics and their infl uence on the contemporary thinking about the world. (shrink)
Johannes Daubert he was an acknowledged leader, and in some respects the founder, of the early phenomenological movement, and was considered – as much by its members as by Husserl himself – the most brilliant member of the group. In Daubert’s unpublished writings we find a series of reflections on Lask, and on Neo-Kantianism, which form the subject-matter of this paper. They range over topics such as the ontology of the ‘Sachverhalt’ or state of affairs, truthvalues (Wahrheitswerte) and the (...) value of truth, negative judgments and the copula, and the relation between perception and judgment. (shrink)
The aim of the paper is a historical analysis and evaluate of the metaphysic of Neo-Kantian philosopher Johannes Volkelt and of Postneo-Kantian Martin Heidegger. Heidegger's approach to Kant's critique of pure reason (transcendental philosophy) as the foundation of metaphysics is not new and it had a major precursor in the metaphysical Neo-Kantianism. In the Neo-Kantianism was taken inside the question of the possibility of metaphysics, not only as metaphysica specialis, but also as the ontology (metaphysica generalis).
Originally published in 1925, this book provides an overview of the philosophy of Johannes Scotus Erigena. Bett explains Erigena's thinking as well as the influence he had over later philosophers, despite the fact that his writings were banned by the Pope. This book will be of value to anyone with an interest in medieval philosophy and Erigena's philosophy in particular.
Nach einer kurzen Erinnerung an einige von Keplers Hauptwerken, in denen traditionelle und moderne Elemente eingehen (Abschnitt 1), wird zwei Beispielen die Differenz zwischen diesen beiden Elementen näher untersucht. Das erste Beispiel, Keplers Naturbegriff, dient zur Diskussion der Kritik qualitativer Unterscheidungen. Hierbei stehen Keplers Verhältnis zur aristotelischen Naturauffassung und die Relevanz dieser Relation für die moderne Wissenschaftsauffassung im Mittelpunkt (Abschnitt 2). Das andere Beispiel befasst sich mit dem absoluten Wahrheitsanspruch von Keplers Wissenschaft und rückt damit exemplarisch eine Differenz zur modernen (...) Wissenschaftsauffassung in den Vordergrund (Abschnitt 3). Anschließend werden umfassender traditionelle Elemente der frühneuzeitlichen Wissenschaft, wie sie Kepler vertrat, dem modernen Wissenschaftsverständnis gegenübergestellt. Nachdem damit die Entfernung Keplers zur Gegenwart gleichsam maximiert ist, wende ich mich den Wissenschaftsauffassungen von Wolfgang Pauli und Werner Heisenberg zu, die in bemerkenswerter Nähe zu Keplers vormodernen Ansichten stehen und doch ganz im Kontext der Moderne entwickelt wurden (Abschnitt 4). Obwohl also in jüngster Zeit ganz differente Einstellungen zu Keplers Verhältnis zur modernen Wissenschaft vertreten wurden, lässt sich doch eine Tendenz zur Abstandsvergrößerung in dieser Relation ausmachen (Abschnitt 5). (shrink)
Johannes von Kries’s Spielraum-theory is regarded as one of the most important philosophical contributions of the nineteenth century to an objective interpretation of probability. This paper aims at a critical and contextual analysis of von Kries’s approach: It is contextual insofar as it reconstructs the Spielraum-theory in the historical setting that formed his scientific and philosophical outlook. It is critical insofar as it unfolds systematic tensions and inconsistencies which are rooted in this context, especially in the grave change of (...) mechanism which took place in the late nineteenth century. In this regard, the paper focuses on von Kries’s understanding of natural laws and nomological knowledge in relation to his concept of objective probability. While the formal approach of the Spielraum-theory—as far as developed by von Kries—seems sound, his epistemological claims with respect to nomological knowledge sustain classical mechanism and are hence difficult to substantiate from the point of view of modern science. (shrink)
In manuscripts of 1930-1 Johannes Daubert, principal member of the Munich board of realist phenomenologists, put forward a series of detailed criticisms of the idealism of Husserl’s Ideas I. The paper provides a sketch of these criticisms and of Daubert’s own alternative conceptions of consciousness and reality, as also of Daubert’s views on perception, similar, in many respects, to those of J. J. Gibson.
