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  1. Lincoln Steffens' The Shame of the Cities and the Philosophy of Corruption and Reform.H. G. Callaway (ed.) - January, 2020 - Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
    This book is a new scholarly edition of Lincoln Steffens' classic, "muck-raking" account of Gilded Age corruption in America. It provides the broader political background, and theoretical and historical context needed to better understand the social and political roots of corruption in general terms: the social and moral nature of corruption and reform.
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  2. Elections, Civic Trust, and Digital Literacy: The Promise of Blockchain as a Basis for Common Knowledge.Mark Alfano - forthcoming - Northern European Journal of Philosophy.
    Few recent developments in information technology have been as hyped as blockchain, the first implementation of which was the cryptocurrency Bitcoin. Such hype furnishes ample reason to be skeptical about the promise of blockchain implementations, but I contend that there’s something to the hype. In particular, I think that certain blockchain implementations, in the right material, social, and political conditions, constitute excellent bases for common knowledge. As a case study, I focus on trust in election outcomes, where the ledger records (...)
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  3. The Epistemic Responsibilities of Citizens in a Democracy.Cameron Boult - forthcoming - In Jeroen De Ridder & Michael Hannon (eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Political Epistemology.
    The chapter develops a taxonomy of views about the epistemic responsibilities of citizens in a democracy. Prominent approaches to epistemic democracy, epistocracy, epistemic libertarianism, and pure proceduralism are examined through the lens of this taxonomy. The primary aim is to explore options for developing an account of the epistemic responsibilities of citizens in a democracy. The chapter also argues that a number of recent attacks on democracy may not adequately register the availability of a minimal approach to the epistemic responsibilities (...)
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  4. The Ethics of Anti-Corruption Policies.Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti - forthcoming - In The Routledge Handbook of Ethics and Public Policy. London: Routledge.
    The corruption of public officials and institutions is one of the most obvious problems that affects developed and developing countries alike. Because this view is largely shared, most current studies of this phenomenon—‘political corruption’—have been dedicated either to measuring or counteracting the negative political, social, and economic effects that this form of corruption may have in society. Albeit significant and urgent, these studies have distracted the attention of commentators from a somewhat more basic analysis of the nature and wrongness of (...)
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  5. Historical Memory, Democratic Citizenship, and Political Theory: Reconstructing a Historical Method in Judith Shklar’s Writings.Simon Sihang Luo - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory:147488512098776.
    Judith Shklar has been invoked by contemporary realists as an example of how history is a better source of political knowledge than abstract philosophy. This emphasis on history challenges the predominant understanding of her political theory that stresses the universality of fear of cruelty. This contrast between history and moral universalism invites a serious investigation of Shklar's historical method. This article takes up this task by reconstructing a Shklarian historical method based on a tripartite relation between historical memory, democratic citizenship, (...)
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  6. Racism as Civic Vice.Jeremy Fischer - 2021 - Ethics 131 (3):539-570.
    I argue that racism is essentially a civic character trait: to be a racist is to have a character that rationally reflects racial supremacist sociopolitical values. As with moral vice accounts of racism, character is my account’s primary evaluative focus: character is directly evaluated as racist, and all other racist things are racist insofar as, and because, they cause, are caused by, express or are otherwise suitably related to racist character. Yet as with political accounts of racism, sociopolitical considerations provide (...)
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  7. Wen sollte man nicht an die Universität einladen?Romy Jaster & Geert Keil - 2021 - In Elif Özmen (ed.), Wissenschaftsfreiheit im Konflikt. Berlin, Deutschland: Springer / Metzler. pp. 141-159.
    Welche Beschränkungen sollten sich Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler bei der Entscheidung auferlegen, wen sie als Vortragende zu universitären Veranstaltungen einladen? Und von welchen Überlegungen sollten sie sich dabei leiten lassen? Gibt es Personen, die für einen Auftritt an der Universität schlechthin ungeeignet sind? Wenn ja, aufgrund welcher Eigenschaften oder aus welchen anderen Gründen? Wir argumentieren zunächst, dass jüngere Kontroversen über die Einladung politisch exponierter Sprecher zu akademischen Veranstaltungen den Blick auf diese universitätspolitischen Fragen eher verstellt haben, insoweit sie als Streit um (...)
