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  1. Public Opinion and Political Passions in the Work of Germaine de Staël.Eveline Groot - 2021 - Ethics, Politics and Society 4:126-152.
    In this paper, I investigate the role of public opinion and De Staël’s liberal principles in relation to her psychological image of human nature. De Staël regarded the French Revolution as a new stage of human progress, in which the French people, for the first time, gained a political voice. From her position as a liberal republican, De Staël argues for political progress in the form of civil equality and liberty confirmed by law and political representation, for which public opinion (...)
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  2. Slavery and Servitude in Seventeenth-Century Feminism: Arcangela Tarabotti and Gabrielle Suchon.Hasana Sharp - 2023 - In Karen Detlefsen & Lisa Shapiro (eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Women and Early Modern European Philosophy. London: Routledge. pp. 297-310.
    This essay examines how two seventeenth-century feminists use the language of slavery and servitude to describe and protest the domination of women and girls. From their experiences of being forcibly confined to convents at a young age, Arcangela Tarabotti and Gabrielle Suchon demonstrate how the deprivation of knowledge, the restriction and destruction of social and kinship relations, and the impediments to the exercise their free wills impose upon them forms of slavery. The language of “slavery” and “servitude” plays a distinctive (...)
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  3. Property and the Will: Kant and Achenwall on Ownership Rights.Fiorella Tomassini - 2023 - Kantian Review 28 (2):297-313.
    This article examines Kant’s theory of property through a comparative analysis of Gottfried Achenwall’s justification of ownership rights. I argue that at the core of Achenwall’s and Kant’s understanding of ownership rights lies the idea that rights are to be acquired through a juridical act (factum iuridicum, rechtlichen Act) of the will. However, while Achenwall thinks of this act as emerging from a private will, Kant holds that rights and obligations can only be brought about by an act of the (...)
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  4. Hobbes nel Journal of the History of Philosophy: dalla politica alla religione.Anna Lisa Schino - 2023 - Noctua 10 (2–3):593-618.
    An analysis of the issues of the Journal of the History of Philosophy shows that the journal has effectively recorded the changing image of Hobbes over the course of the 20th century, shifting from a strictly political perspective and a marked focus on the internal coherence of Hobbesian thought (with particular reference to the moral/political nexus and the examination of the “naturalistic fallacy”), to an increasing emphasis on the theme of theology and civil religion. Three examples are examined in this (...)
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  5. Nancy Kingsbury Wollstonecraft and the Logic of Freedom as Independence.Alan Coffee - 2023 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 61 (2):257-282.
    Abstractabstract:When the writings of Nancy Kingsbury Wollstonecraft surfaced in 2019, having been almost wholly neglected by scholars since their publication in the 1820s, they invited an inevitable and tantalizing comparison with her far more famous sister-in-law, Mary Wollstonecraft, especially since Kingsbury had written an article on "The Natural Rights of Woman." Irrespective of the Wollstonecraft connection, however, Kingsbury's writing stands on its own merits as deserving of serious scholarship by historians of women in philosophy. Nevertheless, reading Kingsbury in the light (...)
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  6. Empire and Liberty in Adam Ferguson’s Republicanism.Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2022 - History of European Ideas 48 (7):909-929.
    Adam Ferguson’s imperial thought casts new light on the age-old republican dilemma of the tension between empire and liberty. Generations of republican writers had been haunted by this issue as the decline of Rome proved that imperial expansion would eventually ruin the liberty of a state. Many eighteenth-century Scottish thinkers regarded this as an insoluble conundrum and thus became critics of empire. Ferguson shared their basic views but, paradoxically, was still able to defend the British Empire in the debates over (...)
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  7. Hobbes’s Lesser Evil Argument for Political Authority.Ben Jones & Manshu Tian - 2022 - Hobbes Studies 35 (2):115–134.
    This article identifies an argument in Hobbes’s writings often overlooked but relevant to current philosophical debates. Political philosophers tend to categorize his thought as representing consent or rescue theories of political authority. Though these interpretations have textual support and are understandable, they leave out one of his most compelling arguments – what we call the lesser evil argument for political authority, expressed most explicitly in Chapter 20 of Leviathan. Hobbes frankly admits the state’s evils but appeals to the significant disparity (...)