Johannes Rudbeckius, one of Sweden’s most influential figures in theology, pedagogy, and church-state relations in the 17th century, published two books on logic: Logica ex optimis et præstantissimis autoribus collecta & conscripta and Controversiæ logices vel potius earum epitome. In this paper, I present and critically discuss Rudbeckius’s view on the nature of logic as it can be reconstructed from these two works. This requires, in particular, identifying the larger intellectual framework within which Rudbeckius operated. The single most important (...) philosopher having affected Rudbeckius’s ideas on logic is Jacopo Zabarella, which leads me to consider at some length the views on logic that Zabarella puts forward in his De Natura Logicæ. (shrink)
Catarina Dutilh Novaes - Johannes Buridanus: Summulae de Propositionibus - Journal of the History of Philosophy 45:1 Journal of the History of Philosophy 45.1 155-156 Muse Search Journals This Journal Contents Reviewed by Catarina Dutilh Novaes Fordham University Ria van der Lecq, editor. Johannes Buridanus: Summulae de Propositionibus. Artistarium 10–1. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005. Pp. xxv + 131. Paper, €40.00. John Buridan is now believed to be among the most influential later medieval philosophers, his philosophical analyses showing considerable acumen (...) over a wide range of fields. His logical masterpiece, the lengthy Summulae de Dialectica is composed of eight treatises, plus a treatise on.. (shrink)
In this paper I take issue with James Conant’s claim that Johannes Climacus seeks to engage his reader in the Postscript by himself enacting the confusions to which he thinks his reader is prone. I contend that Conant’s way of reading the Postscript fosters a hermeneutic of suspicion that leads him (and those who follow his approach) to be unduly suspicious of some of Climacus’ philosophical activity. I argue that instead of serving as a mirror of his reader’s faults, (...) Climacus is better conceived of as a Socratic figure whose own philosophical activity represents a positive alternative to the Hegelian style of doing philosophy that is under attack in the Postscript. I close the paper by arguing that Climacus adopts two very different experimental stances in his two books: while in Fragments Climacus adopts the stance of someone who has “forgotten” about Christianity, in the Postscript he openly declares that he is not a Christian and then proceeds to investigate the question, appropriately cast in the first person, “How do I,Johannes Climacus, become a Christian?” I maintain that we will not be in a position to appreciate what makes the Postscript a profound work of philosophy until we obtain a better understanding of the various respects in which Climacus is a Socratic figure. (shrink)
The subject of this paper is not Wittgensteinian ethics but Wittgenstein’s own ethical beliefs, specifically as these are revealed in the so-called Koder diaries. While the Koder Diaries, also known as Manuscript 183, do contain the kind of thing that one would expect to find in a diary (e.g. accounts of travel and personal relationships), they also contain more obviously philosophical remarks, sometimes as reflections on these personal remarks. Wittgenstein’s diaries illustrate well a point that Iris Murdoch has (...) emphasized, that a person’s inner life can have an ethical dimension not necessarily directly related to overt action or to other people. The kind of ethical concern that we see in these diaries is one with what we might call global implications. Not in the sense that they might affect the whole planet but in the sense that, for Wittgenstein (or anyone else involved in such struggles or deliberations), they might affect every aspect of his life in the way that a religious conversion might change one’s whole life. This ethical ubiquity is another idea that Murdoch has brought to attention. (shrink)
This article by Johannes B. Lotz, S.J., never before translated into English, describes his contacts with Martin Heidegger. First it describes his arrival, along with Karl Rahner, S.J., to pursue doctoral studies in Freiburg im Breisgau and their first experiences with the famous professor. Lotz continues his narrative by mentioning times he met with Heidegger over the subsequent forty years up to the philosopher’s death. With Gustav Siewerth, Max Müller, Bernhard Welte, and Karl Rahner, Lotz belonged to a group (...) of Catholic thinkers influenced—some more, some less—by Martin Heidegger. In Lotz’s view some of Heidegger’s ideas were already found in Aquinas, and a philosophy of Being needed to go beyond existential analysis into religion, revelation, and cultural criticism. (shrink)
Johannes Kepler belonged to a long tradition of inquiring into nature with reference to God. This applies to Ptolemy, N. Copernicus, Chr. Clavius. Kepler's „new kind of poem” is analyzed in five sections which are based on Keplerian key words: Innovation, Hypothesis, Cause, Soul, Picture. Kepler consciously adhered to new questions, new answers, new methods. He relied on a new notion of hypothesis. His celestial dynamics included a celestial psychology whereby he used a visual conception of astronomy.