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  8. Why You Should Vote to Change the Outcome.Zach Barnett - 2020 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 48 (4):422-446.
    Prevailing opinion—defended by Jason Brennan and others—is that voting to change the outcome is irrational, since although the payoffs of tipping an election can be quite large, the probability of doing so is extraordinarily small. This paper argues that prevailing opinion is incorrect. Voting is shown to be rational so long as two conditions are satisfied: First, the average social benefit of electing the better candidate must be at least twice as great as the individual cost of voting, and second, (...)
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  9. Laborde’s Religion.Sune Lægaard - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (1):9-20.
  10. Preambuła Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 r. Aksjologiczne podstawy prawa.Marek Piechowiak - 2020 - Warszawa, Polska: C. H. Beck.
    Prezentowana książka jest pierwszą monografią w sposób całościowy omawiającą Preambułę Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2.4.1997 r. Dużo miejsca poświęca genezie tekstu - czytelnik znajdzie zgłoszone projekty oraz szerokie omówienie prac Komisji Konstytucyjnej Zgromadzenia Narodowego. W centrum uwagi znalazły się aksjologiczne podstawy całego polskiego systemu prawa oraz refleksja nad wartościami fundującymi porządek prawny w ogóle. Autor omawia poszczególne wartości, uwzględniając ich oddziaływanie na orzecznictwo, zwracając uwagę również na przyjęte przez ustrojodawcę rozstrzygnięcia dotyczące pozaprawnego ugruntowania wartości konstytucyjnych. Podejmuje także problem normatywnego charakteru (...)
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  11. Links Between Moral Identity and Political Purpose During Emerging Adulthood.Hyemin Han, Parissa Jahromi Ballard & Youn-Jeng Choi - 2019 - Journal of Moral Education:1-19.
    We examined the links between moral identity—the centrality of moral principles to identity—and political purpose during emerging adulthood. We analyzed data from two waves of a longitudinal study of civic purpose. T1 surveys were collected before high school graduation and T2 survey were collected two years later. We categorized people (N = 1,578 at T1 and N = 480 at T2) into political purpose groups based on the person-centered perspective and then performed multinomial logistic regression analysis to test whether moral (...)
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  12. Demos Vs. Polis? Essays on Civic Responsibility and Participation.Dagmar Kusá & James Griffith (eds.) - 2019 - Bratislava: Kritika & Kontext.
  13. Non-Domination and Political Liberal Citizenship Education.Blain Neufeld - 2019 - In Colin Macleod & Christine Tappolet (eds.), Philosophical Perspectives on Moral and Civic Education. London, UK: Routledge. pp. 135-155.
    According to Philip Pettit, we should understand republican liberty, freedom as ‘non-domination,’ as a ‘supreme political value.’ It is its commitment to freedom as non-domination, Pettit claims, that distinguishes republicanism from various forms of liberal egalitarianism, including the political liberalism of John Rawls. I explain that Rawlsian political liberalism is committed to a form of non-domination, namely, a ‘political’ conception, which is: (a) limited in its scope to the ‘basic structure of society,’ and (b) ‘freestanding’ in nature (that is, compatible (...)
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  14. #Republic: Divided Democracy in the Age of Social Media. [REVIEW]George J. Aulisio - 2018 - The European Legacy 23 (7-8):866-867.
  15. Connecting Virtues: Introduction.Michel Croce & Maria Silvia Vaccarezza - 2018 - Metaphilosophy 49 (3):191-203.
    This article introduces the special issue “Connecting Virtues,” which aims to advance virtue theory by bringing into a conversation works on the virtues in epistemology, ethics, and political philosophy. The collection covers several key themes within virtue theory. It includes ground‐breaking articles offering original solutions to long‐standing issues in virtue theory, such as the plausibility of different lists of virtues, the relationship between virtues and their opposing vices and the connection between moral and intellectual virtues. In addition, the collection offers (...)
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  16. Democracy's Discontent: The Problem of Knowledge and a Solution.Ian Anthony Davatos - 2018 - Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy 4 (1):68-90.
    Democracy has been widely claimed to be the best form of government there is. One reason for which is the power that it confers to the people. But what happens if the people do not have the correct knowledge to exercise that power? This is the problem of knowledge in a democracy. Every election, the electorate has the power to vote certain political candidates into office, a clear exercise of democracy, but just like any other power, this can be misused. (...)
