In this article, I contend that the three Cuban philosophers/pedagogues of the nineteenth century – Félix Varela y Morales, José de la Luz y Caballero, and Enrique José Varona were responsible for overcoming the teaching of late scholastic at the Royal and Pontifical University of St. Jerome of Havana. Against late scholastic philosophers and pedagogues who preferred syllogistic logic and the authority of tradition over induction, they argued in favor of the latter over the first. Since they defended liberal and (...) republican ideas, they also argued against those who appeal to the authority of tradition rather than to our ordinary experiences. Of course, their liberal spirit challenged not only the tyrannical regime imposed by Spain at the time but any other regime whose authority depends on force rather than on the will of the people. (shrink)

The first European settlements in the new world faced technical issues with the help of the XVI century scientific advances. Besides briefly exposing the scientific and technological situation, this paper explores, with the help of reverse engineering, two singular mechanical wits representative of the technological advances introduced in America to overcome different problems. Firstly, a pump, based on an alternative movement system through crankshafts and pistons used against the continuous flooding suffered in the Ciudad de México valley. Although flooding remained (...) a problem (it was solved in the XX century), hydraulic pumps were essential for continuous soil drainage. Secondly, a port crane for handling cannons, military devices, and construction materials during the Lima fortification in the XVII century. For both cases, reverse engineering, through engineering methods, Computer-Aided Design CAD programs, and additive manufacturing, provides virtual and/or tangible mockups that help to analyze and improve our knowledge about the dimensions, materials, and functions of used (and currently lost) mechanical systems during the American colonization. (shrink)

Hamas’s deliberate attack on October 7th against innocent civilians is absolutely wrong. Therefore, it should be universally condemned. And yet, I wonder how a universal recognition of an absolute duty of respect for human dignity can help solving the existential conflict confronting Israelis and Palestinians. Ideally, a two-state solution proposed by the international community can be seen as a reasonable and fair compromise. Nevertheless, the reality on the ground is different. Thus far the existence of one state has precluded the (...) existence of another with no end in sight to their mutually destructive violence. Their conflict demands that people who are reasonable and fair-minded try to understand it holistically and to offer an impartial assessment of this intractable conflict without relativizing the undeserved human suffering of all those involved and affected by it. (shrink)

El ataque deliberado de Hamás el 7 de octubre contra civiles inocentes es absolutamente inicuo. Por lo tanto, debe ser condenado universalmente. Y, sin embargo, me pregunto cómo un reconocimiento universal de un deber absoluto de respeto por la dignidad humana puede ayudar a resolver el conflicto existencial al que se enfrentan israelíes y palestinos. Idealmente, una solución de dos Estados propuesta por la comunidad internacional puede ser vista como un compromiso razonable y justo. Sin embargo, la realidad sobre el (...) terreno es diferente. Hasta ahora, la existencia de un Estado ha impedido la existencia de otro, sin que se vislumbre el final de su violencia mutuamente destructiva. Su conflicto exige que las personas razonables e imparciales traten de entenderlo de manera holística y de ofrecer una evaluación justa de este conflicto insoluble sin relativizar el sufrimiento humano inmerecido de todos los involucrados y afectados por él. (shrink)

I offer a hopefully compelling defense of the view of those whom I refer to as hard-core opponents of terrorism. For hard-core opponents, terrorism is categorically wrong and, therefore, morally and legally unjustified. I view terrorism as either equivalent to murder or man slaughter in domestic law, or equivalent to crimes against humanity or war crimes in international law. If my argument is compelling, at least two important results follow from it. First, that under no circumstances is terrorism justified. And (...) second, that even if my argument were to be compelling, it will not necessarily end debates about the nature, justification, or excuse of terrorism. (shrink)

