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  1. Elections, civic trust, and digital literacy: The promise of blockchain as a basis for common knowledge.Mark Alfano - forthcoming - Northern European Journal of Philosophy.
    Few recent developments in information technology have been as hyped as blockchain, the first implementation of which was the cryptocurrency Bitcoin. Such hype furnishes ample reason to be skeptical about the promise of blockchain implementations, but I contend that there’s something to the hype. In particular, I think that certain blockchain implementations, in the right material, social, and political conditions, constitute excellent bases for common knowledge. As a case study, I focus on trust in election outcomes, where the ledger records (...)
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  2. Civic virtue in non-ideal republics.M. Victoria Costa - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    This paper defends a neorepublican account of civic virtue as consisting of stable traits of character, understood in broadly Aristotelian terms, that exhibit excellences associated with the role of citizen, and that contribute to the secure protection of freedom as non-domination. Such an account is important for the neorepublican project because neither laws nor social norms can yield reliable support for republican freedom without a parallel input from civic virtue. The paper emphasizes the need to distinguish civic virtue from desirable (...)
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  3. Police Deception and Dishonesty – The Logic of Lying.Luke William Hunt - 2024 - New York: Oxford University Press.
    Cooperative relations steeped in honesty and good faith are a necessity for any viable society. This is especially relevant to the police institution because the police are entrusted to promote justice and security. Despite the necessity of societal honesty and good faith, the police institution has embraced deception, dishonesty, and bad faith as tools of the trade for providing security. In fact, it seems that providing security is impossible without using deception and dishonesty during interrogations, undercover operations, pretextual detentions, and (...)
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  4. (When) Are Authors Culpable for Causing Harm?Marcus Arvan - 2023 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 20 (1-2):47-78.
    To what extent are authors morally culpable for harms caused by their published work? Can authors be culpable even if their ideas are misused, perhaps because they failed to take precautions to prevent harmful misinterpretations? Might authors be culpable even if they do take precautions—if, for example, they publish ideas that others can be reasonably expected to put to harmful uses, precautions notwithstanding? Although complete answers to these questions depend upon controversial views about the right to free speech, this paper (...)
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  5. Critical Theory, Local Moral Perception, and Democratic Education.Drew Chambers - 2023 - In Johannes Drerup, Douglas Yacek & Julian Culp (eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of Democratic Education. Cambridge University Press. pp. 196-229.
    This chapter attempts to answer two questions. First, what does democratic education informed by critical theory minimally entail? Second, what does it take for a critical democratic education to succeed? The chapter argues that attention to local contexts is a necessary aspect for developing critical and democratic virtues. The chapter first sets the stage by offering a sketch of both democratic education and critical theory. The following section draws out a common occluding characteristic of both democratic education and critical education, (...)
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  6. Problem Representation of Teaching Supervision in Colleges and Universities in Promoting the Implementation of Fostering Character and Civic Virtue and Corresponding Suggestions.Jing Chen - 2023 - In Olga Chistyakova & Iana Roumbal (eds.), Proceedings of The 7th International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Humanities (Philosophy of Being Human as the Core of Interdisciplinary Research) (ICCESSH 2022). Atlantis Press SARL. pp. 428-436.
    Fostering character and civic virtue is the fundamental task of colleges and universities. Effectively exerting the role of “inspection” and “guidance” of teaching supervision in the implementation of the fundamental task of fostering character and civic virtue in colleges and universities is the key to effectively improving the effectiveness of college education. However, there are many difficulties in the specific implementation process. The main problems are as follows: the indicators of “fostering character and civic virtue” in the teaching supervision and (...)
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  7. Civil Deliberation Unpacked: An Empirical Investigation.Michel Croce, Filippo Domaneschi & Maria Silvia Vaccarezza - 2023 - Journal of Media Ethics 38 (4):211-223.
    In recent decades, the digital age and the Third Industrial Revolution have attracted significant attention in terms of their benefits and risks. Scholars have explored the impact of these changes on autonomy, freedom, human interactions, cognition, and knowledge sharing. However, the influence of the digital communicative environment on civic interactions and public deliberation processes has received limited attention from virtue theorists. This paper aims to address this gap. First, we discuss the challenges posed by the digital communicative environment, and we (...)
