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  1. Democratic Legitimacy and the 2000 Election.S. A. - 2002 - Law and Philosophy 21 (2):197-220.
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  2. An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: David Estlund's Democratic Authority.Elizabeth Anderson - 2008 - Episteme 5 (1):pp. 129-139.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund 2008 presents a major new defense of democracy, called epistemic proceduralism. The theory claims that democracy exercises legitimate authority in virtue of possessing a modest epistemic power: its decisions are the product of procedures that tend to produce just laws at a better than chance rate, and better than any other type of government that is justifiable within the terms of public reason. The balance Estlund strikes between epistemic and non-epistemic justifications of democracy is open (...)
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  3. An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: David Estlund’s Democratic Authority.Elizabeth Anderson - 2008 - Episteme: A Journal of Social Epistemology 5 (1):129-139.
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  4. The Supposed Right to a Democratic Say.Richard J. Arneson - unknown
    Democratic instrumentalism is the combination of two ideas. One is instrumentalism regarding political arrangements: the form of government that ought to be instituted and sustained in a political society is the one the consequences of whose operation would be better than those of any feasible alternative. The second idea is the claim that under modern conditions democratic political institutions would be best according to the instrumentalist norm and ought to be established. “Democratic instrumentalism” is not a catchy political slogan apt (...)
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  5. Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy.Richard J. Arneson - 2003 - Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):122–132.
  6. Democracy and Gasset’s ‘The Revolt of the Masses’: An Exposition.Samuel Akpan Bassey - 2016 - OmniScience: A Multi-Disciplinary Journal 6 (2):1-8.
    Democracy simply put, is the government of “the people”. There is no doubt that the rise of “the people” is now a principal political force in our contemporary world. Though democracy is largely celebrated today, Ortega y Gasset, in his book Revolt of the Masses thinks that it is an unfortunate incident. For him, the masses, regrettably, are vulgar. The masses are drunken by the possibilities that contemporary science has made feasible on one hand. Then again, their obscenity keeps them (...)
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  7. Citizenship and Political Judgment: Between Discourse Ethics and Phronesis.Ricardo Blaug - 2000 - Res Publica 6 (2):179-198.
    Political judgment is notoriously hard to theorise, and in the recent debates surrounding Habermas's discourse ethics we encounter classic disagreements around the nature, operation and validity of such judgments. This paper evaluates Habermas's account of political judgment and explores the problems raised by his critics. It then focuses on the contentious role played by universals within his account. What emerges is a reformulated theory of judgment based on the thin universalism of fair deliberation, and a description of a sub-set of (...)
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  8. Democratic Autonomy, Political Ethics, and Moral Luck.P. Breiner - 1989 - Political Theory 17 (4):550-574.
  9. The Right to a Competent Electorate.Jason Brennan - 2011 - Philosophical Quarterly 61 (245):700-724.
    The practice of unrestricted universal suffrage is unjust. Citizens have a right that any political power held over them should be exercised by competent people in a competent way. Universal suffrage violates this right. To satisfy this right, universal suffrage in most cases must be replaced by a moderate epistocracy, in which suffrage is restricted to citizens of sufficient political competence. Epistocracy itself seems to fall foul of the qualified acceptability requirement, that political power must be distributed in ways against (...)
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  10. Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory.Thom Brooks - 2006 - Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  11. Review of Schlesinger, War and the American Presidency. [REVIEW]H. G. Callaway - 2008 - Reason Papers 2008 (No. 30):121-128.
    This is a expository and critical review of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. 's last book, War and the American Presidency. The book collects and focuses recent writings of Arthur Schlesinger on the themes of its title. In its short Foreword and seven concise essays, the book aims to explore, in some contrast with the genre of “instant history,” the relationship between President George W. Bush’s Iraq adventure and the national past. This aim and the present work are deserving of wide attention, (...)
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  12. The Constitution of Equality: Democratic Authority and Its Limits.Tom Campbell - 2011 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 89 (1):169-171.
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  13. Political Justification Through Democratic Participation.Emanuela Ceva - 2015 - Social Theory and Practice 41 (1):26-50.
    On a proceduralist account of democracy, collective decisions derive their jus- tification—at least in part—from the qualities of the process through which they have been made. To fulfill its justificatory function, this process should ensure that citizens have an equal right to political participation as a respectful response to their equal status as agents capable of self-legislation. How should democratic participation be understood if it is to offer such a procedural justification for democratic decisions? I suggest that, in order to (...)