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  8. Conservative Critiques.Justin Tosi & Brandon Warmke - 2022 - In Ben Ferguson & Matt Zwolinski (eds.), Routledge Companion to Libertarianism. Routledge. pp. 579-592.
    American sociologist Robert Nisbet once described conservatives and libertarians as “uneasy cousins.” The description is apt. While sharing a family resemblance and many of the same political rivals, conservatism and libertarianism are fundamentally at odds. This paper explains why this is so from the conservative perspective. It surveys the starting points and major themes of conservatism and libertarianism. It identifies what conservatives and libertarians agree about. It concludes by showing what conservatives have against libertarianism.
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  9. Catharine Macaulay and the Reception of Hobbes in the Eighteenth Century.Karen Green - 2021 - In Marcus P. Adams (ed.), A Companion to Hobbes. Hoboken, NJ, USA: Wiley. pp. 492–504.
    There is a disconnect between the central place that Hobbes now occupies in the presumed history of democratic republicanism, and the fortunes of his political philosophy during the period leading up to the American and French revolutions. Given the central place that Hobbes’s political ideas are now accorded in the history of liberal democracy, this is a surprising fact. One of the few eighteenth-century works to engage with Hobbes was Catharine Macaulay’s critical, Loose Remarks on certain positions to be found (...)
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  10. Espinosa e o poder constituinte.Gustavo Ruiz da Silva, Ian Alankule Purves & Filippo Del Lucchese - 2021 - Peri 3 (13):199-227.
    Este artigo considera a contribuição de Baruch Espinosa a uma teoria do poder constituinte. Teorias modernas do poder constituinte geralmente concordam em sua essência paradoxal: um poder que vem antes da lei e funda a lei é ao mesmo tempo um poder que, uma vez que a esfera jurídica é estabelecida, tem de ser obliterado pela lei. A ontologia de Espinosa tem sido reconhecida como uma das primeiras fontes modernas do poder constituinte, no entanto, ele argumenta por uma equivalência estrita (...)
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  11. Marx, Spinoza, and 'True Democracy'.Sandra Leonie Field - forthcoming - In Jason Maurice Yonover & Kristin Gjesdal (eds.), Spinoza in Germany: Political and Religious Thought in the Long Nineteenth Century. New York: Oxford University Press.
    It is common to assimilate Marx’s and Spinoza’s conceptions of democracy. In this chapter, I assess the relation between Marx’s early idea of “true democracy” and Spinozist democracy, both the historical influence and the theoretical affinity. Drawing on Marx’s student notebooks on Spinoza’s Theological-Political Treatise, I show there was a historical influence. However, at the theoretical level, I argue that a sharp distinction must be drawn. Philosophically, Spinoza’s commitment to understanding politics through real concrete powers does not support with Marx’s (...)
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  12. Citizens and States in Spinoza’s Political Treatise.Michael LeBuffe - 2021 - Mind 130 (519):809-832.
    In his Political Treatise, Spinoza repeatedly compares states to human beings. In this interpretation of the comparisons, I present a progressively more restrictive account of Spinoza’s views about the nature of human beings in the Ethics and show at each step how those views inform the account of states in the Political Treatise. Because, like human beings, states are individuals, they strive to persevere in existence. Because, like human beings, states are composed of parts that are individuals, states' parts also (...)
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  13. Reipublicae administratio extraordinaria: note in margine a un passo della Bibliographia politica di Gabriel Naudé.Lorenzo Bianchi - 2019 - Noctua 6 (1–2):40-74.
    In his Bibliographia politica Naudé reviews in about one hundred pages authors and works that have dealt with politics, from the Antiquity to the first decades of the Seventeenth Century. In few enlightened pages on the ordinary and extraordinary administration of the State, Naudé elaborates his own idea of Reason of State, including the use of an extraordinary administration in the name of the public benefit. We can find a continuity between his Bibliographia politica and his Considérations politiques sur les (...)
