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  1. Porphyry’s Definitions of Death and Their Interpretation in Georgian and Byzantine Tradition.Lela Alexidze - 2015 - Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch Fur Antike Und Mittelalter 18 (1):48-73.
  2. Approaching Byzantium: Identity, Predicament and Afterlife.Johann P. Arnason - 2000 - Thesis Eleven 62 (1):39-69.
    The attempts to interpret Russian and Southeast European history in light of a Byzantine background tend to focus on traditions of political culture, and to claim that patterns characteristic of the late Roman Empire have had a formative impact on later developments. But the effects attributed to political culture presuppose a civilizational framework, and arguments on that level must come to grips with evidence of historical discontinuity, during the Byzantine millennium as well as in later centuries and on the periphery (...)
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  3. The Kavallarioi of Byzantium.Mark C. Bartusis - 1988 - Speculum 63 (2):343-350.
    The Crusades, particularly the Fourth Crusade and the events that followed it, attracted many Latin warriors to the Aegean. During the first half of the thirteenth century, throughout the period of the Latin Empire of Constantinople, they provided the Laskarides of Nikaia and the Angeloi of Epeiros with a steady supply of mercenaries which these Byzantine successor states relied upon heavily. In the mid-thirteenth century, Byzantine sources began to refer to certain Latin soldiers by means of the evocative epithet kavallarios, (...)
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  4. Theodori Dexii Opera Omnia, Edidit Ioannes D. POLEMIS. Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca 55.Hans-Veit Beyer - 2006 - Byzantinische Zeitschrift 98 (1).
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  5. Byzantium and the Limits of Orthodoxy.Averil Cameron - 2008 - In Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 154, 2007 Lectures. pp. 129-152.
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  6. Les pères peuvent-ils se tromper? Saints, didascales et pères à Byzance sous les Paléologues.Marie-hélène Congourdeau - 2008 - Chôra 6:51-58.
    Towards the end of the Byzantine Empire many texts of the Latin Fathers were translated into Greek, beginning with the De Trinitate of Augustine. This flurry of translation spurred discussion on the authority of the Fathers. The Greeks were now confronted with the problem of what one should do when the Fathers justify apparent heresy? This question became crucial after the Council of Florence and the fall of the Byzantine Empire. What is the definition of a Father? A saint? A (...)
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  7. The Nature of the Bibliotheca of Photius.Mary B. Cunningham & W. T. Treadgold - 1984 - Journal of Hellenic Studies 104:271.
  8. The Problem of Provincialism: Byzantine Monasteries in Cappadocia and Monks in South Italy.Ann Wharton Epstein - 1979 - Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 42:28-46.
  9. The Byzantines. [REVIEW]Petre Guran - 2008 - Chôra 6:345-351.
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  10. Review of Katerina Ierodiakonou, Byzantine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources[REVIEW]R. J. Hankinson - 2003 - Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2003 (5).
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  11. A Serbo-Byzantine Betrothal Ring.F. M. Heichelheim & H. A. Hickl-Szabo - 1965 - Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 28:317-319.
  12. Early Byzantine Historians (W.) Treadgold The Early Byzantine Historians. Pp. Xviii + 431, Ill., Maps. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. Cased, £60. ISBN: 978-1-4039-3458-. [REVIEW]Mark Humphries - 2009 - The Classical Review 59 (1):104-.
  13. Byzantine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources.Katerina Ierodiakonou (ed.) - 2004 - Oxford University Press UK.
    Byzantine philosophy is an almost unexplored field. Being regarded either as mere scholars or as primarily religious thinkers, Byzantine philosophers, for the most part, have not been studied on their own philosophical merit, and their works have hardly been scrutinized as works of philosophy. Thus, although distinguished scholars in the past have tried to reconstruct the intellectual life of the Byzantine period, there is no question that we still lack even the beginnings of a systematic understanding of the philosophy of (...)
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  14. Early Byzantine Philosophy.Katerina Ierodiakonou & George Zografidis - 2010 - In Lloyd P. Gerson (ed.), The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity. Cambridge University Press. pp. 2--843.
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  15. Педагошка и терапеутска улога философије код Климента Александријског.Filip Ivanovic - 2018 - Гласник Одјељења Хуманистичких Наука Црногорске Академије Наука И Умјетности: Bulletin of the Department of Humanities of the Montenegrin Academy of Sciences and Arts 4:199-217.
    Clement of Alexandria (150-215) is one of the first Christian thinkers to offer a detailed account of the relationship between Christian faith and Greek philosophy. As a philosophically educated man himself, Clement claimed that philosophy is necessary for reaching the complete knowledge of God, and that Greek philosophy, being of divine origin, was God’s gift to the Greeks, acting as a preparation for the Gospel. Since it concerns the comprehension and contemplation of truth, philosophy is a propaedeutic method for understanding (...)
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  16. Philosophy as a Way of Life in Maximus the Confessor.Filip Ivanovic - 2018 - In Konstantine Boudouris (ed.), Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy. Charlottesville, VA, USA: pp. 5-9.