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  14. Beyond Legitimacy. Can Proceduralism Say Anything Relevant About Justice?Emanuela Ceva - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):183-200.
    Whilst legitimacy is often thought to concern the processes through which coercive decisions are made in society, justice has been standardly viewed as a ‘substantial’ matter concerning the moral justification of the terms of social cooperation. Accordingly, theorization about procedures may seem appropriate for the former but not for the latter. To defend proceduralism as a relevant approach to justice, I distinguish three questions: (1) Who is entitled to exercise coercive power? (2) On what terms should the participants to a (...)
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  15. Liberal Democratic Institutions and the Damages of Political Corruption.Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):126-145.
    This article contributes to the debate concerning the identification of politically relevant cases of corruption in a democracy by sketching the basic traits of an original liberal theory of institutional corruption. We define this form of corruption as a deviation with respect to the role entrusted to people occupying certain institutional positions, which are crucial for the implementation of public rules, for private gain. In order to illustrate the damages that corrupt behaviour makes to liberal democratic institutions, we discuss the (...)
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  16. Rational Choice and Democratic Deliberation: A Theory of Discourse Failure, by Guido Pincione and Fernando R. Tesón, 2006, XI + 258 Pages. [REVIEW]Zsuzsanna Chappell - 2008 - Economics and Philosophy 24 (1):105-111.
  17. Debate: Estlund on Democratic Authority.Thomas Christiano - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (2):228-240.
  18. The Constitution of Equality: Democratic Authority and its Limits.Thomas Christiano - 2008 - Oxford University Press.
    Today the question of the moral foundations of democracy is more important then ever. In this book the author helps to explain when and why democracy is important and also gives us guidance as to how democracies ought to be shaped.
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  19. Debate: Democracy's Authority: Reply to Wall.Thomas Christiano - 2006 - Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (1):101–110.
  20. Reasonable Acceptability and Democratic Legitimacy: Estlund’s Qualified Acceptability Requirement.David Copp - 2011 - Ethics 121 (2):239-269.
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  21. Review: Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. [REVIEW]Fred D'Agostino - 2003 - Mind 112 (447):499-502.
  22. Truth, Inquiry and Democratic Authority in the Climate Debate.Phillip Deen - 2014 - Public Affairs Quarterly 28 (4):375-394.
    Recent attempts to legislate climate science out of existence raises the question of whether citizens are obliged to obey such laws. The authority of democratic law is rooted in both truth and popular consent, but neither is sufficient and they may conflict. These are reconciled in theory and, more importantly, in practice once we incorporate insights from the pragmatist theory of inquiry.
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  23. The Public and its Problems.John Dewey - 1927 - Swallow Press.
    In The Public and Its Problems, a classic of social and political philosophy, John Dewey exhibits his strong faith in the potential of human intelligence to solve the public's problems. In his characteristic provocative style, Dewey clarifies the meaning and implications of such concepts as "the public," "the state," "government," and "political democracy." He distinguishes his a posterior reasoning from a priori reasoning, which, he argues permeates less meaningful discussion of basic concepts. Dewey repeatedly demonstrates the interrelationships between fact and (...)
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  24. Moral Expertise and Democratic Legitimacy.Frank Dietrich - 2012 - Analyse & Kritik 34 (2):275-284.
    In modern democracies, moral experts play an increasingly important role in law-making. Apart from the question of which competences characterize moral experts, their influence on the legitimacy of democratic procedures must be discussed. On the one hand, the contribution of moral experts promises to improve the quality of decision-making. On the other hand, however, moral experts cannot claim to represent the will of the people. In this essay, at first a concept of the moral expert will be sketched which does (...)
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  25. Democratic Authorization and Civilian Immunity.Ned Dobos - 2007 - Philosophical Forum 38 (1):81–88.
  26. Democracy, Race, and Authority; or, Rescuing Democratic Authority From Global Oppression.T. J. Donahue - unknown
  27. The sins of the nation and the ritual of apologies de Danielle Celermajer.César Schirmer Dos Santos - 2010 - Filosofia Unisinos 11 (3):340-342.
  28. Contestation internationale contre élites mondiales : l’action directe et la politique délibérative sont-elles conciliables ?Francis Dupuis-Déri - 2012 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 7 (1):50-75.
