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  1. Habermas and Ackerman: A Synthesis Applied to the Legitimation and Codification of Legal Norms.Antoni Abad I. . Ninet & Josep Monserrat Molas - 2009 - Ratio Juris 22 (4):510-531.
    In this article we consider certain elements of the normative theory of Jürgen Habermas in the light of the proposals of Bruce Ackerman, with a view to strengthening a concept of deliberative democracy applied to the legitimation of juridical rules. We do not construct a hierarchy of the two positions, but seek to bring together certain elements to achieve a common project. As the starting point for examining the work of the two authors, we take the scheme proposed by Habermas (...)
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  2. Association and Deliberation in Risk Society: Two Faces of Ecological Democracy.Wouter Achterberg - 2001 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (1):85-104.
  3. Deliberative Safeguards and Global Governance: A Market-Based Approach to Address Garrett W. Brown's' Deliberative Deficit 'Within the Global Fund'.Alejandro Agafonow - 2011 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 58 (128):40-54.
    Garrett W. Brown has argued that donor voting caucuses produce a deliberative deficit between donor and non-donor members in the Global Fund International Board. Although we agree with this assessment, in our research on low-transaction cost alternatives to cope with consistent deliberative conditions we have found that deliberation and interest-based preference maximisation are not necessarily mutually exclusive, as long as we manage to stop donor members from behaving like monopolists. To this end, we have to open up the Board from (...)
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  4. Democracy in What State?Giorgio Agamben, Alain Badiou, Daniel Bensaïd, Wendy Brown, Jean-Luc Nancy, Jacques Rancière, Kristin Ross & Slavoj Zizek - 2011 - Columbia University Press.
    "Is it meaningful to call oneself a democrat? And if so, how do you interpret the word?" -/- In responding to this question, eight iconoclastic thinkers prove the rich potential of democracy, along with its critical weaknesses, and reconceive the practice to accommodate new political and cultural realities. Giorgio Agamben traces the tense history of constitutions and their coexistence with various governments. Alain Badiou contrasts current democratic practice with democratic communism. Daniel Bensaid ponders the institutionalization of democracy, while Wendy Brown (...)
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  5. Why Deliberative Democracy is (Still) Untenable.Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij - 2012 - Public Affairs Quarterly 26 (3):199-220.
    A common objection to deliberative democracy is that available evidence on public ignorance makes it unlikely that social deliberation among the public is a process likely to yield accurate outputs. The present paper considers—and ultimately rejects—two responses to this objection. The first response is that the correct conclusion to draw from the evidence is simply that we must work harder to ensure that the deliberative process improves the deliberators’ epistemic situation. The main problem for this response is that there are (...)
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  6. Commentary on Democratic “Deliberation, Public Reason, and Environmental Politics”.Scott F. Aikin - 2006 - Environmental Philosophy 3 (2):59-63.
    Editors’ Note: We decided that a commentary to the original Aikin essay from the perspective of humanities policy would be beneficial. We then invited Scott Aikin to respond to this commentary. What follows is (a) the Briggle/Frodeman commentary and (b) the Aikin response. We present the discussion in its entirety in the conviction that this transparency will help the reader to critically assess the viability of these arguments and to draw his/her own conclusion as to the efficacy of such reasoning (...)
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  7. Civil Disobedience and Terrorism Testing the Limits of Deliberative Democracy.Michael Allen - 2009 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 56 (118):15-39.
    This article explores the boundaries of the commitment of deliberative democrats to communication and persuasion over threats and intimidation through examining the hard cases of civil disobedience and terrorism. The case of civil disobedience is challenging as deliberative democrats typically support this tactic under certain conditions, yet such a move threatens to blur the Habermasian distinction between instrumental and communicative action that informs many accounts of deliberative democracy. However, noting that civil disobedience is deemed acceptable to many deliberative democrats so (...)
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  8. False Starts, Dead Ends, and New Opportunities in Public Opinion Research.Scott L. Althaus - 2006 - Critical Review 18 (1-3):75-104.