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  17. From Public Space to Public Sphere: Discerning the Public Value of the Internet.Ian Anthony Davatos - 2018 - Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy 4 (2):75-94.
    Can the internet be a public space, and eventually a public sphere? The main aim of this paper is to explore the answer to this question. First, I distinguish a public space from a public sphere. Then, I elucidate what Jean Baudrillard meant by murder of reality, specifically in the context of digital media. Baudrillard’s concept of hyperreality has captured the difficulties of the internet as a communication tool, but as he is bleak on his assessments, his view also suggests (...)
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  18. Aufklärung Durch Die Klimawissenschaften. Worüber Und Wozu?Jens Gillessen - 2018 - In Rainer Enskat & Oliver Scholz (eds.), Wissenschaft und Aufklärung / Science and Enlightenment. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. pp. 127-148.
    The issue of climate change provides a drastic example of the importance, but also the precariousness of public trust in science. Climate science almost unanimously warns that global warming requires governments to effectively pursue long-term agendas of mitigation, adaptation and compensation without further delay. In democracy, however, this requires of citizens a long-term commitment to prioritizing the issue of climate change in their voting decisions. Recent developments prove such prioritizing unlikely as long as scientists think of themselves primarily as political (...)
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  19. The Rationality of Voting and Duties of Elected Officials.Marcus Arvan - 2017 - In Emily Crookston, David Killoren & Jonathan Trerise (eds.), Ethics in Politics: The Rights and Obligations of Individual Political Agents. New York, USA: Routledge. pp. 239-253.
    In his recent article in Philosophy and Public Affairs, 'The Paradox of Voting and Ethics of Political Representation', Alexander A. Guerrero argues it is rational to vote because each voter should want candidates they support to have the strongest public mandate possible if elected to office, and because every vote contributes to that mandate. The present paper argues that two of Guerrero's premises require correction, and that when those premises are corrected several provocative but compelling conclusions follow about the rationality (...)
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  20. Fighting Together: Civil Discourse and Agonistic Honor.Dan Demetriou - 2016 - In Laurie Johnson & Dan Demetriou (eds.), Honor in the Modern World: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. Lexington Books. pp. 21-42.
    Whereas civil discourse is usually thought to be about defusing conflict, this essay argues it may be fruitfully thought of as fighting honorably for what we believe. Thus agonistic honor, which conceives of rightness in terms of fair and respectful contest for status, will be an especially important virtue in contexts—from classrooms to courtrooms to pluralistic democracies in general—where conflict is inevitable and desirable. To motivate this claim, I take a Hobbesian approach. I begin with a rational reconstruction of honor (...)
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  21. What's the Problem with Political Authority? A Pragmatist Account.Luke Maring - 2016 - Public Affairs Quarterly 30 (3):239-258.
    MARING, Luke – Why does the excellent citizen vote? JPP 24 (2), June 2016: 245-257. Is it morally important to vote? It is common to think so, but both consequentialist and deontological strategies for defending that intuition are weak. In response, some theorists have turned to a role-based strategy, arguing that it is morally important to be an excellent citizen, and that excellent citizens vote. But there is a lingering puzzle: an individual vote changes very little (virtually nothing in large-scale (...)
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  22. Civic Immortality: The Problem of Civic Honor in Africa and the West.Dan Demetriou - 2015 - The Journal of Ethics 19 (3-4):257-276.
    From Thomas Hobbes to Steven Pinker, it is often remarked that cultures of honor are destabilizing and especially dangerous to liberal institutions. This essay sharpens that criticism into two objections: one saying honor cultures encourage tyranny, and another accusing them of undermining rule of law. Since these concerns manifest differently in established as opposed to fledgling liberal democracies, I appeal to Western and African examples both to motivate and allay these worries. I contend that a culture of civic honor is (...)
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  23. On Marie Collins Swabey’s “Publicity and Measurement”.Alexander A. Guerrero - 2015 - Ethics 125 (2):555-558,.
    In “Publicity and Measurement,” Marie Collins Swabey writes that “if democracy is not to be abandoned, some attempt must be made to devise ways in which what is of genuine public concern may be made to concern the public." Her article grapples with the problem of democratic governance in an age of policy complexity and voter ignorance, a problem that remains arguably the core problem of democracy today, with policy issues having become, if anything, substantially more complex. Unfortunately, despite the (...)