    Dans cet article, j’analyse à la lumière des normes libérales de la politique délibérative le bien-fondé de l’action directe contre les institutions internationales associées au néolibéralisme et à la mondialisation du capitalisme (Banque mondiale, Organisation mondiale du commerce, etc.). Le processus délibératif de ces organismes étant illégitime du point de vue de la théorie de la politique délibérative, les activistes du mouvement altermondialiste sont en droit de contester ces organismes. De plus, une attitude de contestation peut avoir en elle-même une (...)
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  29. On Estlund's Democratic Authority.David Enoch - unknown
    For a state to be legitimate is for it to be permissible for the state to issue and enforce its commands (mostly laws), and for this to be permissible “owing to the process by which they were produced” (2).1 For a state to have authority is for it to have the power to morally require or forbid actions through commands, or the power to create duties (2).2 It seems that a state’s being democratic—in somewhat like the way in which the (...)
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  30. Human Rights and Democracy: Discourse Theory and Human Rights Institutions.Eva Erman - 2005 - Ashgate.
    This volume explores the relationship between human rights and democracy within both the theoretical and empirical field.
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  31. Reasonable Acceptability and Democratic Legitimacy: Estlund's Qualified Acceptability Requirement On Seeking the Truth (Whatever That Is) Through Democracy: Estlund's Case for the Qualified Epistemic Claim Estlund's Promising Account of Democratic Authority Consent and Its Cousins Reply.David Estlund - 2011 - Ethics 121 (2):354-389.
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  32. Democratic Theory.David Estlund - 2005 - In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press. pp. 208--30.
  33. Democratic Authority: A Philosophical Framework.David M. Estlund - 2008 - Princeton University Press.
    Democracy is not naturally plausible. Why turn such important matters over to masses of people who have no expertise? Many theories of democracy answer by appealing to the intrinsic value of democratic procedure, leaving aside whether it makes good decisions. In Democratic Authority, David Estlund offers a groundbreaking alternative based on the idea that democratic authority and legitimacy must depend partly on democracy's tendency to make good decisions.Just as with verdicts in jury trials, Estlund argues, the authority and legitimacy of (...)
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  34. The State: Spinoza's Institutional Turn.Sandra Field - 2015 - In Andre Santos Campos (ed.), Spinoza: Basic Concepts. Imprint Academic. pp. 142-154.
    The concept of imperium is central to Spinoza's political philosophy. Imperium denotes authority to rule, or sovereignty. By extension, it also denotes the political order structured by that sovereignty, or in other words, the state. Spinoza argues that reason recommends that we live in a state, and indeed, humans are hardly ever outside a state. But what is the source and scope of the sovereignty under which we live? In some sense, it is linked to popular power, but how precisely, (...)
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  35. Post-Anarchism: A Reader. [REVIEW]Joshua Finnell - 2012 - Journal for the Study of Radicalism 6 (1).
  36. Authority and the Common Good in Democratic Governance.William A. Frank - 2007 - Review of Metaphysics 60 (4):813-832.
  37. Immigration Vs Democracy.James Franklin - 2002 - IPA Review 54 (2):29.
    Democracy has difficulties with the rights on non-voters (children, the mentally ill, foreigners etc). Democratic leaders have sometimes acted ethically, contrary to the wishes of voters, e.g. in accepting refugees as immigrants.
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  38. Authority and Democracy. [REVIEW]Timothy Fuller - 1980 - Political Theory 8 (2):250-252.
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  39. A Bourdieusian Study of the Use of Media by Chinese Public Intellectuals.Jason Gao - 2012 - Journal for Communication and Culture 2 (2):176-192.
    This paper studies the media phenomenon of “public intellectual” in China and tries to show it entails not only the result of the intervention of mass production of cultural field by the small scale production of intellectual field, but also the necessity of acquiring symbolic capital on behalf of the dominant class of the political-economic field. The engagements of Chinese public intellectuals are socially divided rather than publicly oriented, and the media field under the domination of the political-economic field working (...)
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  40. Del procedimentalismo al experimentalismo. Una concepción pragmatista de la legitimidad política.Luis Leandro García Valiña - forthcoming - Buenos Aires:
    La tesis central de este trabajo es que la tradicional tensión entre substancia y procedimiento socava las estabilidad de la justificación de la concepción liberal más extendida de la legitimidad (la Democracia Deliberativa). Dicha concepciones enfrentan problemas serios a la hora de articular de manera consistente dos dimensiones que parecen ir naturalmente asociadas a la idea de legitimidad: la dimensión procedimental, vinculada a la equidad del procedimiento, y la dimensión epistémica, asociada a la corrección de los resultados. En este trabajo (...)
