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  1. L'épisode Matérialiste de Maine de Biran.Bernard Baertschi - forthcoming - Les Etudes Philosophiques.
    Maine de Biran a toujours été considéré comme un représentant exemplaire de l'anti-matérialisme dans la philosophie française du début du XIXe siècle. N'a-t-il pas tenté, sur la base de l'expérience du fait primitif, de fonder une doctrine dualiste? Certes, mais des textes récemment publiés montrent que cela n'a pas toujours été le cas: vers 1800, sous l'influence des Idéologues, et particulièrement de Cabanis, il a, pour un temps, épousé les thèses du naturalisme matérialiste. Ce sont ces textes que nous examinons (...)
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  2. A Universal and Absolute Spiritualism: Maine de Biran's Leibniz.Jeremy Dunham - forthcoming - In D. Meacham J. Spadola (ed.), The Relationship between the Physical and Moral in Man: The Philosophy of Maine de Biran. Bloomsbury Academic.
  3. Positivismo en México. Un estudio sobre la obra México: su evolución social / Positivism in Mexico. A Survey of the Work 'Mexico its social evolution'.Alberto Luis López & Elvira López Rodríguez - 2019 - Araucaria. Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofía, Política, Humanidades y Relaciones Internacionales 42 (21):85-107.
    En la segunda mitad del siglo XIX la filosofía positiva se consolidó como la corriente de pensamiento dominante en México, muchos pensadores la utilizaron como marco teórico para interpretar los acontecimientos pasados y proyectar elfuturo de la nación. Por su análisis, explicación e interpretación de la historia nacional México: su evolución social es la obra culminante del positivismo mexicano, pero para sorpresa nuestra ha sido poco estudiada por los especialistas, de ahí que sea necesario recuperarla. En este artículo nos damos (...)
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  4. Life's Joke: Bergson, Comedy, and the Meaning of Laughter.Russell Ford - 2018 - In Lydia L. Moland (ed.), All Too Human: Laughter, Humor, and Comedy in Nineteenth-Century Philosophy. Cham, Switzerland: pp. 175-193.
    The present essay argues that Bergson’s account of the comic can only be fully appreciated when read in conjunction with his later metaphysical exposition of the élan vital in Creative Evolution and then by the account of fabulation that Bergson only elaborates fully three decades later in The Two Sources of Morality and Religion. The more substantive account of the élan vital ultimately shows that, in Laughter, Bergson misses his own point: laughter does not simply serve as a means for (...)
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  5. William James et Charles Renouvier Liberté, phénoménisme et « vampirisme philosophique ».Mathias Girel - 2018 - In Michel and Li Espagne (ed.), Chine France - Europe Asie, Itinéraires de concepts. Paris: pp. 445-458.
    Pour traiter de la question singulière de la relation entre James et Renouvier à la lumière de cette préoccupation plus générale, nous choisirons ici une période un peu plus limitée que la carrière de James dans son ensemble : depuis ses premiers écrits jusqu’à la série d’articles de 1884-1885, qui allaient être si importants à la fois pour la psychologie et pour l’oeuvre philosophique, c’est-à-dire précisément jusqu’au point où les itinéraires philosophiques de James et de Renouvier commencent à diverger. Il (...)
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  6. Rebellion and Authenticity The Artist and the Emergence of Meaning From Absurdity: An Aesthetic Examination of Sartre and Camus.James Podhorodecki - 2018 - Dissertation, Monash
    This thesis aims to explain why art is the ideal agent for overcoming the absurdity and the meaninglessness of existence. The focus is Camus’ Rebellion in conjunction with Sartre’s notion of Authenticity. Together they provide an adequate answer to the fundamental questions of human existence. Together Camus’ rebellion and Sartre’s authenticity provide the necessary foundations for the overall authenticity of art, facilitating the emergence of purpose from the abyss of absurdity.
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  7. Frédéric Le Play and 19th-Century Vision Machines.Harry Freemantle - 2017 - History of the Human Sciences 30 (1):66-93.
    An early proponent of the social sciences, Frédéric Le Play, was the occupant of senior positions within the French state in the mid- to late 19th century. He was writing at a time when science was ascending. There was for him no doubt that scientific observation, correctly applied, would allow him unmediated access to the truth. It is significant that Le Play was the organizer of a number of universal expositions because these expositions were used as vehicles to demonstrate the (...)
