Citizenship

Habermas has alleged: (1) that Hegel has given a social theory that is abstract and technical, separating theory from practice ; and (2) that the criticism Hegel exercises at times is compromised by his uncritical acceptance of modern western culture. Both allegations amount to the claim that in some way Hegel proscribes internal critique, a citizen’s critique of her own nation-state. However, this charge is based on a misunderstanding of the role that history plays in Hegel’s account, and the difference (...) as Hegel understands it between nations of antiquity and those modernity. Once these are properly understood, it is clear that Hegel advocates identification with a supranational modern culture for which national particularity is necessarily an object of criticism. (shrink)

This article discusses, principally from an English perspective, globalisation, global citizenship and two forms of education relevant to those developments (global education and citizenship education). We describe what citizenship has meant inside one nation state and ask what citizenship means, and could mean, in a globalising world. By comparing the natures of citizenship education and global education, as experienced principally in England during, approximately, the last three decades, we seek to develop a clearer understanding of what has been done and (...) what might be done in the future in order to develop education for global citizenship. We suggest that up to this point there have been significant differences between the characterisations that have been developed for global education and citizenship education. These differences are revealed through an examination of three areas: focus and origins; the attitude of the government and significant others; and the adoption of pedagogical approaches. We suggest that it would be useful to look beyond old barriers that have separated citizenship education and global education and to form a new global citizenship education. Their separation has in the past only perpetuated the old understandings of citizenship and constructed a constrained view of global education. (shrink)

This paper argues that in liberal nations migration law orders chaotic images and is an important site for the construction of national identities. Empirical illustrations are drawn primarily from Australia, but the thesis is applicable to all immigrant nations and also provides insights for the “Old World”. The argument proceeds by first examining the role of migration laws in liberal democratic societies. Building on this framework, it then looks at how Australian migration law responds to images of disorder outside the (...) nation. Finally, it considers how migration law addresses disorder within the nation by reflecting a coherent picture of Australian national identity. (shrink)

What does it mean to be a citizen today? In an era where boundaries are being questioned, where identities are being transformed, where social and political claims are being updated from the traditional ‘recognition’ or ‘redistribution’ discourse to a more globalized discourse supported by a theoretical appeal to human rights, it is important to clarify where the ‘citizen’ stands, morally and politically speaking.This paper is supported by a) a strong moral and political reading of citizenship, echoing some republican tradition where (...) citizenship is associated with virtue; and b) the assumption that there is a strong correlation between virtuous citizens and a virtuous republic or ‘democracy’. In order to reflect upon the transformations of the concept of citizenship I will look at some of the practices it involves, more precisely, I will look into the participatory budgeting experience in Portugal trying to show how the progressive implementation of such measure promises to bring Portuguese’s democracy to a new level with a more robust practice of citizenship.This paper has three moments: first, I will situate myself from a theoretical standpoint, regarding the concept of citizenship I want to defend. I will show how the way in which we conceive citizenship a) will determine the forms and shapes democracy can take and b) will influence the future of democracy, insofar it can contribute, enhance or undermine democratic aspirations and goals. Second, after arguing for an active sense of citizenship I will advance the argument that the future of democracy lies in participatory practices, in which the citizen plays a key role. Third, I will turn to a case study in order to illuminate my theoretical argument. Having participatory budgeting experiment in Portugal as paradigmatic case of analysis, I will identify some elements present in the Portuguese case that corroborate our hypothesis that the future of democracy must rely in participatory mechanisms and practices. (shrink)

Is the possession of taste relevant to the practice of moral and political judgement? For Mary Wollstonecraft and many of her contemporaries, the formation of taste was increasingly significant for both ethics and politics. In fact, some of the key contributors to the debate, which I have termed the ‘politics of taste’, believed that fostering existing standards of taste promised a palliative to modern democratic ills that they diagnosed. Wollstonecraft is an immanent critic of such positions. Although she shares some (...) of Edmund Burke’s and David Hume’s assumptions, she proposes dramatic revision of the extant model of refined taste driven by the spread of rational education. In this way, she attempts to rescue ‘true taste’ from its sentimental context – one permeated by false assumptions about femininity and class. For Wollstonecraft, ‘true taste’ must be the product of refined understanding. Only then can it be deemed a support rather than a hindrance to the practice of moral and political judgement. Alt... (shrink)