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  41. On Seeking the Truth Through Democracy: Estlund’s Case for the Qualified Epistemic Claim.Gerald Gaus - 2011 - Ethics 121 (2):270-300.
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  42. Nature and Convention in the Democratic State.A. Boyce Gibson - 1951 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):1 – 20.
  43. Two Concepts of Democracy.Holly Smith Goldman - 1981 - In Norman Bowie (ed.), Ethical Issues in Government. Temple University Press.
  44. Institutional Corruption and the Rule of Law.Paul Gowder - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):84-102.
    The literature contains two concepts of corruption which are often confused with one another: corruption as twisted character (pollution), and corruption as disloyalty. It also contains two sites for corruption: the corruption of individuals, and the corruption of entire institutions such as a state or a legislature.This paper first draws a clear distinction between the pollution and disloyalty concepts of corruption in the individual context, and then defends a conception of disloyalty corruption according to which the distinguishing feature is an (...)
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  45. Democracy, Political Power, and Authority.Mark Haugaard - 2010 - Social Research: An International Quarterly 77 (4):1049-1074.
    This article explores the conditions of possibility for democracy through the analysis of power and authority. Political power, as distinct from coercion, is the key to democracy, as a set of institutions for managing conflict. These institutions presuppose authority, which constitutes a performative act that is validated relative to local perceptions of reasonableness. Democratic power constitutes a nonzero-sum institutionalization of conflict reproduced through the structuring of authority relative to certain principles that allow for repeat play, including equality, impartiality and separation (...)
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  46. Voting in Search of the Public Good: The Probabilistic Logic of Majority Judgments.James Hawthorne - manuscript
    I argue for an epistemic conception of voting, a conception on which the purpose of the ballot is at least in some cases to identify which of several policy proposals will best promote the public good. To support this view I first briefly investigate several notions of the kind of public good that public policy should promote. Then I examine the probability logic of voting as embodied in two very robust versions of the Condorcet Jury Theorem and some related results. (...)
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  47. Two Epistemic Accounts of Democratic Legitimacy.David Hershenov - manuscript
    Offered are two epistemic accounts of deliberative democracy which suggest the reasonable minority has epistemically sound reasons to willingly follow a reasonable majority position. One of these accounts suggests that the truth will be on the side of an overwhelming rational majority. This is because it is less likely that there is a widespread cognitive failure that “contaminates” the moral intuitions of rational majority than a rational minority. The second account suggests that where there is a rational disagreement, instead of (...)
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  48. On Leslie Macfarlane’s “Justifying Political Disobedience”.Graham Hubbs - 2015 - Ethics 125 (4):1148-1150.
    There is no consensus on the legitimacy of Chelsea Manning’s and Edward Snowden’s secret-revealing activities. Some see them as courageous acts of whistleblowing; to others they seem wanton acts of self-aggrandizement; still others find them traitorous acts of defiance. We can gain some clarity on these cases, I believe, if we consider them against the backdrop of Leslie Macfarlane’s “Justifying Political Disobedience.” After characterizing political disobedience, Macfarlane analyzes the possible justifiability of a politically disobedient act in terms of the act’s (...)
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  49. Transparency, Corruption, and Democratic Institutions.Graham Hubbs - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):65-83.
    This essay examines some of the institutional arrangements that underlie corruption in democracy. It begins with a discussion of institutions as such, elaborating and extending some of John Searle’s remarks on the topic. It then turns to an examination of specifically democratic institutions; it draws here on Joshua Cohen’s recent Rousseau: A Free Community of Equals. One of the central concerns of Cohen’s Rousseau is how to arrange civic institutions so that they are able to perform their public functions without (...)
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  50. Limited Epistocracy and Political Inclusion.Anne Jeffrey - forthcoming - Episteme.
    In this paper I defend a form of epistocracy I call limited epistocracy— rule by institutions housing expertise in non-political areas that become politically relevant. This kind of limited epistocracy, I argue, isn’t a far-off fiction. With increasing frequency, governments are outsourcing political power to expert institutions to solve urgent, multidimensional problems because they outperform ordinary democratic decision-making. I consider the objection that limited epistocracy, while more effective than its competitors, lacks a fundamental intrinsic value that its competitors have; namely, (...)
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