The polemic was an important cultural event in 19th-century Cuba. From 1838 to 1840, issues of metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, pedagogy, and the influence of Victor Cousin’s eclecticism were discussed in the island’s leading newspapers. A brief historical account preceding the polemic is offered. It is argued that the predominant view of the polemic as motivated by a widespread desire for Cuba’s independence from Spain is misleading — promoting an emancipatory myth. Lastly, it is argued that José de la Luz y (...) Caballero’s appeal to patriotism during the polemic unwittingly established a dangerous precedent for self-appointed guardians of patriotism to condition public debates. (shrink)

Resumen El modelo de ciudadanía pretendidamente universal inaugurado con la filosofía moderna junto al predominio de la razón instrumental derivada de la economía neoclásica, confluyen para definir una posición social inferior para las mujeres. La confluencia de ambas construcciones filosóficas, políticas y económicas configura un espacio económico de desigualdad de género que debe ser repensado críticamente. Frente a esta situación, nos proponemos abordar el potencial crítico de la economía feminista a la hora de subvertir la desigualdad generada por la preeminencia (...) del modelo del homo oeconomicus en el mundo actual y la falta de un sujeto político que atienda a las particularidades de otros grupos.The model of universal citizenship inaugurated with modern philosophy link to the predomíname of instrumental rationality derived from neoclassical economics come together to define a disadvantaged social position of women. The confluence of these philosophical, political and economic constructions builds an economic space of gender inequality that must be approached critically. Faced with this situation, we intend to address the critical potential of feminist economics to subverting the inequality generated by the preeminence of the homo oeconomicus model in economic space, and the lack of a political subject that addresses the particularles of other groups. (shrink)

Resumen El modelo de ciudadanía pretendidamente universal inaugurado con la filosofía moderna junto al predominio de la razón instrumental derivada de la economía neoclásica, confluyen para definir una posición social inferior para las mujeres. La confluencia de ambas construcciones filosóficas, políticas y económicas configura un espacio económico de desigualdad de género que debe ser repensado críticamente. Frente a esta situación, nos proponemos abordar el potencial crítico de la economía feminista a la hora de subvertir la desigualdad generada por la preeminencia (...) del modelo del homo oeconomicus en el mundo actual y la falta de un sujeto político que atienda a las particularidades de otros grupos.The model of universal citizenship inaugurated with modern philosophy link to the predomíname of instrumental rationality derived from neoclassical economics come together to define a disadvantaged social position of women. The confluence of these philosophical, political and economic constructions builds an economic space of gender inequality that must be approached critically. Faced with this situation, we intend to address the critical potential of feminist economics to subverting the inequality generated by the preeminence of the homo oeconomicus model in economic space, and the lack of a political subject that addresses the particularles of other groups. (shrink)

El artículo consta de cuatro partes. En la primera parte, la introducción, señalo algunos aspectos de la importancia del proyecto. Segundo, describo y evalúo como Varela interpreta la filosofía. Tercero, exploro su eclecticismo dentro de su filosofía. Por último, explico el concepto de utilidad en el quehacer filosófico de Varela. Estos tres conceptos: filosofía, eclecticismo y utilidad están correlacionados en su obra. La filosofía con la recta razón. El eclecticismo, o lo que Varela llama la “verdadera filosofía,” con la sabia (...) selección de argumentos, incluyendo diversos métodos para explorar nuestras experiencias cotidianas, y la utilidad con la mesurada evaluación de nuestra conducta, incluyendo el bien común. Dado que estos tres conceptos son polisémicos, ellos pueden ser manipulados, y de hecho han sido tergiversados, por pensadores que han tratado de explicar el pensamiento filosófico vareliano con fines partidistas, ya sea con buenas intenciones o con fines ideológicos tendenciosos. (shrink)