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  8. Good Faith as a Normative Foundation of Policing.Luke William Hunt - 2023 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 17 (3):1-17.
    The use of deception and dishonesty is widely accepted as a fact of life in policing. This paper thus defends a counterintuitive claim: Good faith is a normative foundation for the police as a political institution. Good faith is a core value of contracts, and policing is contractual in nature both broadly (as a matter of social contract theory) and narrowly (in regard to concrete encounters between law enforcement officers and the public). Given the centrality of good faith to policing, (...)
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  9. Institutional Cynicism and Civic Virtue.Ian James Kidd - 2023 - In Quassim Cassam & Hana Samaržija (eds.), The Epistemology of Democracy. New York: Routledge. pp. 152-169.
    Scholars are divided on the relationship between cynicism and political life. In this chapter, I describe and endorse what I call 'institutional cynicism' and suggest it can feature within kinds of virtuous civic stances in democratic societies. I accept that some forms of cynicism can be as destructive and as anti-democratic as critics insist. Institutional cynicism, of the sort I describe, can actually make us better citizens. It turns our attention towards sub-optimal aspects of the political institutions of democratic societies, (...)
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  10. Why Bother with Political Arguments?Victor Kumar & Joshua May - 2023 - The Prindle Post.
    Moral reasoning and arguments are truly a driving force for social change in politics. Without it, progress is impossible. The key is patience, persistence, and mutual respect. Under the right conditions, moral arguments can move mountains — slowly but surely.
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  11. Historical memory, democratic citizenship, and political theory: Reconstructing a historical method in Judith Shklar’s writings.Simon Sihang Luo - 2023 - European Journal of Political Theory 22 (2):324-345.
    Judith Shklar has been invoked by contemporary realists as an example of how history is a better source of political knowledge than abstract philosophy. This emphasis on history challenges the predominant understanding of her political theory that stresses the universality of fear of cruelty. This contrast between history and moral universalism invites a serious investigation of Shklar's historical method. This article takes up this task by reconstructing a Shklarian historical method based on a tripartite relation between historical memory, democratic citizenship, (...)
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  12. Can Relationship Science Teach Us to Talk Politics Again?Joshua May - 2023 - The Prindle Post.
    Relationship research suggests that romantic relationships will suffer most from four conversation poisons: expressions of contempt, excessive criticism, defensiveness, and stonewalling. John Gottman and his collaborators have long urged couples to deploy the four antidotes of gentle start-ups, building a culture of appreciation, taking responsibility, and physiological self-soothing. I explain how these conversation poisons contribute to political polarization and how the antidotes can help.
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  13. Technology and Civic Virtue.Wessel Reijers - 2023 - Philosophy and Technology 36 (4):1-22.
    Today, a major technological trend is the increasing focus on the person: technical systems personalize, customize, and tailor to the person in both beneficial and troubling ways. This trend has moved beyond the realm of commerce and has become a matter of public governance, where systems for citizen risk scoring, predictive policing, and social credit scores proliferate. What these systems have in common is that they may target the person and her ethical and political dispositions, her virtues. Virtue ethics is (...)
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  14. Virtue and authenticity in civic life.Rebecca J. Schlegel, Joshua A. Hicks, Matt Stichter & Matthew Vess - 2023 - Journal of Moral Education 52 (1):83-94.
    ABSTRACT A robust literature indicates that when people feel that they are expressing and aware of their true selves, they show enhanced psychological health and well-being. This feeling, commonly referred to as authenticity, is therefore a consequential experience. In this paper, we review a program of research focused on the relevance of authenticity for civic engagement. We describe how a virtuous orientation to civic engagement might make civic actions feel more authentic and how the experience of authenticity might help sustain (...)
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  15. The Empathetic Democracy.Wes Siscoe - 2023 - The Prindle Post.