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  14. Kant, coercion, and the legitimation of inequality.Benjamin L. McKean - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (4):528-550.
    Immanuel Kant’s political philosophy has enjoyed renewed attention as an egalitarian alternative to contemporary inequality since it seems to uncompromisingly reassert the primacy of the state over the economy, enabling it to defend the modern welfare state against encroaching neoliberal markets. However, I argue that, when understood as a free-standing approach to politics, Kant’s doctrine of right shares essential features with the prevailing theories that legitimate really existing economic inequality. Like Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, Kant understands the state’s function (...)
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  15. Defying democratic despair: A Kantian account of hope in politics.Jakob Huber - 2021 - European Journal of Political Theory 20 (4).
    In times of a prevailing sense of crisis and disorder in modern politics, there is a growing sentiment that anger, despair or resignation are more appropriate attitudes to navigate the world than hope. Political philosophers have long shared this suspicion and shied away from theorising hope more systematically. The aim of this article is to resist this tendency by showing that hope constitutes an integral part of democratic politics in particular. In making this argument I draw on Kant’s conceptualisation of (...)
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  16. What's in a name? How a democracy becomes an aristocracy.Sandra Leonie Field - 2016 - Democracy Futures Series, The Conversation.
    Is there something about the deep logic of democracy that destines it to succeed in the world? Democracy, the form of politics that includes everyone as equals – does it perhaps suit human nature better than the alternatives? After all, surely any person who is excluded from the decision-making in a society will be more liable to rise up against it. From ancient thinkers like Seneca to contemporary thinkers like Francis Fukuyama, we can see some version of this line of (...)
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  17. The Politics of Hypocrisy: Baruch Spinoza and Pierre Bayle on Hypocritical Conformity.Amy Gais - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (5):588-614.
    Contemporary political theory has increasingly attended to the inevitability, and even advantage, of hypocrisy in liberal democratic politics, but less consideration has been given to the social and psychological repercussions of this ubiquitous phenomenon. This article recovers Baruch Spinoza and Pierre Bayle’s critiques of hypocritical conformity to demonstrate that their influential theories of toleration and freedom were shaped considerably by concerns with enforced conformity. Reframing Spinoza and Bayle as theorists of hypocrisy, moreover, suggests that recent redemptive accounts of hypocrisy in (...)
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  18. Soberanía popular y concepción fiduciaria de los representantes públicos en Maximilien Robespierre.Pablo Scotto - 2020 - Daimon: Revista Internacional de Filosofía 81:81-96.
    En su discurso del 10 de mayo de 1793 sobre la Constitución, Robespierre combina una concepción fiduciaria de los representantes públicos con una defensa de las virtudes de la democracia, el único sistema político en el que los gobernantes, al ser parte del pueblo, tienen los mismos intereses que este. Es esta defensa de la soberanía popular, así como de la primacía del poder legislativo, lo que constituye la esencia de su “economía política popular”, una expresión que toma de Rousseau. (...)
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  19. Review of 'Thomas Paine and the Idea of Human Rights' by Robert Lamb. [REVIEW]Michael L. Frazer - 2016 - Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 1.
  20. Antonio Genovesi, Lezioni di commercio.Sergio Volodia Marcello Cremaschi - 2000 - In Franco Volpi (ed.), Dizionario delle opere filosofiche. Milano, Italy: Bruno Mondadori. pp. 419.
    A discussion of the economic work of Genovesi, the first professor of political economy in Europe. Genovesi supports a physiocratic theory of value as the net produce of agricultural work; a theory of interest as the motive of human action, intermediate between the extreme poles of excessive self-love and benevolence; a doctrine of innate rights as a limit to the sovereign's action; a commercial policy that limits dependence on foreign countries. He also took a position in the eighteenth-century debate on (...)
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  21. China and England: On the Structural Convergence of Political Values. [REVIEW]Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - Journal of World Philosophies 5 (1):188-195.
