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  1. Del procedimentalismo al experimentalismo. Una concepción pragmatista de la legitimidad política.Luis Leandro García Valiña - forthcoming - Buenos Aires:
    La tesis central de este trabajo es que la tradicional tensión entre substancia y procedimiento socava las estabilidad de la justificación de la concepción liberal más extendida de la legitimidad (la Democracia Deliberativa). Dicha concepciones enfrentan problemas serios a la hora de articular de manera consistente dos dimensiones que parecen ir naturalmente asociadas a la idea de legitimidad: la dimensión procedimental, vinculada a la equidad del procedimiento, y la dimensión epistémica, asociada a la corrección de los resultados. En este trabajo (...)
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  2. Review of 'What is Political Philosophy?'. [REVIEW]Lewis D. Ross - forthcoming - Journal of Moral Philosophy.
  3. Democracy Naturalised.Walter Horn & Richard Marshall - 2021 - 3:16 8:1-12.
  4. Democratic Legitimacy and the Competence Obligation.Finlay Malcolm - 2021 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 8 (1):109-130.
    What obligations are there on voters? This paper argues that voters should make their electoral decision competently, and does so by developing on a recent proposal for democratic legitimacy. It then explores three problems arising from this ‘competency obligation’. First, how should voters be competent? I propose three conditions required for voter competence. Second, how competent should voters be? I argue that the competency required tracks the significance of the consequences of the vote. Third, if the electorate are unlikely to (...)
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  5. Reconsidering a Human Right to Democracy.Christian Barry - 2020 - Journal of Global Ethics 16 (3):305-315.
    In this brief article, I will raise some challenges to each of Pablo Gilabert’s arguments for a human right to democracy (HRD). First, I will question whether the instrumental case for affirming a HRD is as strong as Gilabert and others have suggested. I will then call into question the argument from moral risk, arguing that, for any particular country, we should not operate with a strong presumption that they should pursue further democratization as a high-priority goal. Finally, I will (...)
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  6. Why Big Protests Aren't a Good Measure of Popular Power.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - OUPBlog.
    In this article I provide a Spinozist perspective on popular power. It is written as a blog post for a popular audience, and draws on my book, Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics (OUP: 2020).
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  7. Democratic Theory Naturalized: The Foundations of Distilled Populism.Walter Horn - 2020 - Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
    "Populism" has long been a dirty word. To some, it suggests the tyranny of the mob, to others, a xenophobic nativism. It is sometimes considered conducive to (if not simply identical to) fascism. In this timely book, Walter Horn acquits populism by "distilling" it, in order to finally give the people the power to govern themselves, free from constraints imposed either by conservatives (or libertarians) on the right or liberals (or Marxists) on the left. Beginning with explanations of what it (...)
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  8. Against Anti-Democratic Shortcuts: A Few Replies to Critics.Cristina Lafont - 2020 - Journal of Deliberative Democracy 16 (2):96-109.
    In this essay, I address several questions and challenges brought about by the contributors to the special issue on my book Democracy without Shortcuts. In particular, I address some implications of my critique of deep pluralism; distinguish between three senses of ‘blind deference’: political, reflective, and informational; draw a critical parallelism between the populist conception of representation as embodiment and the conception of ‘citizen-representatives’ often ascribed to participants in deliberative minipublics; defend the democratic attractiveness of participatory uses over empowered uses (...)
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  9. Disenfranchisement and the Capacity / Equality Puzzle: Why Disenfranchise Children But Not Adults Living with Cognitive Disabilities?Attila Mráz - 2020 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 7 (2):255-279.
    In this paper, I offer a solution to the Capacity/Equality Puzzle. The puzzle holds that an account of the franchise may adequately capture at most two of the following: (1) a political equality-based account of the franchise, (2) a capacity-based account of disenfranchising children, and (3) universal adult enfranchisement. To resolve the puzzle, I provide a complex liberal egalitarian justification of a moral requirement to disenfranchise children. I show that disenfranchising children is permitted by both the proper political liberal and (...)