    Political polarization is at an all-time high, making partisan politics more bitter and divisive than even the recent past. One proposal for mitigating polarization’s rise is a focus on empathy, as empathizing with others can reduce feelings of contempt and encourage us to see things from another point of view. At the same time though, empathy comes with its own risks, calling into question whether it is the right response to the growing political divide.
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  16. Philosophical Dialogue and the Civic Virtues: Modeling Democracy in the Classroom.Wes Siscoe & Zachary Odermatt - 2023 - Analytic Teaching and Philosophical Praxis 43 (2):59–77.
    Political polarization is on the rise, undermining the shared space of public reason necessary for a thriving democracy and making voters more willing than ever to dismiss the perspectives of their political opponents. This destructive tendency is especially problematic when it comes to issues of race and gender, as informed views on these topics necessarily require engaging with those whose experiences may differ from our own. In order to help our students combat further polarization, we created a course on "The (...)
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  17. The Individualistic Roots of Virtue.Yvonne Chiu - 2022 - Journal of Social and Political Philosophy 1 (1):79-84.
    In *Against Political Equality: The Confucian Case*, BAI Tongdong says that his main target is democracy, but he focuses much of his critiques on liberalism, rejecting its foundational value of autonomy in favor of Confucian grounds for governance. Given the extent of his concurrence with liberalism, however, it would be more consistent with Bai’s stated aim (of tempering the democratic part and shoring up the liberal side of liberal democracy) to make common cause with liberalism against populism. Mencian compassion and (...)
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  18. The Political Moralism of Some Catholic Bishops and Priests: A Postmodern Evaluation.Alexis Deodato Itao - 2022 - Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy 8 (Special Issue):186-212.
    The Catholic Church never officially endorses political candidates but rather respects the freedom of its faithful to vote according to the dictates of their conscience. However, in the last presidential elections, some Catholic bishops and priests in the Philippines publicly and openly supported the presidential candidacy of Vice President Leni Robredo while urging the rest of the faithful to do the same. These bishops and priests anchored their position on their shared belief that voting for Robredo was the only rightful (...)
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  19. Is burgerschapsvorming een legitieme taak van de school?Michael Merry - 2022 - Knack.
    Het idee dat burgerschapsonderwijs noodzakelijkerwijs democratisch is omdat ze door een democratische staat wordt georganiseerd, is een bedenkelijke assumptie. Veronderstellen dat goed burgerschap overigens beperkt kan blijven tot een reeks van ‘meetbare’ kenniscomponenten (bv. kennis van presidenten, koningen), overtuigingen (bv., ‘er zijn mensenrechten’) en ‘competenties’ (bv. ‘kunnen omgaan met meningsverschillen’) is niet enkel een karikatuur maken van de democratie zelf, maar getuigt evenzeer van een democratisch paternalisme.
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  20. The Epistemic Responsibilities of Citizens in a Democracy.Cameron Boult - 2021 - In Michael Hannon & Jeroen de Ridder (eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Political Epistemology. New York: Routledge.
    The chapter develops a taxonomy of views about the epistemic responsibilities of citizens in a democracy. Prominent approaches to epistemic democracy, epistocracy, epistemic libertarianism, and pure proceduralism are examined through the lens of this taxonomy. The primary aim is to explore options for developing an account of the epistemic responsibilities of citizens in a democracy. The chapter also argues that a number of recent attacks on democracy may not adequately register the availability of a minimal approach to the epistemic responsibilities (...)
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  21. Racism as Civic Vice.Jeremy Fischer - 2021 - Ethics 131 (3):539-570.
    I argue that racism is essentially a civic character trait: to be a racist is to have a character that rationally reflects racial supremacist sociopolitical values. As with moral vice accounts of racism, character is my account’s primary evaluative focus: character is directly evaluated as racist, and all other racist things are racist insofar as, and because, they cause, are caused by, express or are otherwise suitably related to racist character. Yet as with political accounts of racism, sociopolitical considerations provide (...)
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  22. Wen sollte man nicht an die Universität einladen?Romy Jaster & Geert Keil - 2021 - In Elif Özmen (ed.), Wissenschaftsfreiheit im Konflikt. Berlin, Deutschland: Springer / Metzler. pp. 141-159.
