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  1. The Metaphysical Spectator and the Sphere of Social Life in Kant’s Political Writings.Alex Cain - forthcoming - Critical Horizons:1-14.
  2. The Politics of Hypocrisy: Baruch Spinoza and Pierre Bayle on Hypocritical Conformity.Amy Gais - forthcoming - Political Theory:009059171988626.
    Contemporary political theory has increasingly attended to the inevitability, and even advantage, of hypocrisy in liberal democratic politics, but less consideration has been given to the social and psychological repercussions of this ubiquitous phenomenon. This article recovers Baruch Spinoza and Pierre Bayle’s critiques of hypocritical conformity to demonstrate that their influential theories of toleration and freedom were shaped considerably by concerns with enforced conformity. Reframing Spinoza and Bayle as theorists of hypocrisy, moreover, suggests that recent redemptive accounts of hypocrisy in (...)
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  3. Kant, Coercion, and the Legitimation of Inequality.Benjamin L. McKean - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-23.
    Immanuel Kant’s political philosophy has enjoyed renewed attention as an egalitarian alternative to contemporary inequality since it seems to uncompromisingly reassert the primacy of the state over the economy, enabling it to defend the modern welfare state against encroaching neoliberal markets. However, I argue that, when understood as a free-standing approach to politics, Kant’s doctrine of right shares essential features with the prevailing theories that legitimate really existing economic inequality. Like Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, Kant understands the state’s function (...)
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  4. Defying Democratic Despair: A Kantian Account of Hope in Politics.Jakob Huber - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511984730.
    In times of a prevailing sense of crisis and disorder in modern politics, there is a growing sentiment that anger, despair or resignation are more appropriate attitudes to navigate the world than hope. Political philosophers have long shared this suspicion and shied away from theorising hope more systematically. The aim of this article is to resist this tendency by showing that hope constitutes an integral part of democratic politics in particular. In making this argument I draw on Kant’s conceptualisation of (...)
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  5. A Kantian Critique of Grotius.Macarena Marey - 2019 - Problemos 95.
    [full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian] During the last few years, it has become usual to turn to some seventeenth century readings of the traditional idea of an original common possession of the earth for philosophical aid to explain and support the rights of persons in situations of extreme need, including refugees. Hugo Grotius’s conception of this idea is one of the most cited ones. In this paper, I hold that a Grotian reading of the idea of an (...)
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  6. A Review of Alexander Broadie's A History of Scottish Philosophy. [REVIEW]Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2018 - NTU Philosophical Review 56:177-202.
    Scottish philosophy and intellectual history have become the increasingly fashionable fields of academic studies. Alexander Broadie, one of the pioneers and an accomplished scholar of the Scottish Enlightenment, returns to the basic question, namely, “what is Scottish philosophy?”, and presents a comprehensive work on the history of Scottish philosophy. Broadie successfully elucidates the nature and significance of Scottish philosophy both historically and philosophically. He argues that Scottish philosophy must be studied in its historical context, for it is not only a (...)
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  7. Hobbesian Slavery.Daniel Luban - 2018 - Political Theory 46 (5):726-748.
    Although Thomas Hobbes’s critics have often accused him of espousing a form of extreme subjection that differs only in name from outright slavery, Hobbes’s own striking views about slavery have attracted little notice. For Hobbes repeatedly insists that slaves, uniquely among the populace, maintain an unlimited right of resistance by force. But how seriously should we take this doctrine, particularly in the context of the rapidly expanding Atlantic slave trade of Hobbes’s time? While there are several reasons to doubt whether (...)
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  8. Introduction: ‘István Hont as Political Theorist’.Paul Sagar & Christopher Brooke - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):387-390.
    István Hont understood his work excavating the structure of 18th century debates as a contribution to contemporary political thinking. This special issue begins to explore some of the avenues he opened.
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  9. Arsehole Aristocracy.Christopher Brooke - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):391-410.
    The 18th-century French political theorist the Baron de Montesquieu described honour as the ‘principle’ – or animating force – of a well-functioning monarchy, which he thought the appropriate regime type for an economically unequal society extended over a broad territory. Existing literature often presents this honour in terms of lofty ambition, the desire for preference and distinction, a spring for political agency or a spur to the most admirable kind of conduct in public life and the performance of great deeds. (...)
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  10. Beyond Denial and Exclusion: The History of Relations Between Christians and Muslims in the Cape Colony During the 17th–18th Centuries with Lessons for a Post-Colonial Theology of Religions. [REVIEW]Jaco Beyers - 2016 - Hts Theological Studies 72 (1):01-10.