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  8. Amiel et l’exigence de la justesse.Daniel Schulthess - 2017 - In Nicole Hatem (ed.), Amiel et le Journal philosophique. Beyrouth: Publications l’Université Saint-Joseph-Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines. pp. 47-61.
    The article deals with the concept of “justness” as it is treated by the Genevan psychologist Henri-Fréderic Amiel (1821-1881) in his Journal. Justness has its seat in the domain of “doing” rather than in the domain of “saying” or “thinking”: its non-propositional nature entails that one can “do just” while having false beliefs and vice-versa. The virtue of justness concerns the sphere of interpersonal interactions and goes hand in hand with moderation as virtue concerning the sphere of personal action. In (...)
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  9. La democracia tocquevilliana: entre el dualismo y la dialéctica de la libertad.Andrés Stark Azócar - 2016 - Estudios Filosóficos:311-322.
    For Alexis de Tocqueville, a faithful son of the Enlightenment, the priority given to the individual in the pursuit of truth represents the starting point of an inexorable march of equality towards individual autonomy. In other words, in agreement with the historicist movements of the 19th Century, Tocqueville interprets history as a dialectical progress: History understood as progress in the Hegelian sense, whose becoming unfolds in virtue of a steady and unalterable progress towards a better society-civilization as a creation of (...)
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  10. Poincaré’s Impact on Twentieth-Century Philosophy of Science.Yemima Ben-Menahem - 2016 - Hopos: The Journal of the International Society for the History of Philosophy of Science 6 (2):257-273.
    Poincaré’s conventionalism has thoroughly transformed both the philosophy of science and the philosophy of mathematics. In the former it gave rise to new insights into the complexities of scientific method, in the latter to a new account of the nature of (so-called) necessary truth. Not only proponents of conventionalism, such as the logical positivists, were influenced by Poincaré, but also outspoken critics of conventionalism, such as Quine, Putnam, and (as I will argue) Wittgenstein, were deeply inspired by conventionalist ideas. Indeed, (...)
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  11. Quel rapport entre science et justice? - La leçon de Léon Bourgeois.Simon-Pierre Chevarie-Cossette - 2016 - In Daoust Marc-Kevin (ed.), Capitalisme, propriété et solidarité. Les Cahiers D'Ithaque.
    Le solidarisme de Léon Bourgeois constitue une tentative convaincante de surmonter l’opposition traditionnelle entre libertés individuelles et justice sociale. Bourgeois tente de relever ce défi en faisant appel aux nouvelles découvertes scientifiques en sociologie comme en biologie. En bref, l’observation de la nature nous montrerait que les humains sont en rapport de solidarité les uns avec les autres. De ce fait, on pourrait tirer un devoir de solidarité que l’État serait à même d’imposer aux individus. Fonder une théorie politique sur (...)
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  12. Poincaré on the Foundations of Arithmetic and Geometry. Part 1: Against “Dependence-Hierarchy” Interpretations.Katherine Dunlop - 2016 - Hopos: The Journal of the International Society for the History of Philosophy of Science 6 (2):274-308.
    The main goal of part 1 is to challenge the widely held view that Poincaré orders the sciences in a hierarchy of dependence, such that all others presuppose arithmetic. Commentators have suggested that the intuition that grounds the use of induction in arithmetic also underlies the conception of a continuum, that the consistency of geometrical axioms must be proved through arithmetical induction, and that arithmetical induction licenses the supposition that certain operations form a group. I criticize each of these readings. (...)
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  13. Poincaré and the Origins of Special Relativity.John Stachel - 2016 - Hopos: The Journal of the International Society for the History of Philosophy of Science 6 (2):242-256.
    After introductory surveys of Poincaré’s role in the Dreyfus case and of his “Fourth Geometry,” I turn to the main question. The problem confronting both Poincaré and Einstein was how to reconcile the phenomena of electrodynamics, notably the optical principle of relativity, with the principles of Newtonian mechanics. I show that, on such questions as the existence and role of the ether and the relation between kinematics and dynamics, Poincaré and Einstein held diametrically opposed views. Poincaré did everything to preserve (...)
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  14. Epistemology of a Believing Historian: Making Sense of Duhem's Anti-Atomism.Klodian Coko - 2015 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 50:71-82.