In this article, it is argued that a significant internal tension exists in John Rawls' political liberalism. He holds the following positions that might plausibly be considered incongruous: (1) a commitment to tolerating a broad right of freedom of political speech, including a right of subversive advocacy; (2) a commitment to restricting this broad right if it is intended to incite and likely to bring about imminent violence; and (3) a commitment to curbing this broad right only if there is (...) a constitutional crisis. By supporting a broad right of freedom of political speech in Political Liberalism, he allows militant intolerant people such as Jihadists, White Supremacists and Neo-Nazis to advocate publicly their dangerously intolerant beliefs. Public advocacy of dangerously intolerant beliefs can be construed as subversive advocacy. As demonstrated by the historical examples of the Weimar Republic and the Second Spanish Republic, militant intolerant groups could use a right of subversive advocacy to threaten the stability of liberal democracies. Hence, by allowing them to exercise a broad right of freedom of political speech, Rawls could jeopardize that which he intends to defend, namely the actual political stability of a liberal democratic order. Lastly, Rawls' conception of ideal constitutional interpretation, which privileges a broad right of freedom of political speech, might be insufficient to deal effectively with the threat posed by militant intolerant groups. Yet a tradition of American constitutional interpretation that balances freedom of speech with other important constitutional and/or political values has overcome a civil war, two world wars, the Cold War and the 9/11 terrorist attacks without abandoning democracy or permanently renouncing those values. Still, Rawls' ideal approach to constitutional interpretation might, in hindsight, help us to understand some of the excesses and deficiencies of American jurisprudence in times of emergency.<br><br><br><br>. (shrink)

First, I argue that the contestability of the term “terrorism” is insufficient to justify the targeting of those who are innocent noncombatants beyond reasonable doubt; second, that states could be as vicious, if not even more so, than nonstate actors could be in perpetrating acts that might be described as terrorism, and, third, that an adequate definition of international terrorism must focus on the actual victims of such despicable acts.

In this paper, it is argued that terrorism undermines the justification of perspective relativism. The cliché, “one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter,” is offered as an example of perspective relativism. Perspective relativists argue that moral principles and judgments have no universal moral import. Those who defend the cliché expression presuppose that the evaluation of terrorism is necessarily perspectival. For them, there are no morally objective differences, e.g., between deliberately killing combatants and deliberately killing innocent noncombatants. Yet there are (...) morally objective differences between these two acts. While the first act might be justified, the second act is considered murder. Hence, the evaluation of terrorism is not necessarily perspectival. Therefore, in the face of the evil that terrorists bring about, it is argued that perspective relativists have a substantive burden of proof to show that there are no transcultural moral values. (shrink)

I will argue that President Biden has not only the right to nominate an African American woman for SCOTUS, but, if he chooses a suitable candidate, he will be doing a great service to our country.

El presente monográfico pretende plantear una reflexión sobre la construcción de las subjetividades contemporáneas en un contexto de pospandemia. El punto de partida en la gestación de este proyecto editorial han sido los debates vinculados a las nuevas subjetividades asociadas a la hegemonía del neoliberalismo. En el marco de las sociedades contemporáneas emergen las subjetividades neoliberales, individuos que, en su conducta cotidiana, incorporan ideas y prácticas análogas a las de las empresas. ¿Cómo afecta el contexto pospandémico a dichas subjetividades? A (...) partir de los argumentos expuestos en las distintas contribuciones de este monográfico, no es imprudente señalar que, pese a los desafíos futuros y el impacto de la pandemia en una reevaluación de los proyectos vitales de los ciudadanos, la colonización cultural del neoliberalismo sigue presente todavía en nuestras sociedades y entre nosotros con mucha, mucha fuerza. (shrink)

In my replies to some of my critics I argue that while the practice of terrorism is never justified, I concede that it is rarely but sometimes excused. As result, those who engage in excusable terrorism has a substantial burden of proof. They need to offer a compelling argument to show that the harm caused by their terrorist violence is actually excused by the extenuating circumstances and the goal that they are trying to achieve, so they will not be morally (...) or legally blameworthy for bringing about such harm. I am assuming that they will need to demonstrate that the alleged harm is excusable because it is necessary to accomplish a worthy goal and there is no other reasonable way to obtain such a worthy goal without deliberately harming those who can be reasonably conceived of as impeccably or objectively innocent. That is, those who are innocent beyond reasonable doubt. (shrink)