    Learning from the past prepares one for being able to cope with the future. History is made up of strings of relationships. This article follows a historical line from colonialism, through apartheid to post-colonialism in order to illustrate inter-religious relations in South-Africa and how each context determines these relations. Social cohesion is enhanced by a post-colonial theology of religions based on the current context. By describing the relationship between Christians and Muslims during the 17th–18th centuries in the Cape Colony, lessons (...)
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  11. Hospitality, or Kant’s Critique of Cosmopolitanism and Human Rights.Christopher Meckstroth - 2018 - Political Theory 46 (4):537-559.
    Kant’s theory of international politics and his right of hospitality are commonly associated with expansive projects of securing human rights or cosmopolitan governance beyond state borders. This article shows how this view misunderstands Kant’s criticism of the law of nations tradition as handed down into the eighteenth century as well as the logic of his radical alternative, which was designed to explain the conditions of possibility of global peace as a solution to the Hobbesian problem of a war of all (...)
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  12. Rousseau and Hobbes: Nature, Free Will, and the Passions.Ryan Patrick Hanley - 2018 - Contemporary Political Theory 17 (S1):35-38.
  13. Rousseau and Republicanism.Annelien de Dijn - 2018 - Political Theory 46 (1):59-80.
    Rousseau was arguably one of the most important and influential of eighteenth-century republican thinkers. However, contemporary republican theorists, most notably Philip Pettit, have written him out of the republican canon by describing Rousseau as a “populist” rather than a republican. I argue that this miscasting of Rousseau is not just historically incorrect but that it has also led to a weakening of contemporary republican political theory. Rousseau was one of the few early modern republican thinkers to take seriously the problem (...)
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  14. On the Circumstances of Justice.Adam J. Tebble - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511666419.
    An epistemic account of the circumstances of justice allows one to make three important claims about the Humean and Rawlsian ‘standard account’ of those circumstances. First, and contrary to Hume,...
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  15. The Rise and Fall of Species-Life.Geoffrey Gershenson - 2006 - European Journal of Political Theory 5 (3):281-300.
    Rousseau’s founding critique of liberalism, the Discourse on the Origin of Inequality, takes the ambiguous form of a sweeping myth of civilization. Political theorists usually interpret the myth by reading it as a tale of passage from primordial nature to civil society, but what happens when we privilege another of the essay’s organizing devices, its symbolic depiction of the history of the species as the life of an individual? Interpreted through this metaphor, Rousseau’s myth becomes a charged tale of a (...)
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  16. A Family of Political Concepts.Melvin Richter - 2005 - European Journal of Political Theory 4 (3):221-248.
    It has been argued recently that tyranny is a persisting phenomenon very much alive today, a greater danger than newer forms of misrule such as totalitarianism. One argument is based on human nature being such that the temptation to abuse political power in the form of tyranny remains a possibility in all societies. Another defines tyranny as a spiritual disorder of the soul and polity. Both date the 19th century as the time when tyranny dropped out of the western political (...)
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  17. Commerce and Corruption.Ryan Patrick Hanley - 2008 - European Journal of Political Theory 7 (2):137-158.
    Modern commercial society has been criticized for attenuating virtue and inhibiting the ethical self-realization of its participants. But Adam Smith, a founding father of liberal commercial modernity, anticipated precisely this critique and took specific measures to circumvent it. This article presents these measures via an analysis of his response to the critique of liberal commercial modernity set forth by Rousseau. It principally argues that Smith's distinctions of the love of praise from the love of praiseworthiness, and the love of glory (...)
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  18. A Itália Política Do Século XVII Vista Por Olhos portuguesesThe Political Italy of the 18th Century Seen Through Portuguese Eyes.Abreu Alberto Antunes de - 2006 - Cultura:231-244.
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  19. Wollstonecraft and the Political Value of Contempt.Ross Carroll - 2015 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (1):1474885115593762.
    In her Vindication of the Rights of Men, Mary Wollstonecraft accused Edmund Burke of having contempt for his political opponents. Yet she herself expressed contempt for Burke and did so unapologetically. Readers have long regarded Wollstonecraft’s decision to match Burke’s contempt with one of her own as either a tactical blunder or evidence that she sought merely to ridicule Burke rather than argue with him. I offer an interpretation and defence of Wollstonecraft's rhetorical choices by situating the Vindication within eighteenth-century (...)
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  20. The Solitary Walker in the Political World.Joseph H. Lane & Rebecca R. Clark - 2006 - Political Theory 34 (1):62-94.
    Rousseau argued forcefully for the superiority of a life lived in accordance with “the simplest impulses of nature,” but his complex (somewould say contradictory) understanding of the relationship between humans and “nature” is rarely cited as a source of inspiration by those seeking to reform the human relationship with the natural world. We argue that the complexities of Rousseau's political thought illuminate important connections between his works and the programs put forth by deep ecology. In Part One, we explore the (...)