    Pierre Duhem’s (1861-1916) lifelong opposition to 19th century atomic theories of matter traditionally has been attributed to his conventionalist and/or positivist philosophy of science. Relatively recently, the traditional view has been challenged by the new claim that Duhem’s opposition to atomism was due to the precarious state of atomic theories at the beginning of the 20th century. In this paper, I present some of the difficulties with both the traditional and the new interpretation of Duhem’s opposition to atomism, and provide (...)
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  15. Idealism, Pragmatism, and the Will to Believe: Charles Renouvier and William James.Jeremy Dunham - 2015 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 23 (4):1-23.
    This article investigates the history of the relation between idealism and pragmatism by examining the importance of the French idealist Charles Renouvier for the development of William James's ‘Will to Believe’. By focusing on French idealism, we obtain a broader understanding of the kinds of idealism on offer in the nineteenth century. First, I show that Renouvier's unique methodological idealism led to distinctively pragmatist doctrines and that his theory of certitude and its connection to freedom is worthy of reconsideration. Second, (...)
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  16. Mechanical Neuroscience: Emil du Bois-Reymond’s Innovations in Theory and Practice.Gabriel Finkelstein - 2015 - Frontiers 9 (130):1-4.
    Summary of the major innovations of Emil du Bois-Reymond (1818-1896).
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  17. Confronting the Brain in the Classroom: Lycée Policy and Pedagogy in France, 1874–1902.Larry McGrath - 2015 - History of the Human Sciences 28 (1):3-24.
    During the influx of neurological research into France from across Europe that took place rapidly in the late 19th century, the philosophy course in lycées was mobilized by education reformers as a means of promulgating the emergent brain sciences and simultaneously steering their cultural resonance. I contend that these linked prongs of philosophy’s public mission under the Third Republic reconciled contradictory pressures to advance the nation’s scientific prowess following its defeat in the Franco-Prussian war of 1870 without dropping France’s distinct (...)
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  18. Une généalogie de l’imperfection : la situation de l’homme au physique et au moral selon Charles Secrétan.Daniel Schulthess - 2015 - In Nicole Hatem (ed.), Charles Secrétan philosophe de la liberté. Beyrouth: Publications l’Université Saint-Joseph-Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines. pp. 63-74.
    The article focuses on the Philosophy of Freedom of the Swiss philosopher Charles Secrétan (1815-1895) and on the attempt to reconcile freedom as the fundamental experience for the human being with the alleged necessitarianism that would result from the positive sciences. The notion of “fall” as it is found in the Christian tradition allows Secrétan to rediscover an original dimension from which we can conceive the laws of nature as contingent. It is space and time that impose their constraints and (...)
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  19. Alexis de Tocqueville o egzystencjalnym i społecznym znaczeniu religii.Krzysztof Kędziora - 2014 - Studia Philosophiae Christianae 50 (4):31-55.
  20. The Strange Belief of Alexis de Tocqueville: Christianity as Philosophy.Luk Sanders - 2013 - International Journal of Philosophy and Theology 74 (1):33-53.
    Alexis de Tocqueville is known for his strange liberalism. One of the reasons therefore has to be found in his lesser known strange religious belief. The three main elements that determined his belief were his aristocratic and profoundly religious education, the dramatic loss of his faith after reading eighteenth century French philosophers and his conviction that the stability of the American democracy was mainly due to religious mores. These elements explain why Tocqueville appeared in his publications as an obvious believer, (...)
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  21. Pragmatisme Et Idées-Forces. Alfred Fouillée Fut-Il Une Source du Pragmatisme Américain?J. M. C. Chevalier - 2011 - Dialogue 50 (4):633-668.
    ABSTRACT : Alfred Fouillee's doctrine of ideas-forces approximates historically and intellectually William James’s theory of will. But Fouillee's criticism of pragmatism also has connections with Pierce's emphasis on the real and the analysis of concepts, and shows an influence of tychism approaching mysticism. -/- .
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  22. Science and the Social Contract in Renouvier.Warren Schmaus - 2011 - Hopos: The Journal of the International Society for the History of Philosophy of Science 1 (1):73-100.
    Renouvier criticized Comte’s positivist philosophy of science and proposed a social contract approach for dealing with normative questions in philosophy of science as well as moral philosophy. Renouvier then questioned Kant’s distinction between practical and theoretical reason and argued that judgments concerning epistemic warrant must be freely made in the same way that moral judgments are made. What counts as scientific knowledge depends on a consensus within the scientific community that develops over time through critical inquiry in much the same (...)