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  24. On Leslie Macfarlane’s “Justifying Political Disobedience”.Graham Hubbs - 2015 - Ethics 125 (4):1148-1150.
    There is no consensus on the legitimacy of Chelsea Manning’s and Edward Snowden’s secret-revealing activities. Some see them as courageous acts of whistleblowing; to others they seem wanton acts of self-aggrandizement; still others find them traitorous acts of defiance. We can gain some clarity on these cases, I believe, if we consider them against the backdrop of Leslie Macfarlane’s “Justifying Political Disobedience.” After characterizing political disobedience, Macfarlane analyzes the possible justifiability of a politically disobedient act in terms of the act’s (...)
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  25. Philosophy of Tertiary Civic Education in Hong Kong: Formation of Trans-Cultural Political Vision.Andrew T. W. Hung - 2015 - Public Administration and Policy: An Asia-Pacific Journal 18 (2).
    This paper explores the philosophy of tertiary civic education in Hong Kong. It does not only investigate the role of tertiary education that can play in civic education, but also explores the way to achieve the aim of integrating liberal democratic citizenship and collective national identity in the context of persistent conflicts between two different identity politics in Hong Kong: politics of assimilation and politics of difference. As Hong Kong is part of China and is inevitably getting closer cooperation with (...)
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  26. Philosopher-Kings in the Kingdom of Ends: Why Democracy Needs a Philosophically Informed Citizenry.Richard Oxenberg - 2015 - Philosophy Now 10 (111).
    Question: How do you turn a democracy into a tyranny? Answer (as those familiar with Plato's Republic will know): Do nothing. It will become a tyranny all by itself. My essay argues that for democracy to function it must inculcate in its citizens something of the moral and intellectual virtues of Plato’s Philosopher-Kings, who identify their own personal good with the good of society as a whole. Only thereby can Kant’s ideal of the ‘Kingdom of Ends’ - a society in (...)
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  27. The Civic Duty to Report Crime and Corruption.Candice Delmas - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):50-64.
    Is the civic duty to report crime and corruption a genuine moral duty? After clarifying the nature of the duty, I consider a couple of negative answers to the question, and turn to an attractive and commonly held view, according to which this civic duty is a genuine moral duty. On this view, crime and corruption threaten political stability, and citizens have a moral duty to report crime and corruption to the government in order to help the government’s law enforcement (...)
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  28. Pluralism, Identity, and Violence.Fuat Gursozlu - 2014 - In Gail Presbey Greg Moses (ed.), Peace Philosophy and Public Life. Brill - Rodopi. pp. 93-109.
  29. Enhancement and Civic Virtue.William Jefferson, Thomas Douglas, Guy Kahane & Julian Savulescu - 2014 - Social Theory and Practice 40 (3):499-527.
    Opponents of biomedical enhancement frequently adopt what Allen Buchanan has called the “Personal Goods Assumption.” On this assumption, the benefits of biomedical enhancement will accrue primarily to those individuals who undergo enhancements, not to wider society. Buchanan has argued that biomedical enhancements might in fact have substantial social benefits by increasing productivity. We outline another way in which enhancements might benefit wider society: by augmenting civic virtue and thus improving the functioning of our political communities. We thus directly confront critics (...)
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  30. नेपाल : लोकतंत्र की स्थापना के लिये आन्दोलन.नेपाललोकतंत्र की स्थापना के लिये आन्दोलन - 2014 - SOCRATES 2 (1):234-242.
    The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) won the largest number of seats in the Constituent Assembly election held on 10 April 2008, and formed a coalition government which included most of the parties in the CA. Although acts of violence occurred during the pre-electoral period, election observers noted that the elections themselves were markedly peaceful and "well-carried out". The newly elected Assembly met in Kathmandu on 28 May 2008, and, after a polling of 564 constituent Assembly members, 560 voted to (...)
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  31. Civic Virtue.Bert Brink - 2013 - In Hugh LaFollette (ed.), The International Encyclopedia of Ethics. Wiley-Blackwell.
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  32. Confucianism and Civic Virtue.Gordon B. Mower - 2013 - Social Philosophy Today 29:75-87.