    Welche Beschränkungen sollten sich Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler bei der Entscheidung auferlegen, wen sie als Vortragende zu universitären Veranstaltungen einladen? Und von welchen Überlegungen sollten sie sich dabei leiten lassen? Gibt es Personen, die für einen Auftritt an der Universität schlechthin ungeeignet sind? Wenn ja, aufgrund welcher Eigenschaften oder aus welchen anderen Gründen? Wir argumentieren zunächst, dass jüngere Kontroversen über die Einladung politisch exponierter Sprecher zu akademischen Veranstaltungen den Blick auf diese universitätspolitischen Fragen eher verstellt haben, insoweit sie als Streit um (...)
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  23. An Epistemic Case for Positive Voting Duties.Carline Klijnman - 2021 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 33 (1):74-101.
    In response to widespread voter ignorance, Jason Brennan argues for a voting ethics that can be summarized as one negative duty: do not vote badly. The implication that abstaining is always permissible entails no incentive for citizens to become competent voters or to vote once competent. Following the Condorcet Jury Theorem, this can lead to suboptimal outcomes, suggesting that voter turnout should concern instrumentalist epistemic accounts of democratic legitimacy. This could be addressed by adding two positive voting duties: to make (...)
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  24. Civility in the Post-truth Age: An Aristotelian Account.Maria Silvia Vaccarezza & Michel Croce - 2021 - Humana.Mente - Journal of Philosophical Studies 39 (39):127-150.
    This paper investigates civility from an Aristotelian perspective and has two objectives. The first is to offer a novel account of this virtue based on Aristotle’s remarks about civic friendship. The proposed account distinguishes two main components of civility—civic benevolence and civil deliberation—and shows how Aristotle’s insights can speak to the needs of our communities today. The notion of civil deliberation is then unpacked into three main dimensions: motivational, inquiry-related, and ethical. The second objective is to illustrate how the post-truth (...)
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  25. Schmerz und Hegung. Das Politische und die Institutionalisierung seiner Grenzen.Dikovich Albert - 2020 - Metodo. International Studies in Phenomenology and Philosophy 8 (1):195-230.
    My paper aims to outline the concept of the pathic foundation of political institutions. I depart from the observation of a lack of clarity concerning the resources of institutional stability in the work of Chantal Mouffe and the proponents of agonistic democracy. Drawing from the ideas of Claude Lefort and Carl von Clausewitz, I sketch the idea that the experience of confict itself generates the moral and epistemic groundings that legitimize and stabilize its institutional regulations. It is within the pathic (...)
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  26. Why You Should Vote to Change the Outcome.Zach Barnett - 2020 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 48 (4):422-446.
    Prevailing opinion—defended by Jason Brennan and others—is that voting to change the outcome is irrational, since although the payoffs of tipping an election can be quite large, the probability of doing so is extraordinarily small. This paper argues that prevailing opinion is incorrect. Voting is shown to be rational so long as two conditions are satisfied: First, the average social benefit of electing the better candidate must be at least twice as great as the individual cost of voting, and second, (...)
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  27. Lincoln Steffens's the Shame of the Cities, and the Philosophy of Corruption and Reform.H. G. Callaway (ed.) - 2020 - Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
    This book is a new scholarly edition of Lincoln Steffensâ classic, â oemuck-rakingâ account of Gilded Age corruption in America. It provides the broader political background, theoretical and historical context needed to better understand the social and political roots of corruption in general terms: the social and moral nature of corruption and reform. Steffens enjoyed the support of a multitude of journalists with first-hand knowledge of their localities. He interviewed and came to know political bosses, crusading district attorneys and indicted (...)
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  28. Laborde’s religion.Sune Lægaard - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (1):9-20.
  29. Preambuła Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 r. Aksjologiczne podstawy prawa.Marek Piechowiak - 2020 - Warszawa, Polska: C. H. Beck.