    Empirical research on public opinion has tended to misjudge the normative rationales for modern democracy. Although it is often presumed that citizens' policy preferences are the opinions of interest to democratic theorists, and that democracy requires a highly informed citizenry, neither of these premises represents a dominant position in mainstream democratic theory. Besides incorrect assumptions about major tenets of democratic theory, empirical research on civic engagement is running into dead ends that will require normative analysis to overcome. Bringing political philosophy (...)
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  9. The Place of Culture-Based Reasons in Public Debates.Allen Alvarez - 2014 - Human Affairs 24 (2):232-247.
    The question of how society should deal with social conflicts arising from cultural differences persists. Should we adopt an exclusivist approach by excluding reasons based on specific cultural traditions from public debates about social policy, especially because these reasons do not appeal to the public at large? Or should we resort to an inclusivist approach by including reasons based on cultural traditions in public debate to give recognition to the diverse cultural identities of those who practice these traditions? While these (...)
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  10. Idealized o Eeacgr and Disdain for Work: Aspects of Philosophy and Politics in Ancient Democracy.V. I. Anastasiadis - 2004 - Classical Quarterly 54 (1):58-79.
  11. Democracy Isn't That Smart : On Landemore's Democratic Reason.Aaron Ancell - 2017 - Episteme 14 (2):161-175.
    In her recent book, Democratic Reason, Hélène Landemore argues that, when evaluated epistemically, “a democratic decision procedure is likely to be a better decision procedure than any non-democratic decision procedures, such as a council of experts or a benevolent dictator” (p. 3). Landemore's argument rests heavily on studies of collective intelligence done by Lu Hong and Scott Page. These studies purport to show that cognitive diversity – differences in how people solve problems – is actually more important to overall group (...)
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  12. Africa and the Prospects of Deliberative Democracy.Emmanuel Ifeanyi Ani - 2013 - South African Journal of Philosophy 32 (3):207-219.
    Preoccupation with multiparty aggregative democracy in Africa has produced superficial forms of political/electoral choice-making by subjects that deepen pre-existing ethnic and primordial cleavages. This is because the principles of the multiparty system presuppose that decision-making through voting should be the result of a mere aggregation of pre-existing, fixed preferences. To this kind of decision-making, I propose deliberative democracy as a supplementary approach. My reason is that deliberation, beyond mere voting, should be central to decisionmaking and that, for a decision to (...)
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  13. Pragmatist Democracy: Evolutionary Learning as Public Philosophy.Christopher Ansell - 2011 - Oup Usa.
    The philosophy of pragmatism advances an evolutionary, learning-oriented perspective that is problem-driven, reflexive, and deliberative.
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  14. Political Disagreement, Legitimacy, and Civility.David Archard - 2001 - Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):207 – 222.
    For many contemporary liberal political philosophers the appropriate response to the facts of pluralism is the requirement of public reasonableness, namely that individuals should be able to offer to their fellow citizens reasons for their political actions that can generally be accepted.This article finds wanting two possible arguments for such a requirement: one from a liberal principle of legitimacy and the other from a natural duty of political civility. A respect in which conversational restraint in the face of political agreement (...)
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  15. Pluralism, Preferences, and Deliberation: A Critique of Sen's Constructive Argument for Democracy.Carlo Argenton & Enzo Rossi - 2013 - Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (2):129-145.
    In this paper we argue that Sen's defence of liberal democracy suffers from a moralistic and pro-liberal bias that renders it unable to take pluralism as seriously as it professes to do. That is because Sen’s commitment to respecting pluralism is not matched by his account of how to individuate the sorts of preferences that ought to be included in democratic deliberation. Our argument generalises as a critique of the two most common responses to the fact of pluralism in contemporary (...)
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  16. John S. Dryzek , Foundations and Frontiers of Deliberative Governance . Reviewed By.Darrell P. Arnold - 2014 - Philosophy in Review 34 (3-4):104-106.