The ideal model of a just society defended by John Rawls entails the existence of certain institutions—those that form the basic structure of society—that guarantee citizens' basic rights and liberties, equality of opportunity, and access to material resources. Such a model also presupposes a certain account of reasonable citizenship. In particular, reasonable citizens will have a set of moral capacities and dispositions and will voluntarily support just institutions. According to Rawls, the need for such citizens is related to the following (...) important consideration in favor of a normative theory of justice: that it be stable. That is, such a theory must be capable of generating its own support over time. This means that it has to be possible for citizens to come to endorse the theory's principles of justice, integrating them into their personal conceptions of the good life. Rawls explicitly draws attention to the stability requirement on ideal theories of justice. Somewhat surprisingly, when Rawls explains how a widespread and deep moral consensus on the principles of justice might be generated in actual societies—a problem that is closely related to the issue of how such consensus could be maintained over time—he pays very little attention to the potential contribution of schools to the production of reasonable citizens. This neglect can be explained, in part, by his confidence that the functioning of just institutions will spontaneously generate, in citizens who live under them, the necessary support for principles of justice and will encourage the development and exercise of the virtues characteristic of reasonable citizens. But this confidence seems misplaced. (shrink)

In 1946, the French constitution made colonial subjects in Africa into citizens. Having been content to rule ‘tribes’ via their ‘chiefs’, at that point it had to track individuals entitled to vote and receive social benefits. The new citizens retained their personal status — regulating marriage, filiation, and inheritance — under Islamic law or local ‘customs’ rather than through the civil code. That posed a dilemma for French officials, for the état-civil did not just record life events, but symbolized the (...) integration of all into a single body of citizens. French officials and legislators — including African representatives — could not agree on whether the multiple status regimes necessitated two états-civils or one. In the end, officials were too torn between their recognition of difference among peoples under French rule and their desire for singularity to put in place a consistent policy of identification, registration, and surveillance. They bequeathed the problem to their successors. (shrink)

Aristotle and the Rediscovery of Citizenship confronts a question that is central to Aristotle's political philosophy as well as to contemporary political theory: what is a citizen? Answers prove to be elusive, in part because late twentieth-century critiques of the Enlightenment called into doubt fundamental tenets that once guided us. Engaging the two major works of Aristotle's political philosophy, his Nicomachean Ethics and his Politics, Susan D. Collins poses questions that current discussions of liberal citizenship do not adequately address. Drawing (...) a path from contemporary disputes to Aristotle, she examines in detail his complex presentations of moral virtue, civic education, and law; his view of the aims and limits of the political community; and his treatment of the connection between citizenship and the human good. Collins thereby shows how Aristotle continues to be an indispensable source of enlightenment, as he has been for political and religious traditions of the past. (shrink)

Theorists of democratic politics have long noted the importance of citizenship to the realization of liberal norms. Citizenship provides an artificial identity to members so that they may meet as equals in the public domain. The constraints of equality dictate that this identity will have a unitary face: citizenship must be a single status if it is to serve its stated purpose. However upon examination, citizenship appears to take multiple forms that reflect a range of political statuses that exist within (...) the confines of democratic politics. The civil, political and social rights of citizenship as well as the status of nationality come unbound from one another in ways that create multiple forms of partial, or semi-citizenship. Semi-citizenships provide states with opportunities to organize and govern otherwise "illegible" or "irrational" sub-sections of the population. They also often offer individuals the chance to adopt identities that diverge from those referenced by classic notions of the citizen. ;This dissertation combines a theoretical inquiry into the realities of modern citizenship with focused case studies examining instances of semi-citizenship. Each case study demonstrates the degree to which semi-citizenship is inevitable in democratic politics both by looking at various national contexts and by recalling the presence of such statuses throughout the history of the modern state. The statuses held by non-nationals, GLBTs, children and convicted felons demonstrate a unique set of state responses to forms of membership that do not correspond to the categories of citizen or non-citizen. Each of these statuses has existed in a wide range of temporal and geographic circumstances. Deprived of nationality, civil rights and political rights, these groups exist in democracies without being governed democratically, yet in some cases they are able to turn such statuses to their advantage. States compensate in a variety of ways ranging from special or additional rights, to benign neglect, to paternalism. While vulnerable to critique, these compensatory measures indicate an acceptance of the fact that citizenship is composed of several distinct forms of membership and may also provide opportunities for tailoring citizenship to meet individual needs. (shrink)

The article begins by noting that the widespread assumption that the social basis of more difficult or cosmopolitan art has been undermined in later modernity should lead to blander, less controversial art. An alternative interpretation is briefly described in which cosmopolitan art has become a spectacular tourist attraction. Significant questions that would follow such a development are: how national cultural institutions have been co-opted into a global spectacular culture and whether the work displayed in these settings can be radically critical (...) of dominant social values; and the implications of the development of a public culture focused on spectacular attractions for notions of cultural citizenship. In the article these questions are explored through a brief history of changing attitudes and values in British public culture, leading to a suggestion that we are experiencing an era of cultural fragmentation. The article concludes with a consideration of the possibilities for cultural citizenship in these changing circumstances. (shrink)