    Prezentowana książka jest pierwszą monografią w sposób całościowy omawiającą Preambułę Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2.4.1997 r. Dużo miejsca poświęca genezie tekstu - czytelnik znajdzie zgłoszone projekty oraz szerokie omówienie prac Komisji Konstytucyjnej Zgromadzenia Narodowego. W centrum uwagi znalazły się aksjologiczne podstawy całego polskiego systemu prawa oraz refleksja nad wartościami fundującymi porządek prawny w ogóle. Autor omawia poszczególne wartości, uwzględniając ich oddziaływanie na orzecznictwo, zwracając uwagę również na przyjęte przez ustrojodawcę rozstrzygnięcia dotyczące pozaprawnego ugruntowania wartości konstytucyjnych. Podejmuje także problem normatywnego charakteru (...)
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  30. Charting the Character Strengths of #iwill Ambassadors.Aidan Thompson & Jason Metcalfe - 2020 - Impact: Journal of the Chartered College of Teaching 1 (Special Issue 2020):60-63.
    A dataset was created of the character strengths reported by each of the 300 #iwill Ambassadors to examine trends and discrepancies between cohorts. The researchers applied categories of strengths from the JCCV’s ‘Building Blocks of Character’ to the dataset in order to categorise these character strengths into intellectual, moral, civic and performance domains (Jubilee Centre, 2017: 5). This article explores the dataset, details initial findings and considers implications for practice and further research.
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  31. The Ethics of Anti-Corruption Policies.Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti - 2019 - In Andrei Poama & Annabelle Lever (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethics and Public Policy. Routledge.
    The corruption of public officials and institutions is one of the most obvious problems that affects developed and developing countries alike. Because this view is largely shared, most current studies of this phenomenon—‘political corruption’—have been dedicated either to measuring or counteracting the negative political, social, and economic effects that this form of corruption may have in society. Albeit significant and urgent, these studies have distracted the attention of commentators from a somewhat more basic analysis of the nature and wrongness of (...)
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  32. Links between moral identity and political purpose during emerging adulthood.Hyemin Han, Parissa Jahromi Ballard & Youn-Jeng Choi - 2019 - Journal of Moral Education:1-19.
    We examined the links between moral identity—the centrality of moral principles to identity—and political purpose during emerging adulthood. We analyzed data from two waves of a longitudinal study of civic purpose. T1 surveys were collected before high school graduation and T2 survey were collected two years later. We categorized people (N = 1,578 at T1 and N = 480 at T2) into political purpose groups based on the person-centered perspective and then performed multinomial logistic regression analysis to test whether moral (...)
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  33. Demos vs. Polis? Essays on Civic Responsibility and Participation.Dagmar Kusá & James Griffith (eds.) - 2019 - Bratislava: Kritika & Kontext.
    Does the polis face the demos with hostility? Do citizens contest the city? Is a people in opposed separation from its political institutions? A multidisciplinary collection on people and the institutions they find themselves in and under, the essays here engage questions of the individual , communities, leadership, populism, citizenship, social media, and technology. The collection includes work by philosophers, political scientists, and political theorists using quantitative, historical, and hermeneutical methodologies to take on some of the most pressing issues of (...)
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  34. Non-Domination and Political Liberal Citizenship Education.Blain Neufeld - 2019 - In Colin Macleod & Christine Tappolet (eds.), Philosophical Perspectives on Moral and Civic Education: Shaping Citizens and Their Schools. Routledge. pp. 135-155.
    According to Philip Pettit, we should understand republican liberty, freedom as ‘non-domination,’ as a ‘supreme political value.’ It is its commitment to freedom as non-domination, Pettit claims, that distinguishes republicanism from various forms of liberal egalitarianism, including the political liberalism of John Rawls. I explain that Rawlsian political liberalism is committed to a form of non-domination, namely, a ‘political’ conception, which is: (a) limited in its scope to the ‘basic structure of society,’ and (b) ‘freestanding’ in nature (that is, compatible (...)
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  35. Disagreement and the Duties of Citizenship.Japa Pallikkathayil - 2019 - American Philosophical Quarterly 56 (1):71-82.