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  17. PARMENIDES: Facilitating Deliberation in Democracies. [REVIEW]Katie Atkinson, Trevor Bench-Capon & Peter McBurney - 2006 - Artificial Intelligence and Law 14 (4):261-275.
    Governments and other groups interested in the views of citizens require the means to present justifications of proposed actions, and the means to solicit public opinion concerning these justifications. Although Internet technologies provide the means for such dialogues, system designers usually face a choice between allowing unstructured dialogues, through, for example, bulletin boards, or requiring citizens to acquire a knowledge of some argumentation schema or theory, as in, for example, ZENO. Both of these options present usability problems. In this paper, (...)
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  18. The Separation of Church and State and the Obligations of Citizenship.Robert Audi - 1989 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 18 (3):259-296.
  19. #Republic: Divided Democracy in the Age of Social Media. [REVIEW]George J. Aulisio - forthcoming - The European Legacy:1-2.
  20. Hanks on Habermas and Democratic Communication.Randall E. Auxier - 1992 - Southwest Philosophy Review 8 (2):97-100.
  21. Against the Politics of Fear: On Deliberation, Inclusion and the Political Economy of Trust.A. Azmanova - 2011 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 37 (4):401-412.
    This is an inquiry into the economic psychology of trust: that is, what model of the political economy of complex liberal democracies is conducive to attitudes that allow difference to be perceived in the terms of ‘significant other’, rather than as a menacing or an irrelevant stranger. As a test case of prevailing perceptions of otherness in European societies, I examine attitudes towards Turkey’s accession to the European Union.
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  22. Disentangling Diversity in Deliberative Democracy: Competing Theories, Their Blind Spots and Complementarities.André Bächtiger, Simon Niemeyer, Michael Neblo, Marco R. Steenbergen & Jürg Steiner - 2010 - Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):32-63.
    IN the last decade deliberative democracy has developed rapidly from a “theoretical statement” into a “working theory.”1 Scholars and practitioners have launched numerous initiatives designed to put deliberative democracy into practice, ranging from deliberative polling to citizen summits.2 Some even advocate deliberation as a new “revolutionary now.”3 Deliberative democracy has also experienced the beginning of an empirical turn, making significant gains as an empirical (or positive) political science. This includes a small, but growing body of literature tackling the connection between (...)
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  23. The Politics of Truth: A Critique of Peircean Deliberative Democracy.M. Bacon - 2010 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (9):1075-1091.
    Recent discussion in democratic theory has seen a revival of interest in pragmatism. Drawing on the work of C. S. Peirce, Cheryl Misak and Robert Talisse have argued that a form of deliberative democracy is justified as the means for citizens to assure themselves of the truth of their beliefs. In this article, I suggest that the Peircean account of deliberative democracy is conceived too narrowly. It takes its force from seeing citizens as intellectual inquirers, something that I argue is (...)
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  24. Deliberation and the Constitution.Michael Edwin Bailey - 1996 - Dissertation, The University of Texas at Austin
    This dissertation is about political deliberation. The increasing recognition of deliberation as a central concept for the practice and promise of democracy has prompted many students of politics to bring public deliberation front and center in the evaluation of American democracy. Despite a virtual explosion of recent writings respecting deliberation, the concept is still in a formative stage, chiefly because theorists and empirical political scientists have worked in insulation from one another. As a result, absent from the literature is an (...)
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  25. The Virtue Politics of Democratic Athens.Ryan K. Balot - 2009 - In Stephen G. Salkever (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Political Thought. Cambridge University Press.
  26. Deliberative Democracy and Corporate Governance.Aimee Barbeau - 2016 - Business Ethics Journal Review 4 (6):34-40.
    Jeffrey Moriarty argues for a return to a robust notion of stakeholder theory involving direct procedural voting by stakeholders. He asserts that such voting offers the best possible chance of restraining firm behavior and taking into account all stakeholder interests. I argue, however, that Moriarty proceeds with an overly narrow conception of democracy, ignoring problems that arise from procedural voting. Specifically, paradoxes in voting procedures, the tyranny of the majority, and the inefficacy of representation advantage well-organized and moneyed interests. A (...)