    Understanding within the western tradition of civic virtue can be supplemented in important ways by giving attention to the civic tradition as it developed in classical Chinese philosophy. The western tradition of civic virtue originates in the context of the small city-state political dynamics of Athens and Florence. As a result of this developmental context, the traditional civic virtues themselves are geared to the ends associated with small states. Established wisdom before the foundation of the United States suggested that any (...)
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  33. Political Civility: Another Idealistic Illusion.Christopher F. Zurn - 2013 - Public Affairs Quarterly 27 (4).
    This paper argues that political civility is actually an illusionistic ideal and that, as such, realism counsels that we acknowledge both its promise and peril. Political civility is, I will argue, a tension-filled ideal. We have good normative reasons to strive for and encourage more civil political interactions, as they model our acknowledgement of others as equal citizens and facilitate high-quality democratic problem-solving. But we must simultaneously be attuned to civility’s limitations, its possible pernicious side-effects, and its potential for strategic (...)
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  34. For-Profit Business as Civic Virtue.Jason Brennan - 2012 - Journal of Business Ethics 106 (3):313-324.
    According to the commonsense view of civic virtue, the places to exercise civic virtue are largely restricted to politics. In this article, I argue for a more expansive view of civic virtue, and argue that one can exercise civic virtue equally well through working for or running a for-profit business. I argue that this conclusion follows from four relatively uncontroversial premises: (1) the consensus definition of “civic virtue”, (2) the standard, most popular theory of virtuous activity, (3) a conception of (...)
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  35. The Political Education of Democratus: Negotiating Civic Virtue During the Early Republic.Brian W. Dotts - 2012 - Lexington Books.
    The radical Democratic-Republican Societies that emerged during the 1790s not only challenged conventional interpretations of the civic republican tradition, they also adopted Enlightenment principles in their advocacy for universal public education. Brian W. Dotts’ The Political Education of Democratus: Negotiating Civic Virtue during the Early Republic shows that, unlike mainstream educational philosophy of the period, radical democrats supported universal political education as essential in protecting liberty and political equality.
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  36. Civic Virtue and the Sovereignty of Evil.Derek Edyvane - 2012 - Routledge.
    The last decade has witnessed a growing perception of ethical crisis in public life. Circumstances of political uncertainty, fueled by the rise of international terror and global financial crisis, have placed the practice of civic virtue under severe strain. Our turbulent times have prompted many people to think less about the "good life" and the "good society" and more about their basic needs for safety and reassurance. Consequently, while prominent public commentators call for the reassertion of civic virtue in the (...)
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  37. Civic Virtue and the Sovereignty of Evil.Derek Edyvane - 2012 - Routledge.
    The last decade has witnessed a growing perception of ethical crisis in public life. Circumstances of political uncertainty, fueled by the rise of international terror and global financial crisis, have placed the practice of civic virtue under severe strain. Our turbulent times have prompted many people to think less about the "good life" and the "good society" and more about their basic needs for safety and reassurance. Consequently, while prominent public commentators call for the reassertion of civic virtue in the (...)
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  38. Cultural Rights Versus Civic Virtue?Richard Thompson Ford - 2012 - The Monist 95 (1):151-171.
  39. Reasonableness, Intellectual Modesty, and Reciprocity in Political Justification.R. J. Leland & Han van Wietmarschen - 2012 - Ethics 122 (4):721-747.
    Political liberals ask citizens not to appeal to certain considerations, including religious and philosophical convictions, in political deliberation. We argue that political liberals must include a demanding requirement of intellectual modesty in their ideal of citizenship in order to motivate this deliberative restraint. The requirement calls on each citizen to believe that the best reasoners disagree about the considerations that she is barred from appealing to. Along the way, we clarify how requirements of intellectual modesty relate to moral reasons for (...)
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  40. Walking Inside the Potential Tax Evader’s Mind: Tax Morale Does Matter. [REVIEW]Juan Carlos Molero & Francesc Pujol - 2012 - Journal of Business Ethics 105 (2):151-162.
    We conduct an empirical study on the determinants of the psychological costs of tax evasion, also known as tax morale. As a preliminary step, we build a model of tax evasion including non-monetary considerations, show the relationship between tax compliance and tax morale. In the empirical analysis of tax morale we find, using a binomial logit model, that the justification of tax evasion can be explained by the presence of grievance in absolute terms (those who feel that taxes are too (...)