    Political liberalism holds that some kinds of disagreement give rise to a duty of restraint. On this view, citizens ought to limit the considerations they invoke in political advocacy to those that meet a certain kind of publicity requirement. Many of the arguments for political liberalism's duty of restraint contain a grain of truth. But properly understood, these arguments instead support the duty of responsiveness, which directs citizens to respond to disagreement in a very different way than the duty of (...)
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  36. #republic: Divided Democracy in the Age of Social Media. [REVIEW]George J. Aulisio - 2018 - The European Legacy 23 (7-8):866-867.
  37. Connecting Virtues: Introduction.Michel Croce & Maria Silvia Vaccarezza - 2018 - Metaphilosophy 49 (3):191-203.
    This article introduces the special issue “Connecting Virtues,” which aims to advance virtue theory by bringing into a conversation works on the virtues in epistemology, ethics, and political philosophy. The collection covers several key themes within virtue theory. It includes ground‐breaking articles offering original solutions to long‐standing issues in virtue theory, such as the plausibility of different lists of virtues, the relationship between virtues and their opposing vices and the connection between moral and intellectual virtues. In addition, the collection offers (...)
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  38. From Public Space to Public Sphere: Discerning the Public Value of the Internet.Ian Anthony Davatos - 2018 - Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy 4 (2):75-94.
    Can the internet be a public space, and eventually a public sphere? The main aim of this paper is to explore the answer to this question. First, I distinguish a public space from a public sphere. Then, I elucidate what Jean Baudrillard meant by murder of reality, specifically in the context of digital media. Baudrillard’s concept of hyperreality has captured the difficulties of the internet as a communication tool, but as he is bleak on his assessments, his view also suggests (...)
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  39. Democracy's Discontent: The Problem of Knowledge and a Solution.Ian Anthony Davatos - 2018 - Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy 4 (1):68-90.
    Democracy has been widely claimed to be the best form of government there is. One reason for which is the power that it confers to the people. But what happens if the people do not have the correct knowledge to exercise that power? This is the problem of knowledge in a democracy. Every election, the electorate has the power to vote certain political candidates into office, a clear exercise of democracy, but just like any other power, this can be misused. (...)
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  40. Resilience and hope as a democratic civic virtue.Nancy E. Snow - 2018 - In James Arthur (ed.), Virtues in the Public Sphere: Citizenship, Civic Friendship and Duty. New York, NY: Routledge Press.
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  41. Aufklärung durch die Klimawissenschaften. Worüber und wozu?Jens Gillessen - 2018 - In Rainer Enskat & Oliver Scholz (eds.), Wissenschaft und Aufklärung / Science and Enlightenment. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. pp. 127-148.
    The issue of climate change provides a drastic example of the importance, but also the precariousness of public trust in science. Climate science almost unanimously warns that global warming requires governments to effectively pursue long-term agendas of mitigation, adaptation and compensation without further delay. In democracy, however, this requires of citizens a long-term commitment to prioritizing the issue of climate change in their voting decisions. Recent developments prove such prioritizing unlikely as long as scientists think of themselves primarily as political (...)
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  42. Hope as a Democratic Civic Virtue.Nancy E. Snow - 2018 - In Michel Croce & Maria Silvia Vaccarezza (eds.), Connecting Virtues. Oxford, UK: Wiley. pp. 205–223.
    Against the backdrop of the recent emergence of disturbing currents of populism in several countries, including the United States, this article argues for a conception of hope as a democratic civic virtue. In section 1, it offers a general overview of hope and sketches an initial conception of hope as a democratic civic virtue. In section 2, the stage is set for further theorizing of this conception in the present American context. Drawing on the work of Ghassan Hage, the article (...)
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  43. The Rationality of Voting and Duties of Elected Officials.Marcus Arvan - 2017 - In Emily Crookston, David Killoren & Jonathan Trerise (eds.), Ethics in Politics: The Rights and Obligations of Individual Political Agents. New York, USA: Routledge. pp. 239-253.
    In his recent article in Philosophy and Public Affairs, 'The Paradox of Voting and Ethics of Political Representation', Alexander A. Guerrero argues it is rational to vote because each voter should want candidates they support to have the strongest public mandate possible if elected to office, and because every vote contributes to that mandate. The present paper argues that two of Guerrero's premises require correction, and that when those premises are corrected several provocative but compelling conclusions follow about the rationality (...)