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  21. Glory and the Law in Hobbes.Tracy B. Strong - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (1):61-76.
    A central argument of the _Leviathan_ has to do with the political importance of education. Hobbes wants his book to be taught in universities and expounded much in the manner that Scripture was. Only thus will citizens realize what is in their hearts as to the nature of good political order. Glory affects this process in two ways. The pursuit of glory _by a citizen_ leads to political chaos and disorder. On the other hand, _God’s_ glory is such that one (...)
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  22. Harmony in Spinoza and His Critics.Timothy Yenter - 2018 - In Beth Lord (ed.), Spinoza’s Philosophy of Ratio. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
    Spinoza is in a potentially untenable position. On the one hand, he argues that those who claim to see harmony in the universe are badly mistaken; they are falsely imagining rather than properly reasoning. On the other hand, harmony is positively discussed in his ethical writings and even serves as the basis for his vision of society. How can both be maintained? In this chapter l argue that this prima facie conflict between the two treatments of harmony is resolvable, but (...)
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  23. Rousseau on Inequality and Free Will. [REVIEW]David Lay Williams - 2017 - Political Theory 45 (4):552-565.
  24. The Sources of the Encyclopedia Article on Justice: A Reply to Professor Thielemann.Burns Tony - 1986 - Diderot Studies 22:27-40.
  25. Frederick G. Whelan, "Order and Artifice in Hume's Political Philosophy". [REVIEW]Nicholas Capaldi - 1987 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 25 (4):604.
  26. Rousseau's Refusal.Steven Johnston - 2002 - Philosophy Today 30 (6):858-861.
  27. Kant, Political Liberalism, and the Ethics of Same‐Sex Relations.Kory Schaff - 2001 - Journal of Social Philosophy 32 (3):446-462.
  28. Kant and Modern Political Philosophy.Colin Farrelly - 2002 - Mind 111 (443):662-664.
  29. Montesquieu's Philosophy of Liberalism: A Commentary on the Spirit of the Laws.Thomas L. Pangle - 1974 - Political Theory 2 (4):450-453.
  30. Property, Rights, and Freedom*: GERALD F. GAUS.Gerald F. Gaus - 1994 - Social Philosophy and Policy 11 (2):209-240.
    William Perm summarized the Magna Carta thus: “First, It asserts Englishmen to be free; that's Liberty. Secondly, they that have free-holds, that's Property.” Since at least the seventeenth century, liberals have not only understood liberty and property to be fundamental, but to be somehow intimately related or interwoven. Here, however, consensus ends; liberals present an array of competing accounts of the relation between liberty and property. Many, for instance, defend an essentially instrumental view, typically seeing private property as justified because (...)
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  31. The Logic of Leviathan: The Moral and Political Theory of Thomas Hobbes.Harold J. Johnson - 1971 - Ethics 82 (1):83-90.
  32. The Incidence of the Terror During the French Revolution: A Statistical Interpretation. [REVIEW]Jerome T. Boyle - 1939 - Thought: Fordham University Quarterly 14 (3):471-471.
  33. Honour, Face and Reputation in Political Theory.Peter Olsthoom - 2008 - European Journal of Political Theory 7 (4):472-491.
    Until fairly recently it was not uncommon for political theorists to hold the view that people cannot be expected to act in accordance with the public interest without some incentive. Authors such as Marcus Tullius Cicero, John Locke, David Hume and Adam Smith, for instance, held that people often act in accordance with the public interest, but more from a concern for their honour and reputation than from a concern for the greater good. Today, most authors take a more demanding (...)
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  34. Descartes, The Concept of Woman and the French Revolution.Sr Prudence Allen - 1990 - Social Philosophy Today 3:61-78.
  35. On Galileo’s Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina.Mavaddat Javid - 2007 - Academia.Edu.
    Far from egalitarian, Galileo’s epistemology asserts an uncompromising hierarchy between science and Scripture — an idea he suggests originates with early Christian author Tertullian of Carthage. For Galileo, when the scientific data causes us to disagree with the apparent meaning of scripture, it is not the data that we discard nor is it the scientist whose word is subject to doubt. Rather, whenever a disagreement arises, we always reinterpret the Bible and Holy Fathers such that we can make them agree (...)
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  36. Catharine Macaulay’s Republican Conception of Social and Political Liberty.Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2018 - Political Studies 4 (65):844-59.
    Catharine Macaulay was one of the most significant republican writers of her generation. Although there has been a revival of interest in Macaulay amongst feminists and intellectual historians, neo-republican writers have yet to examine the theoretical content of her work in any depth. Since she anticipates and addresses a number of themes that still preoccupy republicans, this neglect represents a serious loss to the discipline. I examine Macaulay’s conception of freedom, showing how she uses the often misunderstood notion of virtue (...)