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  41. Attempts to Create an Inter-Ethnic and Inter-Generational ‘National Culture’ in Kenya.Gail Presbey - 2012 - Diogenes 59 (3-4):48-59.
    National unity is important in Kenya, since ethnic divisions have sometimes become deadly. The imposed Coalition government and the recent new Constitution in 2010 were attempts to overcome division. But cultural divisions among the generations are just as much of a challenge as ethnic divisions, as the youth sometimes sideline the practices and worldviews of their elders, leaving people to wonder what binds people to each other as Kenyans? The idea of “national culture” has its pitfalls, bit seems necessary nevertheless, (...)
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  42. Depoliticising the Polls: Voting Abstention and Moral Disagreement.Iñigo Gonzalez Ricoy - 2012 - POLITICS 32 (1):46-51.
  43. Learning to Deliberate.Jürg Steiner (ed.) - 2012 - Irish Center for Gerontology.
    To deliberate is a skill like any other that can be learned. The paper shows how schools can teach deliberative skills.
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  44. The Ethics of Voting.Jason Brennan - 2011 - Princeton Univ Pr.
    In this provocative book, Jason Brennan challenges our fundamental assumptions about voting, revealing why it is not a duty for most citizens--in fact, he ...
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  45. Public Philosophy in a New Key: Volume I: Democracy and Civic Freedom / Volume II: Imperialism and Civic Freedom by James Tully.Robin Celikates - 2011 - Constellations 18 (2):264-266.
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  46. Civic Identity.Daniel Hart, Cameron Richardson & Britt Wilkenfeld - 2011 - In Seth J. Schwartz, Koen Luyckx & Vivian L. Vignoles (eds.), Handbook of Identity Theory and Research. Springer Science+Business Media. pp. 771--787.
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  47. 'Next Time Try Looking It Up in Your Gut!!': Tolerance, Civility, and Healthy Conflict in a Tea Party Era.Jason A. Springs - 2011 - Soundings: An Interdisciplinary Journal 94 (3-4):325-358.
    In this paper I critically explore the possibility that the hope for engaging in democratic discourse and coalition-building across deep— potentially irreconcilable— moral, religious divisions in current U.S. public life depends less upon further calls for “more tolerance,” and instead in thinking creatively and transformatively about how to democratize and constructively utilize conflict and intolerance. Is it possible to distinguish between constructive and destructive forms of intolerance? If so, what are the prospects for re-orienting analysis of democratic practices and processes (...)
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  48. Against Public Reason Liberalism's Accessibility Requirement.Kevin Vallier - 2011 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 8 (3):366-389.
    Public reason liberals typically defend an accessibility requirement for reasons offered in public political dialog. The accessibility requirement holds that public reasons must be amenable to criticism, evaluable by reasonable persons, and the like. Public reason liberals are therefore hostile to the public use of reasons that appear inaccessible, especially religious reasons. This hostility has provoked strong reactions from public reason liberalism's religion-friendly critics. But public reason liberals and their religion-friendly critics need not be at odds because the accessibility requirement (...)
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  49. People Do Not Have a Duty to Avoid Voting Badly: Reply to Brennan.Marcus Arvan - 2010 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 5 (1):1-6.
    Jason Brennan argues that people are morally obligated not to vote badly, where voting badly is voting “without sufficient reason” for harmful or unjust policies or candidates. His argument is: (1) One has an obligation not to engage in collectively harmful activities when refraining from such activities does not impose significant personal costs. (2) Voting badly is to engage in a collectively harmful activity, while abstaining imposes low personal costs. (3) Therefore, one should not vote badly. This paper shows that (...)
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  50. Heteronomous Citizenship: Civic Virtue and the Chains of Autonomy.Lucas Swaine - 2010 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 42 (1):73-93.
    In this article, I distinguish personal autonomy from heteronomy, and consider whether autonomy provides a suitable basis for liberalism. I argue that liberal government should not promote autonomy in all its citizens, on the grounds that not all members of liberal democracies require autonomy for a good life. I then outline an alternative option that I call a liberalism of conscience, describing how it better respects heteronomous citizens. I subsequently clarify how a liberalism of conscience is different than, and superior (...)
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