    The aim of the paper is to give a condensed presentation of the view on philosophy by one of the most important Church fathers and Byzantine thinkers, Maximus the Confessor. According to him the true Christian philosophizes three things, which are the commandments, the dogmas and the faith, so that “the commandments separate the mind from passions, the dogmas introduce it to the knowledge of beings, and the faith introduces it to the contemplation of the Holy Trinity”. In this way (...)
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  17. Union with and Likeness to God: Deification According to Dionysius the Areopagite.Filip Ivanovic - 2017 - In Mark Edwards & Elena Ene D.-Vasilescu (eds.), Visions of God and Ideas on Deification in Patristic Thought. London, UK: pp. 118-157.
  18. Man’s Position in Cosmos According to Dionysius the Areopagite and Gregory Palamas.Filip Ivanovic - 2015 - In Constantinos Athanasopoulos (ed.), Triune God: Incomprehensible but Knowable – The Philosophical and Theological Significance of St Gregory Palamas for Contemporary Philosophy and Theology. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: pp. 180-189.
  19. Maximus the Confessor’s Conception of Beauty.Filip Ivanovic - 2015 - International Journal of the Classical Tradition 22 (2):159-179.
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  20. Однос природе и врлине у моралној философији Максима Исповједника.Filip Ivanovic - 2015 - In Jovan Ćirić, Velibor Džomić & Miroljub Jevtić (eds.), Религија - Политика - Право. Belgrade, Serbia: pp. 269-268.
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  21. Dionysius the Areopagite Between Orthodoxy and Heresy.Filip Ivanovic - 2011 - Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
    Dionysius the Areopagite between Orthodoxy and Heresy aims to explore the thought of one of the most controversial characters of Christian history, Dionysius the Areopagite, and put it in a correct context, between pagan (namely Neoplatonic) philosophy on the one side, and Christian theology, on the other. In significant part, the book examines Dionysius’ Neoplatonic sources, but it also offers insights into the original points of his philosophy and theology, thus showing how he managed to achieve a masterful integration of (...)
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  22. Il concetto della volontà nel pensiero di Massimo il Confessore.Filip Ivanovic - 2011 - Philotheos 11:109-126.
  23. Byzantine Philosophy and its Historiography.Filip Ivanovic - 2010 - Byzantinoslavica 68:369-381.
    The article deals with the question of existence of a separate academic field of Byzantine philosophy and of its place in the modern philosophical research. In the first part, author gives an outline of the main trends in the scholarship on Byzantine philosophical tradition, highlighting some of the main works in the field. In the second part, the author gives his opinion on the questions raised and offers some suggestions and remarks on the development of the study of Byzantine philosophy.
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  24. Symbol and Icon: Dionysius the Areopagite and the Iconoclastic Crisis.Filip Ivanovic - 2010 - Eugene, OR, USA: Pickwick.
    This book contributes to the study of the notions of symbol and icon by examining two phenomena that greatly contributed to their development: the thought of Dionysius the Areopagite and the iconoclastic controversy. Different historical and philosophical-theological contexts are examined within the framework of the influence that Dionysius exerted on main protagonists in the controversy and the theology of icon. The reader will find a discussion of the main points of Dionysius' doctrine, the features of the iconoclastic controversy, and an (...)
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  25. Maximus the Confessor on Freedom.Filip Ivanovic - 2010 - Crkvene Studije 7:77-93.
  26. Education in Byzantine Empire.Filip Ivanovic - 2008 - In Konstantine Boudouris & Kostas Kalimtzis (eds.), PAIDEIA: Education in the Global Era II. Athens, Greece: Ionia Publications. pp. 112-122.
    This paper challenges the widespread Enlightenment view of Byzantium as a monster of human spirit showing that much of this bias is due to the generalizations drawn from unfounded analogies between the religious anti-intellectualism in the Latin West and its supposed counterpart in the Byzantine orthodoxy. It points to the first university that was founded in Constantinople and others that soon followed in other cities of Byzantium. Paideia represented the main thread of continuity with ancient antiquity, and it played a (...)
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  27. Byzantinische Philosophie.G. Kapriev - 1997 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 39:49-52.
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  28. Commission VIII: Byzantinische Philosophie.Georgi Kapriev - 2012 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 54:47-54.
    The final report of the president of the Commission presents a panorama of the work of the Commission “Byzantine Philosophy,” which is one of the most active and intensively working commissions of the SIEPM, as well as of the major tendencies, results and scholars in the field over the last 10 to 15 years. The report reveals the role of the Commission in establishing the discipline during the period, and examines the transition of the discipline from its “revolutionary” phase to (...)
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  29. Kommission VIII: Byzantinische Philosophie.Georgi Kapriev - 2007 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 49:45-48.
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  30. The Modern Study of Byzantine Philosophy.Georgi Kapriev - 2006 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 48:1-13.
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  31. Commission VIII : Byzantine Philosophy.Georgi Kapriev - 2003 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 45:27-28.
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  32. Byzantinische Philosophie.Georgi Kapriev - 2002 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 44:43-47.