    At the centre of Powers' (2019) China and England is an extraordinary forgotten episode in the history of political ideas. There was a time when English radicals critiqued the corruption and injustice of the English political system by contrasting it with the superior example of China. There was a time when they advocated adopting a Chinese conceptual framework for thinking about politics. So dominant and prevalent was the English radicals' use of this framework, that their opponents took to dismissing their (...)
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  22. The Metaphysical Spectator and the Sphere of Social Life in Kant’s Political Writings.Alex Cain - 2020 - Critical Horizons 21 (2):153-166.
    Through a reading of Kant’s essay, “An Old Question Raised Again: Is the Human Race Constantly Progressing?”, I argue that Kant’s political philosophy fails to adequately engage with the political event in itself, and that Kant’s so-called political writings only provide a theory of the social sphere. First, I present the Kantian political subject as an antinomy between the metaphysically grounded spectator and the physically situated actor. Second, I show that Kant tries to solve the antinomy between the actor and (...)
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  23. A Kantian Critique of Grotius.Macarena Marey - 2019 - Problemos 95.
    [full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian] During the last few years, it has become usual to turn to some seventeenth century readings of the traditional idea of an original common possession of the earth for philosophical aid to explain and support the rights of persons in situations of extreme need, including refugees. Hugo Grotius’s conception of this idea is one of the most cited ones. In this paper, I hold that a Grotian reading of the idea of an (...)
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  24. A Review of Alexander Broadie's A History of Scottish Philosophy. [REVIEW]Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2018 - NTU Philosophical Review 56:177-202.
    Scottish philosophy and intellectual history have become the increasingly fashionable fields of academic studies. Alexander Broadie, one of the pioneers and an accomplished scholar of the Scottish Enlightenment, returns to the basic question, namely, “what is Scottish philosophy?”, and presents a comprehensive work on the history of Scottish philosophy. Broadie successfully elucidates the nature and significance of Scottish philosophy both historically and philosophically. He argues that Scottish philosophy must be studied in its historical context, for it is not only a (...)
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  25. Hobbesian Slavery.Daniel Luban - 2018 - Political Theory 46 (5):726-748.
    Although Thomas Hobbes’s critics have often accused him of espousing a form of extreme subjection that differs only in name from outright slavery, Hobbes’s own striking views about slavery have attracted little notice. For Hobbes repeatedly insists that slaves, uniquely among the populace, maintain an unlimited right of resistance by force. But how seriously should we take this doctrine, particularly in the context of the rapidly expanding Atlantic slave trade of Hobbes’s time? While there are several reasons to doubt whether (...)
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  26. Introduction: ‘István Hont as political theorist’.Paul Sagar & Christopher Brooke - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):387-390.
    István Hont understood his work excavating the structure of 18th century debates as a contribution to contemporary political thinking. This special issue begins to explore some of the avenues he opened.
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  27. Arsehole aristocracy.Christopher Brooke - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):391-410.
    The 18th-century French political theorist the Baron de Montesquieu described honour as the ‘principle’ – or animating force – of a well-functioning monarchy, which he thought the appropriate regime type for an economically unequal society extended over a broad territory. Existing literature often presents this honour in terms of lofty ambition, the desire for preference and distinction, a spring for political agency or a spur to the most admirable kind of conduct in public life and the performance of great deeds. (...)
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  28. Beyond denial and exclusion: The history of relations between Christians and Muslims in the Cape Colony during the 17th–18th centuries with lessons for a post-colonial theology of religions. [REVIEW]Jaco Beyers - 2016 - HTS Theological Studies 72 (1):01-10.
    Learning from the past prepares one for being able to cope with the future. History is made up of strings of relationships. This article follows a historical line from colonialism, through apartheid to post-colonialism in order to illustrate inter-religious relations in South-Africa and how each context determines these relations. Social cohesion is enhanced by a post-colonial theology of religions based on the current context. By describing the relationship between Christians and Muslims during the 17th–18th centuries in the Cape Colony, lessons (...)
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  29. Hospitality, or Kant’s Critique of Cosmopolitanism and Human Rights.Christopher Meckstroth - 2018 - Political Theory 46 (4):537-559.