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  44. Fighting Together: Civil Discourse and Agonistic Honor.Dan Demetriou - 2016 - In Laurie Johnson & Dan Demetriou (eds.), Honor in the Modern World: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Lexington Books. pp. 21-42.
    Whereas civil discourse is usually thought to be about defusing conflict, this essay argues it may be fruitfully thought of as fighting honorably for what we believe. Thus agonistic honor, which conceives of rightness in terms of fair and respectful contest for status, will be an especially important virtue in contexts—from classrooms to courtrooms to pluralistic democracies in general—where conflict is inevitable and desirable. To motivate this claim, I take a Hobbesian approach. I begin with a rational reconstruction of honor (...)
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  45. What's the Problem with Political Authority? A Pragmatist Account.Luke Maring - 2016 - Public Affairs Quarterly 30 (3):239-258.
    Standard definitions represent political authority as the power to give reasons (or pro tanto duties) by using speech. But the giving of reasons (or pro tanto duties) is routine among ordinary folk. Why, then, is establishing the reason-giving powers of the state not the very same problem as establishing the reason-giving powers of ordinary people? This article (i) shows that the literature does not have the resources to answer, (ii) develops a pragmatist answer, and then (iii) closes by suggesting that, (...)
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  46. Turning Adversaries into Allies: Conciliation in Environmental Politics.Dan C. Shahar - 2016 - In David Schmidtz (ed.), Interdisciplinary Handbooks in Philosophy: Environmental Ethics. pp. 243–268.
  47. Politics for a pilgrim church: a Thomistic theory of civic virtue.Thomas J. Bushlack - 2015 - Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company.
    Presents an innovative, constructive alternative to Christian involvement in the "culture wars" Church leaders and scholars have long wrestled with what should provide a guiding vision for Christian engagement in culture and politics. In this book Thomas Bushlack argues that a retrieval of Thomas Aquinas's understanding of civic virtue provides important resources for guiding this engagement today. Bushlack suggests that Aquinas's vision of the pilgrim church provides a fitting model for seeking the earthly common good of the political community, and (...)
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  48. Civic Immortality: The Problem of Civic Honor in Africa and the West.Dan Demetriou - 2015 - The Journal of Ethics 19 (3-4):257-276.
    From Thomas Hobbes to Steven Pinker, it is often remarked that cultures of honor are destabilizing and especially dangerous to liberal institutions. This essay sharpens that criticism into two objections: one saying honor cultures encourage tyranny, and another accusing them of undermining rule of law. Since these concerns manifest differently in established as opposed to fledgling liberal democracies, I appeal to Western and African examples both to motivate and allay these worries. I contend that a culture of civic honor is (...)
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  49. On Marie Collins Swabey’s “Publicity and Measurement”.Alexander A. Guerrero - 2015 - Ethics 125 (2):555-558,.
    In “Publicity and Measurement,” Marie Collins Swabey writes that “if democracy is not to be abandoned, some attempt must be made to devise ways in which what is of genuine public concern may be made to concern the public." Her article grapples with the problem of democratic governance in an age of policy complexity and voter ignorance, a problem that remains arguably the core problem of democracy today, with policy issues having become, if anything, substantially more complex. Unfortunately, despite the (...)
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  50. On Leslie Macfarlane’s “Justifying Political Disobedience”.Graham Hubbs - 2015 - Ethics 125 (4):1148-1150.
    There is no consensus on the legitimacy of Chelsea Manning’s and Edward Snowden’s secret-revealing activities. Some see them as courageous acts of whistleblowing; to others they seem wanton acts of self-aggrandizement; still others find them traitorous acts of defiance. We can gain some clarity on these cases, I believe, if we consider them against the backdrop of Leslie Macfarlane’s “Justifying Political Disobedience.” After characterizing political disobedience, Macfarlane analyzes the possible justifiability of a politically disobedient act in terms of the act’s (...)
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