A finished sketch for a light-and-shadow projection device by the Paduan mechanical artisan Johannes de Fontana (c.1395–1455), in his manuscript book of drawings now known as Liber Bellicorum Instrumentorum, depicts a machine for communicating ideas or information through spectacle. The manuscript is fairly well known, and this sketch is just one of many interesting images worthy of study in its 70 leaves. A couple dozen manuscripts of the mechanical arts from this period survive, the best-studied of which fall into (...) the “Sienese school” and the “German school.” Fontana falls outside these, for he had far less influence than the Sienese. His work also is too early, it seems, to count in narratives directed toward the flowering of technological illustration in the sixteenth century. Of his images of subjects other than hydraulic and military machines only one deep study has been made, concerning two of the automata, although the present sketch has lately attracted a glance or two. Historians of technology pay scant attention to the first half of the fifteenth century, five decades that seem merely to repeat medieval knowledge and have the disadvantage to their prestige of falling “before Leonardo.” Whether one views Fontana as an engineer or as a science fiction illustrator, a great deal in the manuscript has not been given its due. The brief normative account in the literature so far on Fontana focuses on politics and warfare. My account in the case of his castellus image in this paper emphasizes issues of imagery, communication, subjectivity, moral feeling, spiritual life, and personhood. This account runs along two lines. For the first, I will suggest some untried ideas for approaching this image. In part this is in pursuit of what Jonathan Sawday calls the imaginative history of machines and mechanisms, though more largely it concerns contributing to a broad-range history of communication and persuasion. If we look at the image from our standpoint in aworld accustomed to the reproduction of images, we readily see in it an early step toward our present control of the display and diffusion of images. Fontana’s castle of shadows(castellus umbrarum), based on a worldwide transfer of technical knowledge about imagery in antiquity (and even in pre-history), presents some of the continuing questions driving thereproduction of imagery and the dispersal of information. As a practical matter, a sense ofproximity to Fontana and his time, as opposed to a sense of untranslatable distance, helps to broaden the historiography. My second line of thought is to oppose my account of Fontana’s’s castellus to an interpretation, and to the thinking behind it, that has started to appear on the borders of disciplinary history. This other interpretation reflects an increasingly influential approach to the history of technology and cultural theory that employs a growing and powerful line of philosophical thought. In 2003 Philippe Codognet, a philosopher of technology, published an essay in which he described Fontana’s castle of shadows as a specimen of the pre-historyof virtual reality devices. His reference of the castle of shadows is a bit casual, perhaps accidental in feeling; but it has begun to stimulate interest in Fontana’s striking idea and hasgiven it a bit of renown. Codognet’s view (along with his reproduction of the image) has been picked up by thinkers who are concerned with post-humanistic ideas derived from philosophical work in which the distinction between human persons and objects is deflated in such a way that both persons and objects are correctly characterized by attributes commonly divided into subjective and objective. What’s more, they are characterized by attributes that, under this view, are incorrectly distinguished from one another as the human, the organic, and the inorganic. The ontology supporting this approach denies the privileged epistemological relationship of humans to the world. This school of thought is object-oriented ontology, also known in a more radical form as speculative realism. Its potential influence on historiography is great, and part of it is and will be valuable. Its current actual influence is centered on medieval cultural studies and on the history of technology. (shrink)