The adage, “one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter,” is offered as a plausible example of evoking moral relativism. Moral relativists recognize no transcultural moral facts. So, for them, even the concept of harm would be subjective or context-sensitive. Yet one can appeal to cogent transcultural moral reasons to distinguish between deliberately and unjustifiably harming impeccably innocent people and those who might engage in justifiably harming those guilty of grave crimes. In the face of the preventable evil acts that (...) terrorists frequently perpetrate against impeccably innocent people, it is argued that moral relativists have a substantive burden of proof to demonstrate that no cogent transcultural moral reasons exist against the practice of terrorism. In the absence of such a demonstration, it is reasonable to believe that the practice of terrorism, while not totally defeating moral relativism, seems to undermine its credibility. (shrink)

Primero, arguyo que aunque el término “terrorismo” es debatible eso no es suficiente para justificar el ataque a personas que pudieran ser consideradas como no combatientes o civiles inocentes más allá de cualquier duda razonable; segundo, que los estados pueden ser tan crueles y viciosos, o aún más, que los propios actores no estatales en perpetrar actos que pudiéramos describir como actos terroristas, y tercero, que una definición adecuada del término “terrorismo internacional” debe estar enfocada en identificar y valorar sobre (...) todo a las víctimas inocentes de estos actos macabros de violencia. (shrink)

La polémica fue un importante evento cultural durante el siglo XIX en Cuba. De 1838 a 1840 se debatieron en los principales periódicos de la isla temas en torno a la metafísica, la epistemología, la ética, la pedagogía y la influencia del eclecticismo de Víctor Cousin. Exploro en esta investigación brevemente algunos de los hechos históricos que antecedieron a esta polémica. Arguyo que es inexacta la interpretación predominante que esta polémica fue motivada por el deseo de independizar a Cuba de (...) España. Tal interpretación promueve un mito de emancipación. Según mi análisis, cuando en su intervención en la polémica José de la Luz y Caballero apela al patriotismo, establece sin saberlo un precedente peligroso que usarán los autodenominados protectores del patriotismo para restringir los debates públicos. -/- La polémica filosófica en la Habana se refiere a una serie de debates públicos que acaecieron en el siglo XIX en Cuba principalmente entre jóvenes intelectuales de la época. Con frecuencia estos debates resultaron en argumentos apasionados y algunas veces en ataques ad hominem entre los participantes de dicha polémica. -/- . (shrink)

Vitoria and Suárez defend the categorical immunity of the innocent not to be intentionally killed. But they allow for inflicting collective punishment on the innocent and the noninnocent alike during and after a just war. So they allow for deliberately harming them. Inflicting harm on the innocent can often result in their death. Hence, holding both claims seems incoherent. First, the objections against using the term “innocent” are explained. Second, their views on just war are explored. And third, by appealing (...) to Aquinas' double-effect reasoning, it is shown how they try to avoid the above-mentioned incoherence. Still, their appeal might be insufficient to palliate the tension between the above-mentioned claims. If just wars are possible, the deliberate harming of the innocent is reasonably unavoidable for defeating and punishing those who wage them. Hence, defenders of just wars, whether from a religious or a secular perspective, must live with such a tension. (shrink)

The controversy over the possibility of an indigenous Latin American Philosophy might be understood as dealing with an older question about the nature of philosophy itself: Is the nature of philosophy purely speculative, practical, or both? For the sake of argument, I am using the term “Latin American Philosophy” in a normative sense as referring to social and political philosophy written by Latin Americans to change oppressive conditions and policies affecting their societies. I am assuming that liberation philosophers fall under (...) the above description. Unlike liberationists, I argue that universalist philosophers can present illuminating and hence persuasive arguments for their position. Of course, liberationists might argue that I am begging the question. But if they could successfully demonstrate that I am doing so, they would be compelled to appeal to at least some nonarbitrary principle of adjudication. If they were to do so, they would be supporting rather than undermining my argument in favor of a universalist conception of philosophy. (shrink)