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  27. Book Review:Ethics and Politics: Cases and Comments. Amy Gutmann, Dennis Thompson. [REVIEW]Eugene Bardach - 1985 - Ethics 96 (1):206-.
  28. Deliberative Justice and Collective Identity.Derek W. M. Barker - 2017 - Political Theory 45 (1):116-136.
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  29. La constitución de la ciudadanía democrática y el problema de la fundamentación de conocimiento en las sociedades complejas.Luz Marina Barreto - 2010 - Apuntes Filosóficos 19 (36):105-122.
    Mi problema es como reconciliar una fundamentación racional de instituciones democráticas, que en nuestras sociedades tienden a ser de índole liberal, con la creciente complejidad demográfica de las sociedades contemporáneas. Mi punto de vista es que esta fundamentación debería ser deliberativa y discursiva, es decir, debería garantizar una participación reflexiva de todos los ciudadanos en el diseño y sostenimiento de sus instituciones públicas. Ahora bien, ¿cómo alcanzar este ideal en sociedades cuyas complejidades dificultan la coordinación de intereses y la participación (...)
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  30. Christopher F. Zurn,Deliberative Democracy and the Institutions of Judicial Review:Deliberative Democracy and the Institutions of Judicial Review.Christian Barry - 2008 - Ethics 118 (4):767-772.
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  31. Ecological Politics and Democratic Theory: The Challenge to the Deliberative Ideal.John Barry - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (1):115-121.
  32. Reconciling Historically Excluded Social Groups: Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Reconciliation.Bashir Bashir - 2010 - In Will Kymlicka & Bashir Bashir (eds.), The Politics of Reconciliation in Multicultural Societies. Oxford University Press.
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  33. Accommodating Historically Oppressed Social Groups: Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Reconciliation.Bashir Bashir - 2008 - In Will Kymlicka & Bashir Bashir (eds.), The Politics of Reconciliation in Multicultural Societies. Oxford University Press. pp. 48--69.
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  34. Habermas: The Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy.Hugh Baxter - 2011 - Stanford Law Books.
    Basic concepts in Habermas's theory of communicative action -- Habermas's "reconstruction" of modern law -- Discourse theory and the theory and practice of adjudication -- System, lifeworld, and Habermas's "communication theory of society" -- After between facts and norms : religion in the public square, multiculturalism, and the "postnational constellation".
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  35. Deliberative Democracy and Public Reason.Kenneth Baynes - 2010 - Veritas – Revista de Filosofia da Pucrs 55 (1):135-163.
    O artigo reexamina as concepções habermasianas de política deliberativa e democracia procedimental à luz de outras teorias deliberativas, de forma a explorar as suas semelhanças e diferenças e investigar o quanto devem à ideia de razão pública e as implicações práticas daquela ideia.
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  36. Deliberative Democracy and the Regress Problem.Kenneth Baynes - 1997 - Modern Schoolman 74 (4):331-336.
  37. Precaution, Scientization or Deliberation? Prospects for Greening and Democratizing Science.Karin Bckstrand - 2004 - In M. L. J. Wissenburg & Yoram Levy (eds.), Liberal Democracy and Environmentalism: The End of Environmentalism? Routledge.
  38. John S. Dryzek, Deliberative Global Politics. Discourse and Democracy in a Divided World.Martin Beckstein - 2008 - .
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  39. Democracy as the Political Empowerment of the Citizen: Direct-Deliberative E-Democracy.Majid Behrouzi - 2005 - Lexington Books.
    This book, along with its companion volume, Democracy as the Political Empowerment of the People, relates the democratic potential of the latest electronic technologies to the idea of direct-participatory democracy. Having clarified the original meaning of the idea of democracy, this volume proceeds to develop a new theory of democracy, "Direct-Deliberative e-Democracy.".
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  40. Democracy as the Political Empowerment of the Citizen: Direct-Deliberative E-Democracy.Majid Behrouzi - 2005 - Lexington Books.