Romantic Naturphilosophie has been at the centre of almost every account of early nineteenth-century sciences, be it as an obstacle or as an aid for scientific advancement. The following paper suggests a change of perspective. I seek to read Naturphilosophie as one manifestation among others of a more general concern with the question of how experience enables the subject to acquire knowledge about objects. To illustrate such an approach, I focus on Johannes Muller's early work. Here one finds two (...) contrasting images of microscopical observation, its set-up, and the observer: the embryological study of 1830 demands a 'philosophical grasp' of the appearances. In contrast, the investigations of blood of 1832 are presented as a series of controlled experiments. I argue that an interpretation of this contrast in terms of an appropriation and casting aside of Naturphilosophie is not altogether convincing. Instead, both images of microscopy are manifestations of a more general problem, namely, the problem of exactly how subject and object came together in experience. I show how this concern not only shaped the methodological sensibilities particular to Muller's embryology and the investigation of bodily liquids but also provided the epistemological principles and the target for his sense-physiological experiments. It bound Muller's work together with Naturphilosophie and linked Naturphilosophie with other contemporaneous projects in philosophy. All of these enterprises sought to contribute to ongoing debates about how experience allowed the subject to acquire knowledge about the world. (shrink)
Después de la Reconquista, se tuvieron que traducir al latín muchos textos árabes en la España del siglo XII. La mayoría de los copistas necesitaban colaboradores para concluir el proceso, sin embargo, Johannes Hispalensis (Juan de Sevilla) conocía tanto la lengua árabe como el latín, por lo que podía trabajar solo. La duplicación de textos latinos se popularizó y divulgó rápidamente. Durante los siglos siguientes, los copistas medievales hicieron múltiples copias, y durante el proceso de reproducción cometieron muchos errores (...) que contribuyeron a la confusión entre la versión correcta del nombre del traductor y su identidad. Por consiguiente, Hispalensis apareció en copias posteriores de su trabajo con varios títulos añadidos, tales como ¿maestro¿ u ¿obispo¿, o unido a un colaborador. Los historiadores modernos aumentaron las complejidades creando un solo personaje de dos traductores distintos. En ocasiones, la propiedad de algunos de los manuscritos estaba basada únicamente en los nombres que aparecían en sus folios. Se hace aquí una tentativa de aclarar cuales son las traducciones de Johannes Hispalensis, trabajando solo, y aquéllas en que colaboró con otros. (shrink)
Propono hic conversionem in linguam Anglicam conclusionis Collegii Logici, anno 1608–1609 semestri studiorum spatio hiberno a Johanne Rudbeckio Wittenbergæ habiti. Hic commentarius prooemium in conversionem est. Rudbeckius primus Suecus erat, qui librum didacticum de logica publicavit. Maiorem partem libri iam anno 1606 scripserat, cum Mathesis Professor Upsaliensis esset, sed Logica ex optimis et præstantissimis autoribus collecta & conscripta non ante annum 1625 edita sit. Cum Johanne Canuti Lenæo, collega suo, Rudbeckius primas partes agebat in inducenda in Sueciam scholastica Lutherana, cuius (...) rei scopus defensio erat fidei Lutheranæ per logicam et metaphysicam Aristotelicam. In primo capite condiciones conclusionis Rudbeckii commentor. Secundum caput brevem Rudbeckii vitæ descriptionem offert. Tertium quartumque capita de scripto converso et de ipsa conversione observationes quasdam continent.This note is an introduction to the English translation of the concluding speech of the Collegium Logicum that Johannes Rudbeckius taught in Wittenberg during the winter semester 1608–1609. Rudbeckius was the first Swede to publish a textbook on logic; his Logica ex optimis et præstantissimis autoribus collecta & conscripta appeared in 1625. The first version of the textbook was completed already in 1606 when Rudbeckius was professor of mathematics at Uppsala University in Sweden. Together with his colleague Johannes Canuti Lenæus, Rudbeckius played a key role in the introduction of Lutheran scholasticism in Sweden; this was a movement within the Lutheran Church whose aim was to defend the Lutheran faith by making use of Aristotelian logic and metaphysics. In Section 1, I comment on the context of Rudbeckius’s discourse. Section 2 offers a short biography of Rudbeckius. Sections 3 and 4 contain, respectively, some remarks about the text translated and about the translation itself. (shrink)
In this article I wish to re-examine the vexed issue of the possibility of idealism in ancient and medieval philosophy with particular reference to the case of Johannes Scottus Eriugena (c. 800idealisms immaterialism as his standard for idealism, and it is this decision, coupled with his failure to acknowledge the legacy of German idealism, which prevents him from seeing the classical and medieval roots of idealism more broadly understood.