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  37. Inventing the French Revolution: Essays on French Political Culture in the Eighteenth Century.Keith Michael Baker - 1990 - Cambridge University Press.
    How did the French Revolution become thinkable? Keith Michael Baker, a leading authority on the ideological origins of the French Revolution, explores this question in his wide-ranging collection of essays. Analyzing the new politics of contestation that transformed the traditional political culture of the Old Regime during its last decades, Baker revises our historical map of the political space in which the French Revolution took form. Some essays study the ways in which the revolutionaries' break with the past was prepared (...)
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  38. Seventeenth-Century Political Arithmetic: Civil Strife and Vital Statistics.Peter Buck - 1977 - Isis 68 (1):67-84.
  39. Ideologies.Dustin Garlitz - 2014 - In Sherwood Thompson (ed.), Encyclopedia of Diversity and Social Justice. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
  40. Edmund Burke, the Imperatives of Empire and the American Revolution.H. G. Callaway - 2016 - Cambridge Scholar's Publishing.
    Book Description -/- Edmund Burke (1730-1797) was a friend and advocate of America during the political crisis of the 1760s and the 1770s, and he spoke out eloquently and forcefully in defense of the rights of the colonial subjects of the British empire—in America, Ireland and India alike. However, he is often best remembered for his extremely critical Reflections on the Revolution in France. The present volume is based on classic Burke, including his most famous writings and speeches on the (...)
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  41. Multitude.Ericka Tucker - 2015 - In Andre Santos Campos (ed.), Spinoza: Basic Concepts. Imprint Academic. pp. 129-141.
    Spinoza’s ‘multitude’, while a key concept of his political philosophy, allows us to better understand Spinoza’s work both in its historical context and as a systematic unity. In this piece, I will propose that we understand Spinoza’s concept of the ‘multitude’ in the context of the development of his political thought, in particular his reading and interpretation of Thomas Hobbes, for whom ‘multitude’ was indeed a technical term. I will show that Spinoza develops his own notion of multitude as an (...)
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  42. The Invisible Foole.Peter Vanderschraaf - 2010 - Philosophical Studies 147 (1):37-58.
    I review the classic skeptical challenges of Foole in Leviathan and the Lydian Shepherd in Republic against the prudential rationality of justice. Attempts to meet these challenges contribute to the reconciliation project (Kavka in Hobbesian moral and political theory , 1986 ) that tries to establish that morality is compatible with rational prudence. I present a new Invisible Foole challenge against the prudential rationality of justice. Like the Lydian Shepherd, the Invisible Foole can violate justice offensively (Kavka, Hobbesian moral and (...)
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  43. Why Can’T We All Just Get Along: The Reasonable Vs. The Rational According to Spinoza.Eugene Garver - 2010 - Political Theory 38 (6):838-858.
    Spinoza presents a picture of the good human life in which being rational and being reasonable or sociable are mutually supporting: the philosopher makes the best citizen, and citizenship is the best route to philosophy and adequate ideas. Crucial to this mutual implication are the roles of religion and politics in promoting obedience. It is through obedience that people can become "of one mind and one body" in the absence of adequate ideas, through the presence of shared empowering imaginations and (...)
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  44. UnParadoxical Hobbes.Deborah Baumgold - 2009 - Political Theory 37 (5):689-693.
  45. The Difficulties of Hobbes Interpretation.Deborah Baumgold - 2008 - Political Theory 36 (6):827-855.
    Idiosyncrasies of Hobbes's composition process, together with a paucity of reliable autobiographical materials and the norms of seventeenth-century manuscript production, render interpretation of his political theory particularly difficult and contentious. These difficulties are surveyed here under three headings: the process of "serial" composition, which was common in the period; the relationship between Hobbes's three political-theory texts-- the "Elements of Law, De Cive ", and "Leviathan", which is basic to defining the textual embodiment of his theory, and controversial; and his method (...)
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  46. A Note On "Reason" and "History" in Late Seventeenth Century Political Thought.Martyn P. Thompson - 1976 - Political Theory 4 (4):491-504.
  47. Pacifying Politics: Resistance, Violence, and Accountability in Seventeenth-Century Contract Theory.Deborah Baumgold - 1993 - Political Theory 21 (1):6-27.
  48. Eighteenth Century Intimations of Modernity.Michael J. Shapiro - 1993 - Political Theory 21 (2):273-293.
  49. Allegiance and Jurisdiction in Locke's Doctrine of Tacit Consent.Julian H. Franklin - 1996 - Political Theory 24 (3):407-422.
  50. Echoes of Narcisse.M. E. Brint - 1988 - Political Theory 16 (4):617-635.
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