    Kant’s theory of international politics and his right of hospitality are commonly associated with expansive projects of securing human rights or cosmopolitan governance beyond state borders. This article shows how this view misunderstands Kant’s criticism of the law of nations tradition as handed down into the eighteenth century as well as the logic of his radical alternative, which was designed to explain the conditions of possibility of global peace as a solution to the Hobbesian problem of a war of all (...)
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  30. Kant and the Practical Man.Carsten Fogh Nielsen - 2017 - Danish Yearbook of Philosophy 50:132-156.
    The Appendix to Kant’s Toward Perpetual Peace is commonly viewed as an explication of the systematic relations between political practice and normative political theory. This paper provides an alternative interpretation of Kant’s main aim in the Appendix which is to provide an argument against the so-called “practical man.” The practical man believes that human nature precludes normative political ideals from ever playing a significant role within political practice. Drawing on the 1793 text “On the common saying: That may be correct (...)
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  31. Rousseau and Hobbes: Nature, free will, and the passions.Ryan Patrick Hanley - 2018 - Contemporary Political Theory 17 (S1):35-38.
  32. Rousseau and Republicanism.Annelien de Dijn - 2018 - Political Theory 46 (1):59-80.
    Rousseau was arguably one of the most important and influential of eighteenth-century republican thinkers. However, contemporary republican theorists, most notably Philip Pettit, have written him out of the republican canon by describing Rousseau as a “populist” rather than a republican. I argue that this miscasting of Rousseau is not just historically incorrect but that it has also led to a weakening of contemporary republican political theory. Rousseau was one of the few early modern republican thinkers to take seriously the problem (...)
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  33. The Rise and Fall of Species-Life.Geoffrey Gershenson - 2006 - European Journal of Political Theory 5 (3):281-300.
    Rousseau’s founding critique of liberalism, the Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, takes the ambiguous form of a sweeping myth of civilization. Political theorists usually interpret the myth by reading it as a tale of passage from primordial nature to civil society, but what happens when we privilege another of the essay’s organizing devices, its symbolic depiction of the history of the species as the life of an individual? Interpreted through this metaphor, Rousseau’s myth becomes a charged tale of a (...)
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  34. Commerce and Corruption.Ryan Patrick Hanley - 2008 - European Journal of Political Theory 7 (2):137-158.
    Modern commercial society has been criticized for attenuating virtue and inhibiting the ethical self-realization of its participants. But Adam Smith, a founding father of liberal commercial modernity, anticipated precisely this critique and took specific measures to circumvent it. This article presents these measures via an analysis of his response to the critique of liberal commercial modernity set forth by Rousseau. It principally argues that Smith's distinctions of the love of praise from the love of praiseworthiness, and the love of glory (...)
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  35. The political Italy of the 18th century seen through Portuguese eyes.Alberto Antunes de Abreu - 2006 - Cultura:231-244.
    José de Sousa Pereira, membro do Conselho da Fazenda de D. Pedro II, foi enviado a Roma com a embaixada do Bispo de Lamego entre 1676 a 1682. Consignou as impressões da viagem A politica dos princepes de Itália em 1680, decerto com a finalidade de fornecer modelos críti­cos aos governantes portugueses. Da apreciação da política italiana ressaltam simpatias pela república veneziana, pelo Ducado de Saboia, mas também um conhecimento deficiente das políti­cas de Génova, Modena, Mântua, Parma e Lucca, tão (...)
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  36. Wollstonecraft and the political value of contempt.Ross Carroll - 2015 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (1):1474885115593762.
    In her Vindication of the Rights of Men, Mary Wollstonecraft accused Edmund Burke of having contempt for his political opponents. Yet she herself expressed contempt for Burke and did so unapologetically. Readers have long regarded Wollstonecraft’s decision to match Burke’s contempt with one of her own as either a tactical blunder or evidence that she sought merely to ridicule Burke rather than argue with him. I offer an interpretation and defence of Wollstonecraft's rhetorical choices by situating the Vindication within eighteenth-century (...)
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  37. The Solitary Walker in the Political World.Joseph H. Lane & Rebecca R. Clark - 2006 - Political Theory 34 (1):62-94.