Vryheid is naas regverdiging een van die belangrikste temas van die Reformatoriese teologie. Luther se geskrif 'Oor die vryheid van 'n Christenmens' is een van sy hoofgeskrifte. In hierdie geskrif beskryf hy die vryheid van die innerlike en die uiterlike mens. Die innerlike mens is vry en niemand se onderdaan nie. Die uiterlike mens is weer elke ander mens se onderdaan en dienskneg. Die Christen dien sy medemens deur die liefde. Luther se verstaan van naasteliefde word vanuit ander geskrifte toegelig. (...)Johannes Calvyn se verstaan van vryheid volgens sy 'Institusie' van 1559 word ook bespreek. Daar word op die groot ooreenstemming tussen Luther en Calvyn gewys. Die verskille tussen die twee Reformatore is minimaal. Calvyn het egter wel groter aandag aan die adiafora-vraagstuk gegee. Daar word ook deurgaans na Philipp Melanchthon se invloed op Calvyn gewys. Die relevansie van die vryheidsvraagstuk lê nie in die instrumentalisering van die Christelike vryheid nie, maar in die hernude bestudering van die klassieke tekste met die bedoeling om die belangrike reformatoriese motiewe te herontdek. Hierdie motiewe is relevant - ook in ons samelewing. (shrink)
Esej Paula Rilli pt. Der Weg Johannes R. Bechers powstał w roku 1950 i był próbą ukazania rozwoju poetyckiego poety w formie jasno określonej drogi twórczej. Rilla wywarł jako krytyk literacki znaczny wpływ na recepcję Bechera we wczesnych latach powojennych, twórczość liryczna Bechera, zwłaszcza we wczesnej fazie rozwoju, z uwagi na olbrzymi ładunek subjektywno-emocjonalny wyłamuje się, zdaniem autora, z narzuconych jej przez Rillę ram.
A conception of probability that can be traced back to Johannes von Kries is introduced: the “Spielraum” or range conception. Its close connection to the so-called method of arbitrary functions is highlighted. Possible interpretations of it are discussed, and likewise its scope and its relation to certain current interpretations of probability. Taken together, these approaches form a class of interpretations of probability in its own right, but also with its own problems. These, too, are introduced, discussed, and proposals in (...) response to them are surveyed, some of which also go back to von Kries. (shrink)
Johannes Kinker (1764–1845) who tried to promote Kantian philosophy in different ways, was also interested in the phenomenon of language. His general language theory is presented in Inleiding eener Wijsgeerige Algemeene Theorie der Talen, published in 1817. An impression of that theory is given in this paper. Some important questions arise, viz. whether Kinker was influenced by others; whether his theory was an original one and what the place of the theory is in the linguistic situation of the eighteenth (...) and the beginning of the nineteenth century. (shrink)
Johannes Duns Scotus is begonnen met het onderzoek naar de werkelijkheid als ‘het volstrekt mogelijke’. In Kant zien we een radicale voortzetting van deze beweging, die echter tot een nieuw noodzakelijkheidsdenken heeft geleid. In de theorievorming over het menselijk individu, een onderwerp dat Duns Scotus zeer aan het hart ging, is dat determinisme nog niet overwonnen.
Se busca dar cuenta de la filiación filosófica que tres historiadores de la filosofía (de los siglos XVIII y XIX) otorgan a Juan Escoto Eriúgena (siglo IX). El iluminista J. Brucker, el kantiano W. Tennemann y el romántico T. Rixner son representantes del periodo de gestación de la historia de la filosofía como disciplina, y sus obras son fuentes para destacados filósofos, como por ejemplo Hegel. Se muestra hasta qué punto las líneas interpretativas que iniciaron estos autores se continúan hasta (...) la actualidad. The article explores the philosophical filiations of Johannes Scotus Eriugena (9th century) established by three historians of philosophy (from the 18th and 19th centuries). J. Brucker, an Enlightenment thinker, W. Tennemann, a Kantian, and T. Rixner, a Romantic, are representatives of the period in which the history of philosophy becomes a discipline, and their works are sources for famous philosophers such as Hegel. The paper shows the extent to which the interpretive lines initiated by these authors are continued up to the contemporary period. Neste artigo, pretende-se dar conta da afiliação filosófica que três historiadores da filosofia (dos séculos XVIII e XIX) outorgam a Juan Escoto Eriúgena (século IX). O iluminista J. Brucker, o kantiano W. Tennemann e o romántico T. Rixner são representantes do período de gestação da história da filosofia como disciplina, e suas obras são fontes para destacados filósofos, como por exemplo, Hegel. Mostra-e até que ponto as linhas interpretativas que iniciaram esses autores continuam até a atualidade. (shrink)