Abstract“The Book of Secrets in the Results of Ideas”, usually called “The Book of Secrets” is a codex containing drawings and descriptions of thirty-one artifacts attributed to the engineer Alī Ibn Khalaf al-Murādī, who lived in Andalusia in southern Spain at the beginning of the 11th century. This manuscript is one of the first written testimonies that describe medieval mechanisms with complex precision. The aim of this work is to reconstruct and study from a historical and technological point of view (...) two of the ancient artifacts contained in the “Book of Secrets”, the “Fortress Demolisher” and the “Magic Well”. The “Fortress Demolisher” is a war machine designed to demolish the upper part of the walls or towers and consists of a battering ram mounted on a platform that can be raised several meters above the ground using a scissor mechanism. The “Magic Well” is a mechanism with several pulleys whose purpose is to raise water several meters from the bottom of a well by collecting a small portion of rope. To reconstruct the two artifacts, a digital model and a detailed study of the geometry and operation of the mechanisms, were first carried out. 3D printing, using the Fused Deposition Modelling technology, made the physical reproduction. The digitization and physical reproduction by 3D printing of the mechanisms represent an update of the traditional ways of transmitting knowledge. The use of these new technologies makes the knowledge more accessible, understandable and attractive. (shrink)

Carl Schmitt contends that liberal constitutionalism or the rule of law fails because it neglects the state of exception and the political, namely politics viewed as a distinction between friend and enemy groups. Yet, as a representative of liberal constitutionalism, Locke grapples with the state of exception by highlighting a magistrate prerogative and/or the right of the majority to act during a serious political crisis. Rather than neglecting the political, Locke’s state of war presupposes it. My thesis is that Schmitt’s (...) assault against Locke’s liberal constitutionalism is one-sided, and hence Locke’s militant liberalism can disarm it. In support of my thesis I shall argue (1) that Schmitt overlooks Locke’s distinction between liberty and license; (2) that, ironically, Schmitt’s conception of politics resembles Locke’s state of war; and (3) that Locke’s liberalism is militant rather than neutral because it excludes extremists from enjoying equal civil and political rights, as reasonable citizens do, to compete for political power. (shrink)

Resumen: En este escrito se presenta un resumen de la obra Mujeres y discursos gerenciales. Hacia la autogestión feminista, donde se abordan desde una perspectiva feminista los discursos gerenciales dirigidos a las mujeres, desvelando la falsa neutralidad de sus premisas y la perpetuación de modelos de género dicotómicos en el seno de la gestión. Al mismo tiempo, se apunta a la actual mercantilización de las identidades y del movimiento por la igualdad, señalando los peligrosos virajes discursivos a los que se (...) está sometiendo a dicho movimiento en la actualidad.: In this article we present a summary of the work Mujeres y discursos gerenciales. Hacia la autogestión feminista, where management discourses aimed at women are approached from a feminist perspective, revealing the false neutrality of their premises and the perpetuation of dichotomous gender models within management. At the same time, it points to the current commercialization of identities and the movement for equality, pointing out the dangerous discursive shifts that this movement is currently undergoing. Palabras clave: discursos gerenciales, teoría feminista, liderazgo, despolitización. Keywords: managerial discourses, feminist theory, leadership, depoliticization. (shrink)