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  33. VI: Byzantine Philosophy. Section 1: The Aristotelian Corpus and Christian Philosophy in Byzantium Between the Ninth and Fifteenth Centuries. Readings and Traditions.Georgi Kapriev & Smilen Markov - 2014 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 56:7-11.
    “The Aristotelian corpus and Christian Philosophy in Byzantium between the Ninth and Fifteenth Centuries: Readings and Traditions” is the topic of Section I of SIEPM Commission VIII: Byzantine Philosophy. Aristotle’s writings, which were assimilated variously, function as a meta-text of medieval intellectual culture. Between the nineth and fifteenth centuries Byzantine thinkers developed stable and functional strategies for integrating Aristotle’s philosophical methodology into different theological and philosophical contexts. The project will study the influence of Aristotle on Byzantine metaphysics, epistemology, physics and (...)
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  34. A Note On George Amiroutzes And His Moral Argument Against The Transmigration Of Souls.John Monfasani - 2012 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 54:125-135.
    In a recently discovered set of philosophical fragments, the late Byzantine Aristotelian George Amiroutze argues against the transmigration of souls because of necessity metempsychosis would be grounded in moral evil. If souls were of the same nature , then metempsychosis entails like exploiting and killing like. If one attempts to escape the moral dilemma through vegetarianism, then one falls into another moral dilemma, namely, the view that nature and the author of nature are evil since the order of nature requires (...)
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  35. Byzantine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources. [REVIEW]Denis Searby - 2002 - The Medieval Review 10.
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  36. Maximus the Confessor as a European Philosopher.Georgios Steiris - 2017 - Eugene Oregon: Cascade Books / Wipf and Stock.
    The study of Maximus the Confessor’s thought has flourished in recent years: international conferences, publications and articles, new critical editions and translations mark a torrent of interest in the work and influence of perhaps the most sublime of the Byzantine Church Fathers. It has been repeatedly stated that the Confessor’s thought is of eminently philosophical interest. However, no dedicated collective scholarly engagement with Maximus the Confessor as a philosopher has taken place—and this volume attempts to start such a discussion. Apart (...)
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  37. La Philosophie Byzantine.V. N. Tatakes - 1949 - Presses Universitaires de France.
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  38. Η ερμηνεία του Βησσαρίωνα για την τρίτη απόδειξη της αθανασίας της ψυχής στον Φαίδωνα του Πλάτωνος (78b4-80c1) [Bessarion’s interpretation of Plato’s Phaedo: The third proof of the immortality of the soul (78b4-80c1)].Athanasia Theodoropoulou - 2017 - Ηθική (11):52-63.
  39. Stoicism and Byzantine Philosophy: Proairesis in Epictetus and Nicephorus Blemmydes.Sotiria Triantari - 2014 - Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch Fur Antike Und Mittelalter 17 (1):85-98.
    Was the Byzantine thinker Nicephorus Blemmydes directly influenced in his views about human “proairesis” by the Stoic Epictetus or did he take over his views from the Neoplatonic Simplicius? After exploring Blemmydes’ reception of Epictetus, one can say that Blemmydes drew elements in a brief treatise under the title “De virtute et ascesi” from the mainly Neoplatonic Simplicius, who commented on the handbook by the Stoic Epictetus. Blemmydes, following Simplicius identifies “φ’ μν” with “aftexousion” and he designates “proairesis” as an (...)
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  40. Ancient Physics in the Mid-Byzantine Period: The Epitome of Theodore of Smyrna, Consul of the Philosophers Under Alexios I Komnenos.Michele Trizio - 2012 - Bulletin de Philosophie Medievale 54:77-99.
    Theodore of Smyrna is author of an epitome of natural philosophy transmitted in an incomplete form in only an early thirteenth-century manuscript . Theodore was a member of the Byzantine aristocracy and head of the school of philosophy in Constantinople; in this article, Theodore’s approach to ancient physics, the contents, sources and intended audience of his work on the Physics are investigated for the first time. Finally, the author suggests that the Theodore’s epitome shows remarkable similarities with the work of (...)
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  41. Anmeldelse: Touliatos-Banker, Diane H., The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Analecta Vlatadon, 46).Christian Troelsgård - 1991 - Speculum 65:1064-1065.
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  42. The Byzantine Amomos Chant of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries.Diane H. Touliatos-Banker.Christian Troelsgård - 1990 - Speculum 65 (4):1064-1065.
  43. 'Person' in Patristic and Medieval Christian Theology.Scott M. Williams - forthcoming - In Antonia LoLordo (ed.), Person: A History. New York, USA: Oxford University Press.
    Introduction: -/- It is likely that Boethius (480-524ce) inaugurates, in Latin Christian theology, the consideration of personhood as such. In the Treatise Against Eutyches and Nestorius Boethius gives a well-known definition of personhood according to genus and difference(s): a person is an individual substance of a rational nature. Personhood is predicated only of individual rational substances. This chapter situates Boethius in relation to significant Christian theologians before and after him, and the way in which his definition of personhood is a (...)
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  44. Byzantine Philosophy and its Ancient Sources (Review).George Zografidis - 2003 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 41 (3):413-414.