The goal of this article is to show that mainstream liberal accounts of civil disobedience fail to fully capture the latter’s specific characteristics as a genuinely political and democratic practice of contestation that is not reducible to an ethical or legal understanding either in terms of individual conscience or of fidelity to the rule of law. In developing this account in more detail, I first define civil disobedience with an aim of spelling out why the standard liberal model, while providing (...) a useful starting point, ultimately leads to an overly constrained, domesticated and sanitized understanding of this complex political practice. Second, I place the political practice of civil disobedience between two opposing poles: symbolic politics and real confrontation. I argue that the irreducible tension between these poles precisely accounts for its politicizing and democratizing potential. Finally, I briefly examine the role of civil disobedience in representative democracies, addressing a series of recent challenges made in response to this radically democratic understanding of disobedience. (shrink)

The Europe of freedom, security and justice is intended to ensure that citizenship, in principle, does not include the millions of people who reside legally in the EU but are not nationals of any Member State and it is no way intended for those who are in an irregular situation. These people are part of the real population of the states but are not classified as citizens or granted citizenship rights. Therefore they show the status of servitude that exists within (...) European states. But not only nationals of third States have their exercise of human rights limited, so too do European citizens, as a result of the institutional and structural adjustments demanded by the global economic model. We can see the increased risks and uncertainties as a consequence of changes in the labour market, in education and the model of the state, which are bringing about a new social order. In this new model of society, security and control seem to have usurped the role hitherto played by social justice. The purpose of this research has been precisely to show the double impact that the new economic model and the knowledge and information society has on the citizens and on those who are outside or on its limits. This comparison enables us to argue that these adjustments only benefit the market and institutions, not people. (shrink)

L’education du citoyen n’a pas à former le militant politique. Elle ne doit pas non plus se contenter d’informer l’usager des services publics ou le client des administrations. Dans les limites d’une pratiqueréaliste, elle se conçoit comme une éducation du jugement fournissant aux élèves les critères formeIs du droit. Elle s’appuie sur les droits de l’homme en évitant de les transformer en un nouveau catéchisme. Elle noue la réflexion à l’action en visant à faire de l’idée de droit une véritable (...) force politique. (shrink)

"By nearly every measure, Americans are less engaged in their communities and political activity than generations past.” So write the editors of this volume, who survey the current practices and history of citizenship education in the United States. They argue that the current period of “creative destruction”—when schools are closing and opening in response to reform mandates—is an ideal time to take an in-depth look at how successful strategies and programs promote civic education and good citizenship. _Making Civics Count_ offers (...) research-based insights into what diverse students and teachers know and do as civic actors, and proposes a blueprint for civic education for a new generation that is both practical and visionary. (shrink)

Definicja patriotyzmu najczęściej ogranicza się do stwierdzenia, że jest to tylko pielęgnowanie pamięci o historii. Jednak patriotyzm może mieć dwojakie oblicze: jedno – najczęściej podkreślane – skierowane ku przeszłości i drugie ukierunkowane na teraźniejszość, a nawet przyszłość. Co więcej, zdaniem wielu badaczy patriotyzm nie musi być ściśle związany z jednym narodem czy kulturą. Wartą zainteresowania koncepcję patriotyzmu konstytucyjnego podczas dyskusji o tożsamości narodowej toczonych po II wojnie światowej wypracowali historycy i filozofowie niemieccy. Jednym z popularyzatorów tego projektu był i cały (...) czas jest Jürgen Habermas. Według niemieckiego filozofa patriotyzm konstytucyjny to nie pozytywistyczne zasady konstytucyjne, ale pewne abstrakcyjne formy, sposoby interpretacji spajające określoną zbiorowość. Takimi uniwersalnymi zasadami mogą być procedury suwerenności oraz liberalne prawa jednostki. Patriotyzm konstytucyjny wydaje się odchodzić od tradycyjnego powoływania się na pamięć historyczną. Zamiast niej proponuje nie tyle czystą naukę, ale próbę uzyskania samoświadomości poprzez jej znajomość. W artykule przedstawiono argumenty wskazujące na to, że w koncepcji patriotyzmu konstytucyjnego proponowanej przez J. Habermasa refleksyjnie opracowana historia odgrywa bardzo istotną, a nawet kluczową rolę. (shrink)

There is strong social and political interest in active citizenship and values in education internationally. Active citizenship requires children to experience and internalize moral values for human rights, developing their own opinions and moral responsibility. While investment in young children is recognised as an important factor in the development of citizenship for a cohesive society, less is known about how early years teachers can encourage this in the classroom. This book will present new directions on how teachers can promote children's (...) learning of moral values for citizenship in classrooms. The research provided offers important insights into teaching for active citizenship by: • providing an analysis of educational contexts for moral values for active citizenship • highlighting teachers’ beliefs about knowing and knowledge and how these relate to children’s learning and understanding about social and moral values • discussing the impact of teachers’ beliefs on teaching practices. Evidence suggests that investment in the early years is vital for all learning, and specifically for developing an understanding of active citizenship for tolerant and cohesive societies. This book will be essential reading for the professional education of early years teachers interested in teaching for active citizenship. (shrink)