Ethical requirements of the prosumer-citizen facing companies Resumen: Los procesos de recesión económica y los cambios políticos que se están desarrollando en las sociedades occidentales, plantean una disyuntiva sobre el papel social de las empresas y su modo de relacionarse con el público. Se ha producido el despertar de consumidores/as conscientes de su poder, tanto como creadores/as de contenidos a través de los espacios digitales, como de vigilantes activos de las acciones de empresas y gobiernos. Ante esta realidad, las organizaciones (...) no pueden actuar sin atender al entorno, deben reconocer su responsabilidad social y responder a las demandas de sus stakeholders a través de una gestión empresarial ética y comunicativa. En el presente artículo se reflexiona en torno a una propuesta de ética empresarial de corte discursivo capaz de responder a las exigencias sociales y promover una comunicación transparente que incorpore los intereses de los grupos afectados por la actividad empresarial.: The economic crisis and the political changes that are taking place in Western societies set out a dilemma about the social role of companies and their social interactions. Nowadays, consumers have become aware of their power, both as creators of content through digital tools, as active guards of the actions of companies and governments. In front of this, organizations cannot act without pay attention to their environment; companies must recognize their social responsibility and respond to the stakeholders demands through an ethical and communicative management. We’ll explain a business ethics based on a discursive model, because it can be useful to attend social demands, to promote transparent communication, and to incorporate the interests of those affected by business activity. Palabras clave: ética empresarial, ética discursiva, prosumidor/a, monitorización, confianza. Keywords: business ethics, discourse ethics, prosumer, monitoring, trust. (shrink)

En un momento de gran efervescencia feminista, se entremezclan las reclamaciones políticas del movimiento con las peligrosas reapropiaciones que de sus núcleos de lucha hace el neoliberalismo. Las tensiones que se presentan en este contexto son muchas y variadas, algunas evidentes y otras invisibles, pero todas contribuyen a la torsión actual del feminismo. En el presente artículo se abordarán algunas de estas tensiones que nacen en la intersección entre feminismo y neoliberalismo: desde la publicidad como posible herramienta feminista hasta los (...) discursos sobre el emprendimiento y el empleo, pasando por el diseño de políticas públicas, y la mercantilización de los cuerpos femeninos. También se abordarán algunas de las posibles rearticulaciones y respuestas políticas feministas ante esta realidad, mostrando la complejidad de los retos a los que tienen que hacer frente los feminismos hoy.In times of great feminist effervescence, the political claims of the movement are intermingled with the dangerous reappropriations that neoliberalism makes of its struggle nuclei. The tensions that appear in this context are many and varied, some obvious and some invisible, but all of them contribute to the torsion of feminism. This article will address some of the tensions that arise from the intersection between feminism and neoliberalism: from advertising as a possible feminist tool, to speeches on entrepreneurship and employment, through the design of public policies, and the commodification of female bodies. Some of the possible re-articulations and feminist political responses to this reality will be addressed, showing the great complexity of the challenges that feminisms face today. (shrink)

Physicians, so it will be argued have by virtue of their profession a weightier obligation than patients to disclose their HIV infection, and also have a duty to refrain from performing exposure-prone invasive procedures. This argument supports both the AMA and CDC guidelines on HIV infected health care workers (HCWS), while undermining the recommendations against disclosure suggested by the National Commission on AIDS (NCA). The argument is divided into three parts. First, a distinction is made between entrenched and fuzzy roles. (...) Second, the physician-patient relationship is described as essentially fiduciary rather than businesslike or merely contractual. Third, the conflict between patients' and physicians' right to know is portrayed as one between patients' and physicians' right to life. Last, given the the probability of infection from seropositive patients to seronegative physicians, and, conversely, is roughly the same, it is recommended as a fair social policy that whenever an invasive procedure occurs, both physicians and patients have a duty to disclose any serious infection that may jeopardize their lives. (shrink)