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  23. Futuro, possibile, azione. Le implicazioni crono-logiche dell'agire umano in Blondel.Clara Mandolini - 2010 - Daimon: Revista Internacional de Filosofía:97-106.
    The article points out, in L'Action (1893) and in Le point de départ de la recherche philosophique (1903) by Blondel, a refined characterisation of the relation between the intentional structure of action, as well as the practical significance of logical categories such as possibility, reality, contrariety, and the concept of future. There can be action only if man prepares for reality according to a prospectus of the future; which, in turn, emerges as the spring field of the 'possible' itself, potential (...)
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  24. La temporalidad como estructura de L'Action (1893) de Maurice Blondel.Patricio Agustín Perkins - 2010 - Tópicos 19:65-81.
    El trabajo analiza la estructura de L'Action (1893) del filósofo francés Maurice Blondel en tres niveles diferentes según el modelo de la configuración triádica de la temporalidad. El primer nivel está implícito en la analítica de la acción llevada a cabo en la Introduction a la obra; el segundo nivel se identifica con el análisis de la pasividad del primer momento de la cuarta parte; el tercer nivel abarca la obra considerada en su globalidad, extendiéndose a la problemática del fenómeno (...)
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  25. Sociology and Positivism in 19th-Century France: The Vicissitudes of the Société de Sociologie (1872—4).Johan Heilbron - 2009 - History of the Human Sciences 22 (4):30-62.
    Little is known about the world’s first sociological society, Émile Littré’s Société de Sociologie (1872—4). This article, based on prosopographic research, offers an interpretation of the foundation, political-intellectual orientation and early demise of the society. As indicated by recruitment and texts by its founding members, the Société de Sociologie was in fact conceived more as a political club than a learned society. Guided in this by Littré’s heterodox positivism and the redefinition of sociology he proposed around 1870, the Société de (...)
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  26. The Mystical Body of Society: Religion and Association in Nineteenth-Century French Political Thought.Michael C. Behrent - 2008 - Journal of the History of Ideas 69 (2):219-243.
  27. Defenders of Liberal Individualism, Republican Virtues and Solidarity.Laurent Dobuzinskis - 2008 - European Journal of Political Theory 7 (3):287-307.
    The intellectual founding fathers of the French Third Republic were innovative thinkers who achieved an original synthesis of republican and liberal principles. This becomes evident when one examines the works of four philosophers who played a crucial role in the French intellectual and political life of the period extending from the 1870s to the early 1900s: Emile Littre, Charles Renouvier, Henry Michel and Alfred Fouillee. Among their many contributions to moral and political philosophy, I highlight two themes: a) a conception (...)
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  28. L'intelligence créatrice. Puissance et volonté de conscience dans la philosophie d'Alfred Fouillée.Annamaria Contini - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:33-64.
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  29. Complémentarité ou concurrence pour la formation de l'esprit? Philosophie et science selon Alfred Fouillée.Anne-Marie Drouin-Hans - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:65-86.
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  30. La propriété sociale et Fouillée.Emile Durkheim - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:241-252.
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  31. Des idées-forces à la volonté de puisance: Alfred Fouillée critique du vitalisme de Nietzsche.Laurent Fedi - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:117-142.
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  32. «Lettres de l'Archive Renowier» de l'Université de Montpellier.Alfred Fouillee - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:253-260.
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  33. A Chronicle of Pragmatism in France Before 1907: William James in Renouvier’s Critique Philosophique.Mathias Girel - 2007 - In Sergio Franzese (ed.), Fringes of Religious Experience, Cross-Perspectives on James’s The Varieties of Religious Experience. Ontos Verlag. pp. 169-200.
    In this paper, I'm giving an account of William James's reception in the columns of Charles Renouvier's journal, La Critique philosophique. The papers explores the discussions between James and Renouvier on Free Will, Philosophical systems, Consciousness and Pluralism.
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  34. L’idée-force De La Morale Chez Alfred Fouillée.Annie Stora Lamarre - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:143-158.
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  35. Plus qu'une simple anecdote: Introduction à la pensée d'Alfred Fouillée.Jean Lawruszenko & Jordi Riba - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:5-32.
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  36. Alfred Fouillée: république idéale, démocratie réelle.Jordi Riba - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:159-170.
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  37. Fouillée contre Nozick.Jean-Fabien Spitz - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:189-208.
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  38. L'idée-force de la morale chez Alfred Fouillée.Annie Stora Lamarre - 2007 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 53:143-158.