    Rousseau argued forcefully for the superiority of a life lived in accordance with “the simplest impulses of nature,” but his complex understanding of the relationship between humans and “nature” is rarely cited as a source of inspiration by those seeking to reform the human relationship with the natural world. We argue that the complexities of Rousseau's political thought illuminate important connections between his works and the programs put forth by deep ecology. In Part One, we explore the theoretical connections between (...)
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  38. Glory and the Law in Hobbes.Tracy B. Strong - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (1):61-76.
    A central argument of the _Leviathan_ has to do with the political importance of education. Hobbes wants his book to be taught in universities and expounded much in the manner that Scripture was. Only thus will citizens realize what is in their hearts as to the nature of good political order. Glory affects this process in two ways. The pursuit of glory _by a citizen_ leads to political chaos and disorder. On the other hand, _God’s_ glory is such that one (...)
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  39. Harmony in Spinoza and His Critics.Timothy Yenter - 2018 - In Beth Lord (ed.), Spinoza’s Philosophy of Ratio. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. pp. 46-60.
    Spinoza is in a potentially untenable position. On the one hand, he argues that those who claim to see harmony in the universe are badly mistaken; they are falsely imagining rather than properly reasoning. On the other hand, harmony is positively discussed in his ethical writings and even serves as the basis for his vision of society. How can both be maintained? In this chapter l argue that this prima facie conflict between the two treatments of harmony is resolvable, but (...)
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  40. Rousseau on Inequality and Free Will. [REVIEW]David Lay Williams - 2017 - Political Theory 45 (4):552-565.
  41. The Sources of the Encyclopedia Article on Justice: A Reply to Professor Thielemann.Burns Tony - 1986 - Diderot Studies 22:27-40.
  42. John Selden and the Western Political Tradition.Ofir Haivry - 2017 - Cambridge University Press.
    Legal and political theorist, common lawyer and parliamentary leader, historian and polyglot, John Selden was a formidable figure in Renaissance England, whose real importance and influence are now being recognized once again. John Selden and the Western Political Tradition highlights his important role in the development of such early modern political ideas as modern natural law and natural rights, national identity and tradition, the political integration of church and state, and the effect of Jewish ideas on Western political thought. Selden's (...)
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  43. Frederick G. Whelan, "Order and Artifice in Hume's Political Philosophy". [REVIEW]Nicholas Capaldi - 1987 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 25 (4):604.
  44. Rousseau's Refusal.Steven Johnston - 2002 - Philosophy Today 30 (6):858-861.
  45. Kant, Political Liberalism, and the Ethics of Same‐Sex Relations.Kory Schaff - 2001 - Journal of Social Philosophy 32 (3):446-462.
  46. Kant and Modern Political Philosophy.Colin Farrelly - 2002 - Mind 111 (443):662-664.
  47. Montesquieu's Philosophy of Liberalism: A Commentary on the Spirit of the Laws.Thomas L. Pangle - 1974 - Political Theory 2 (4):450-453.
  48. Property, Rights, and Freedom*: GERALD F. GAUS.Gerald F. Gaus - 1994 - Social Philosophy and Policy 11 (2):209-240.
    William Perm summarized the Magna Carta thus: “First, It asserts Englishmen to be free; that's Liberty. Secondly, they that have free-holds, that's Property.” Since at least the seventeenth century, liberals have not only understood liberty and property to be fundamental, but to be somehow intimately related or interwoven. Here, however, consensus ends; liberals present an array of competing accounts of the relation between liberty and property. Many, for instance, defend an essentially instrumental view, typically seeing private property as justified because (...)
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  49. Review of David P. Gauthier: The Logic of Leviathan: The Moral and Political Theory of Thomas Hobbes[REVIEW]Harold J. Johnson - 1971 - Ethics 82 (1):83-90.
  50. The Incidence of the Terror During the French Revolution. [REVIEW]Jerome T. Boyle - 1939 - Thought: Fordham University Quarterly 14 (3):471-471.
1 — 50 / 232