Resumen: Este texto es una respuesta abierta a las apreciaciones planteadas por las profesoras María Ávila Bravo-Villasante y Lydia de Tienda Palop, y los profesores Carlos Jesús Fernández Rodríguez y David Muñoz Rodríguez a la obra Mujeres y discursos gerenciales. Hacia la autogestión feminista. A lo largo de las presentes páginas se busca articular un diálogo entre miradas procedentes de diferentes disciplinas que contribuya a enriquecer la reflexión elaborada en dicha obra y abrir nuevos interrogantes sobre la misma. A su (...) vez, dicho diálogo permitirá seguir ampliando el campo de los estudios del management desde la perspectiva feminista.: This is an open response to the comments of professors María Ávila Bravo-Villasante, Lydia de Tienda Palop, Carlos Jesús Fernández Rodríguez, and David Muñoz Rodríguez to the book Mujeres y discursos gerenciales. Hacia la autogestión feminista. The aim is to articulate a dialogue among views from different disciplines that can contribute to enrich the reflection elaborated in the book and to open new questions about it, with the hope that this dialogue will help to expand the field of management studies from a feminist perspective. Palabras clave: postfeminismo, mujeres, liderazgo, gestión. Keywords: postfeminism, women, leadership, management. (shrink)

La sociedad del “nuevo espíritu del capitalismo” se caracteriza por la profusión del lenguaje terapéutico entre la población, un tipo de lenguaje que responde al desarrollo del malestar que la posmodernidad y el capitalismo feroz causan en los individuos. En dicho contexto, valores como la autonomía, el éxito, la creatividad y el empoderamiento pierden su poder de transformación social para convertirse en herramientas disciplinarias al servicio del sistema neoliberal. En el presente artículo abordaremos dos herramientas que consideramos, contribuyen a la (...) difusión de este tipo de lenguaje: la literatura gerencial dirigida a la clase directiva y la literatura de autoayuda dirigida al público general. Sostendremos que ambos tipos de literatura se caracterizan por un fuerte componente disciplinario y ponen en juego las mismas lógicas discursivas y valores, buscando la mercantilización de las capacidades de los individuos. Palabras clave: autoayuda, lenguaje terapéutico, régimen disciplinario, neoliberalismo. (shrink)

El feminismo vive una revitalización de corte político al tiempo que se ha convertido en un objeto de consumo adoptando la forma de camisetas, tazas y libros. Analizaremos cómo se divulga la teoría feminista a través de los “manuales” o “guías” para el feminismo, desarrollando tres tareas principales. En primer lugar, establecer un listado de las últimas publicaciones sobre temáticas feministas con carácter divulgativo y clasificarla según tipologías. En segundo lugar, identificar las principales temáticas de dichas publicaciones. En tercer lugar, (...) establecer algunas conclusiones sobre el carácter de estas obras, así como un intento de definición de las mismas. (shrink)

'. . . this book will be valuable to upper-division and graduate students interested in the validity of SC theories.'-PERSPECTIVES ON POLITICAL SCIENCE.

En el presente artículo se abordarán las bases de la subjetividad neoliberal actual a través de un análisis del discurso fílmico de la película Sorry We Missed You (Ken Loach, 2019), complementado con una mirada elaborada desde la sociología crítica. El análisis se dividirá en dos partes. En primer lugar, se identificarán las lógicas discursivas y los valores subyacentes a la subjetividad neoliberal actual representados en la película. En segundo lugar, se analizará la reivindicación social y de corte más propositivo (...) que se encuentra implícita en la película, siempre enmarcada en el sentido general del cine social de Loach, para señalar los nuevos valores sociales que se reivindican en ella. (shrink)

Different forms of contractarianism are assessed and explained. The concept of the social contract, as it is used by Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Rawls, is found to be inadequate for the development of a coherent political philosophy. Moreover it is argued that both contractarians as well as the anti-contractarians I shall consider fail in their account of political authority and in their account of political obligation. If this is so, then it follows that there is no general prima facie (...) moral obligation to obey the state and its institutions. Thus it is argued that most citizens do not have political obligations. The legitimacy of the state and its institutions will ultimately depend upon its moral qualities. (shrink)