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  39. Neuroses of the Stomach: Eating, Gender, and Psychopathology in French Medicine, 1800–1870.Elizabeth A. Williams - 2007 - Isis 98 (1):546-79.
    In the period 1800–1870, French physicians approached psychic illness within competing “cerebralist” and “visceralist” frameworks. Cerebralism, which dominated the specialty of mental medicine, sought the origins of psychic illness in lesions of the brain and central nervous system. “Visceralism,” upheld by generalists, clung to the view of the ancients that psychic disorder was seated in the abdominal viscera. The distinction enjoyed credibility thanks to widespread acceptance of Xavier Bichat’s “two lives” doctrine, which demarcated functions of the central and the “vegetative” (...)
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  40. Hiérarchie «ouverte» et éthique de l'effort: Fouillée, Guyau, Durkheim.Renzo Ragghianti - 2004 - Corpus: Revue de philosophie 46:125-152.
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  41. Late Nineteenth Century Lamarckism and French Sociology.Snait Gissis - 2002 - Perspectives on Science 10 (1):69-122.
    : The transfer of modes of thought, concepts, models, and metaphors from Darwinian and Lamarckian evolutionary biology played a significant role in the mergence, constitution, and legitimization of sociology as an autonomous discipline in France at the end of the nineteenth century. More specifically, the Durkheimian group then came to be recognized as "French sociology." In the present paper, I analyze a facet of the struggle among various groups for this coveted status and demonstrate that the initial adherence to and (...)
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  42. L'école écossaise et la philosophie d'expression française: le rôle de Pierre Prevost (Genève, 1751-1839).Daniel Schulthess - 1996 - Annales Benjamin Constant 18:97-105.
    The article reconstructs the diffusion of the ideas of the Scottish philosophical school (Reid, Smith, Stewart) in France in the early nineteenth century and the role played by the Geneva philosopher Pierre Prevost. Prevost emphasizes the originality of the Scottish school compared with the French and German school in his writing “Reflections after my translation of the posthumous works of Adam Smith” of 1797. From at least 1792 already Prevost had begun a correspondence with Dugald Stewart, which lasted until the (...)
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  43. The Philosophy and Social Thought of Alfred Fouillee.Robert Good - 1993 - Dissertation, Mcgill University (Canada)
    Classical scholar and historian of philosophy at France's Ecole Normale Superieure, Alfred Fouillee heralded the science of psychology as philosophers' sole path to social and political relevance in the modern age, and sought for French society the philosophically based morale that her polarized political tradition seemed unable to provide. His theory of idees-forces identified rationality with an irreducible yet conscious will, lent precision philosophical idealism's often vague exaltation of individual freedom, and promoted psychologically informed discussions about the proper ideals for (...)
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  44. Tocqueville and the Two Democracies.David W. Lovell - 1991 - History of European Ideas 13 (3):288-289.
  45. A Mania for Diagnosis : Unravelling the Aims of Nineteenth-Century French Psychiatrists: Jan Goldstein, Console and Classify, The French Psychiatric Profession in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988, 30.00, Xiii+414 Pp.Joel P. Eigen - 1989 - History of the Human Sciences 2 (2):241-251.
  46. Alphonse Guillebert (1792-1861).Daniel Schulthess - 1988 - In R. Scheurer (ed.), Histoire de l'Université de Neuchâtel, t.I: La première Académie (1838-1848). Neuchâtel: Université, et Editions G. Attinger. pp. p.305-317.
    Alphonse Guillebert (1792-1861), pastor, teacher and politician, was one of the leading figures of the Academy of Neuchâtel, founded in 1838 and opened to students in the autumn of 1840. In this article, we will first offer a brief biography, then indications on the various facets of the written work of our author. We have used only a part of the available sources and we are therefore aware that further study would be worthwhile. In the following, we describe the philosophy (...)
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  47. Scholarship and Ideology: The Chair of the General History of Science at the College de France, 1892-1913.Harry Paul - 1976 - Isis 67:376-397.
  48. Études Philosophiques de l'Écosse À V. Cousin.Ernest Renan - 1972 - A.-G. Nizet.
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  49. Positivist Thought in France During the Second Empire, 1852-1870 by D. G. Charlton. [REVIEW]Alan Spitzer - 1960 - Isis 51:246-248.
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  50. Hegel Und Blondel.Frederick Scott - 1959 - Modern Schoolman 36 (4):298-299.
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