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  10. Самоубийство демократией некролог Америки и мира (2019).Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In ДОБРО ПОЖАЛОВАТЬ В АД НА НАШЕМ МИРЕ : Дети, Изменение климата, Биткойн, Картели, Китай, Демократия, Разнообразие, Диссигеника, Равенство, Хакеры, Права человека, Ислам, Либерализм, Процветание, Сеть, Хаос, Голод, Болезнь, Насилие, Искусственный интелле. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 302-356.
    Америка и мир находятся в процессе краха от чрезмерного роста населения, большинство из них за последнее столетие, и теперь все это, из-за третьего мира людей. Потребление ресурсов и добавление еще 4 миллиардов, около 2100 года, обрушит индустриальную цивилизацию и приведет к голоду, болезням, насилию и войне в ошеломляющих масштабах. Земля теряет по крайней мере 1% своего верхнего слоя почвы каждый год, так как она приближается к 2100, большая часть его потенциала выращивания продуктов питания исчезнет. Миллиарды погибнут, и ядерная война почти (...)
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  11. Process Democracy.Kevin Vallier - 2020 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 17 (6):633-657.
    Democratic theorists have proposed a number of competing justifications for democratic order, but no theory has achieved a consensus. While expecting consensus may be unrealistic, I nonetheless contend that we can make progress in justifying democratic order by applying competing democratic theories to different stages of the democratic process. In particular, I argue that the selection of political officials should be governed in accord with aggregative democracy. This process should prize widespread participation, political equality, and proper preference aggregation. I then (...)
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  12. A Case for Global Democracy? Arms Exports and Conflicting Goals in Democracy Promotion.Pavel Dufek & Michal Mochťak - 2019 - Journal of International Relations and Development 22 (3):610–639.
    Employing the framework of conflicting goals in democracy promotion as departure point, the paper addresses the issue of arms exports to non-democratic countries as an important research topic which points to a reconsideration of certain fundamental conceptual and normative commitments underpinning democracy promotion. Empirically, we remind of the lingering hypocrisy of Western arms exporters, knowing that exports to non-democratic countries often hinder or block democratisation. This is not easily circumvented, because of the many conflicting objectives both internal and external to (...)
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  13. Sovereignty and the New Executive Authority.Claire Oakes Finkelstein & Michael Skerker (eds.) - 2019 - Oxford University Press.
  14. Délibérer entre égaux. Enquête sur l'idéal démocratique.Charles Girard - 2019 - Paris: Vrin.
    L’idéal démocratique est accusé d’être irréaliste. Le gouvernement du peuple par le peuple et pour le peuple serait une chimère dans les sociétés contemporaines. Il faudrait lui préférer les visées plus modestes associées à l’élection : un droit de vote égal et la satisfaction du plus grand nombre. La démocratie ne se laisse pourtant pas réduire à la compétition électorale. Les acteurs et les institutions politiques qui s’en réclament invoquent non seulement un marché, où rivalisent des intérêts privés, mais un (...)
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  15. La Sagesse de la Multitude.Charles Girard - 2019 - Journal of Ancient Philosophy (1):348-369.
    L’objection la plus ancienne et la plus redoutable à la démocratie fait valoir que le gouvernement par le peuple dessert le gouvernement pour le peuple. Les citoyens manquant pour la plupart de sagesse ou de compétence, le bien commun serait mieux assuré en confiant le pouvoir à un individu éclairé ou à une élite experte. Une réponse commune à cette objection concède la prémisse mais affirme la priorité au gouvernement par le peuple sur le gouvernement pour le peuple : le (...)
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  16. What Role for the State? (And a Comment on the Common Good).Matthew J. Lister - 2019 - Australasian Journal of Legal Philosophy 44 (1):124-132.