This paper explores whether terrorist violence could be morally justified or excused. It defends the absolute immunity of innocent people against those who might want to sacrifice them for other goals. The defense is based on recognizing people’s stringent natural duty of nonmaleficence, which entails an obligation on moral agents to refrain from intentionally bringing about harm or significant risk of it to the innocent. The paper is divided into two parts. The first part distinguishes between unconditional and conditional critics’ (...) arguments regarding the use of terrorist violence, and between a narrow and a broad definition of terrorism. While unconditional critics accept the narrow definition or one akin to it because they equate terrorism with murder, conditional critics accept the broad definition or one akin to it because they attempt to justify or excuse the use of terrorism based, e.g., on an analogy with a just war approach, consequentialism, moral relativism, supreme emergency or last resort. Exception is taken with the latter arguments since they attempt to justify or excuse morally unjustifiable and inexcusable actions such as the deliberate use of violence against the innocent. The second part explores plausible conditional critics’ reasons for justifying or excusing the 9/11/01 attacks and find them wanting. If the argument works, then, with minor modifications, it could also apply to the 3/11/04 attacks in Madrid, the 7/7/05 attacks in London, and similar attacks elsewhere. (shrink)

El presente monográfico de Recerca titulado «Los nuevos discursos del management: contribuciones desde una perspectiva crítica», se compone de siete artículos de investigación y dos recensiones. A través de los diferentes escritos se pretende realizar un recorrido por el estado actual de los discursos del management y sus repercusiones no solo en el mundo del trabajo, sino en el grueso de la sociedad desde una perspectiva crítica. Así pues, a lo largo de las siguientes páginas el/la lector/a podrá transitar por (...) los diferentes discursos que hoy en día caracterizan el espacio social. Nos referimos a marcos generales de sentido como el individualismo y la descolectivización de lo social, pero también a cuestiones más concretas como el emprendimiento y la precariedad; todos ellos componentes que conforman el escenario al que nos estamos remitiendo en todo momento, esto es, el del discurso neoliberal o el «nuevo espíritu del capitalismo» (Boltanski y Chiapello, 2002). (shrink)

Los actos violentos que se narran en La cinta blanca (Michael Haneke, 2009) nos llevan a plantearnos ciertas cuestiones sobre lo que Hannah Arendt dio en llamar “banalidad del mal” y cómo dicho concepto se refleja en el filme. Retomando algunas de las cuestiones planteadas por la autora en sus obras Los orígenes del totalitarismo (1951), La condición humana (1958) y Eichmann en Jerusalén. Un estudio sobre la banalidad del mal (1963) trataremos de dar respuesta a las siguientes preguntas: ¿son (...) los niños/as incapaces de percibir la maldad de sus actos?, ¿son conscientes moralmente?, ¿la violencia se utiliza como una forma de revelarse frente a la autoridad o como un modo de poner en juego los valores que ésta les ha enseñado? Es decir, ¿podemos hablar de la banalidad del mal para describir los actos de los/as niños/as? La respuesta a esta pregunta parece ser afirmativa, pero cabe establecer una distinción importante entre los diferentes actos que se describen en el filme, para esto acudiremos también a las ideas de autores como Peter Sloterdijk y Jean Paul Sartre. (shrink)

I doubt that we will ever achieve a consensus on the value and scope of free speech on colleges campuses. In a liberal democracy, like ours, that is a virtue rather than a vice.

The claim that historians “write from a present-day perspective” does not entail that the past only matters when interpreted by categories of social justice. The past is a set of amorphous events and people, including their actions and motives. So, historians are free to explore various aspects of it to offer meaningful and compelling interpretations without necessarily privileging one category. The past is richer than we can humanely understand. Hence, it is important that new generations of scholars revise it from (...) different angles and without ideological restrictions. (shrink)

The so-called cultural war in classics seems to have evolved into a false dilemma, at least according to Dan-el Padilla Peralta’s and Johanna Hanink’s understanding of their profession (“If Classics Doesn’t Change, Let It Burn, The Chronicle Review, February 11): Either one accepts the views of those who have glorified and romanticized about Roman and Greek classical culture or one accepts the views of those who are ready to “burn down” the classical tradition. Between the two extremes there is plenty (...) of room and issues to be explored from serious, critical, and contestable points of view. (shrink)