    This book, along with its companion volume, Democracy as the Political Empowerment of the People, relates the democratic potential of the latest electronic technologies to the idea of direct-participatory democracy. Having clarified the original meaning of the idea of democracy, this volume proceeds to develop a new theory of democracy, 'Direct-Deliberative e-Democracy.'.
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  41. Democratic Deliberation: The Problem of Implementation.Daniel A. Bell - 1999 - In Stephen Macedo (ed.), Deliberative Politics: Essays on Democracy and Disagreement. Oxford University Press. pp. 70--87.
  42. Agonistic Democracy and the Politics of Memory.Duncan Bell - 2008 - Constellations 15 (1):148-166.
  43. Book Review: Civil Passions: Moral Sentiment and Democratic Deliberation. [REVIEW]C. Beltran - 2011 - Political Theory 39 (5):682-685.
  44. Beyond Interventionism and Indifference Culture, Deliberation and Pluralism.S. Benhabib - 2005 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 31 (7):753-771.
    The aim of The Claims of Culture is to reconcile the many discontents of late modern culture with a continuing commitment to liberal democracy. It does so in face of the separation of the value-spheres of ethics and aesthetics, theology and law, brought about by nature and cognitive rationalism. This led Max Weber to warn that a consequent search for the old gods, allied to the longing for their transcendent power, would lead to a retreat from democracy in the form (...)
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  45. On Culture, Public Reason, and Deliberation: Response to Pensky and Peritz.Seyla Benhabib - 2004 - Constellations 11 (2):291-299.
  46. Deliberative Rationalality and Models of Democratic Legitimacy.Seyla Benhabib - 1994 - Constellations 1 (1):26-52.
  47. Experiments in Distributive Justice and Their Limits.Michael Bennett - 2016 - Critical Review 28 (3-4):461-483.
    Mark Pennington argues political systems should be decentralized in order to facilitate experimental learning about distributive justice. Pointing out the problems with Pennington's Hayekian formulation, I reframe his argument as an extension of the Millian idea of 'experiments in living.' However, the experimental case for decentralization is limited in several ways. Even if decentralization improves our knowledge about justice, it impedes the actual implementation of all conceptions of justice other than libertarianism. I conclude by arguing for the compatibility of egalitarian (...)
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  48. Toward an Existential Critical Theory of Deliberative Democracy.Joseph Charles Berendzen - 2002 - Dissertation, Villanova University
    This dissertation began with two leading intuitions, which ended up being developed into two corresponding parts of the text. The first intuition was that despite the apparent differences between critical theory and existential philosophy, there could be a fruitful dialogue between the work of Jurgen Habermas and the work of Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Jean-Paul Sartre. The second intuition is that this confrontation can lead to a desirable and workable theory of democracy based on participation through public discourse and dialogue . (...)
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  49. Social Democracy and the Creation of the Public Interest.Sheri Berman - 2011 - Critical Review 23 (3):237-256.
    ABSTRACT The Swedish case bears out Lewin's contention, in Self-Interest and Public Interest in Western Politics, that public spiritedness is much more important than is suggested by public-choice theories positing the universal dominance of self-interestedness. However, in Sweden we find that public spiritedness on the part of the public?as evidenced, for example, in sociotropic voting?was cultivated by political institutions, policies, and rhetoric that transformed a divided, conflictual society into one in which the ?public interest? was both coherent and desirable. In (...)
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  50. The Demand and Supply of Parliamentary Policy Advocacy: Evidence From UK Health Policy, 1997-2005.Anthony M. Bertelli & Rachel Dolan - unknown
    Fundamental to democratic politics is the quality of representation of constituents' interests by elected officials. We statistically examine a case of substantive policy advocacy in Great Britain, specifically the issues of wait times and health rationing by the National Health Service (NHS) salient throughout the Blair years. An increase in constituent need for care implies an increase in demand for parliamentary representation, yet it does not necessarily mean that representation will be supplied because legislators juggle conflicting interests. We measure representative (...)
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