    In his _Natural Law and the Nature of Law_, Jonathan Crowe has written an important and interesting book, one that should be read by people interested in jurisprudence, ethics, and political philosophy. Its distinctive strength is in the way Crowe shows how much can be done within a natural law framework that does not assume a theological background. A distinctive feature of Crowe's approach to natural law, one that distinguishes it from other well-known approaches, is its argument that only a (...)
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  17. The Demos and its Critics.Aaron Maltais, Jonas Hultin Rosenberg & Ludvig Beckman - 2019 - The Review of Politics 81 (3):435-457.
    The “demos paradox” is the idea that the composition of a demos could never secure democratic legitimacy because the composition of a demos cannot itself be democratically decided. Those who view this problem as unsolvable argue that this insight allows them to adopt a critical perspective towards common ideas about who has legitimate standing to participate in democratic decision-making. We argue that the opposite is true and that endorsing the demos paradox actually undermines our ability to critically engage with common (...)
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  18. Introduction.Axel Mueller - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (9-10):961-980.
    This introduction presents the articles contained in this special issue of Philosophy and Social Criticism on the topic of populism. It does so by placing them in the field of discussions that the standard conception of populism as ‘illliberal democracy’ has stimulated in many areas of the populism-research that was produced in response to the recent increase in populist governments in established constitutional democracies world-wide. Following the methodological canon of studies in the field, it presents the individual contributions roughly in (...)
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  19. Power to the People? Voter Manipulation, Legitimacy, and the Relevance of Moral Psychology for Democratic Theory.Norbert Paulo & Christoph Bublitz - 2019 - Neuroethics 12 (1):55-71.
    What should we do if climate change or global injustice require radical policy changes not supported by the majority of citizens? And what if science shows that the lacking support is largely due to shortcomings in citizens’ individual psychology such as cognitive biases that lead to temporal and geographical parochialism? Could then a plausible case for enhancing the morality of the electorate—even against their will –be made? But can a democratic government manipulate the will of the people without losing democratic (...)
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  20. Media Ethics, Free Speech, and the Requirements of Democracy.Joe Saunders & Carl Fox (eds.) - 2019 - Routledge.
    How we understand, protect, and discharge our rights and responsibilities as citizens in a democratic society committed to the principle of political equality is intimately connected to the standards and behaviour of our media in general, and our news media in particular. However, the media does not just stand between the citizenry and their leaders, or indeed between citizens and each other. The media is often the site where individuals attempt to realise some of the most fundamental democratic liberties, including (...)
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  21. Tying Legitimacy to Political Power: Graded Legitimacy Standards for International Institutions.Antoinette Scherz - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory.
    International institutions have become increasingly important not only in the relations between states, but also for individuals. When are these institutions legitimate? The legitimacy standards fo...
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  22. How the Seven Sociopaths Who Rule China Are Winning World War Three and Three Ways to Stop Them.Michael Starks - 2019 - In Suicide by Democracy-an Obituary for America and the World . Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 54-60.
    The first thing we must keep in mind is that when saying that China says this or China does that, we are not speaking of the Chinese people, but of the Sociopaths who control the CCP -- Chinese Communist Party, i.e., the Seven Senile Sociopathic Serial Killers (SSSSK) of the Standing Committee of the CCP or the 25 members of the Politburo etc.. -/- The CCP’s plans for WW3 and total domination are laid out quite clearly in Chinese govt publications (...)
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  23. Suicide by Democracy - an Obituary for America and the World 3rd Edition.Michael Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    America and the world are in the process of collapse from excessive population growth, most of it for the last century, and now all of it, due to 3rd world people. Consumption of resources and the addition of 4 billion more ca. 2100 will collapse industrial civilization and bring about starvation, disease, violence and war on a staggering scale. The earth loses at least 1% of its topsoil every year, so as it nears 2100, most of its food growing capacity (...)
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  24. Демократия, Разнообразие, Дисгения, Смерть: неумолимый крах современных обществ.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    Америка и мир находятся в процессе краха от чрезмерного роста населения, большинство из них за последнее столетие, и теперь все это, из-за третьего мира людей. Потребление ресурсов и добавление еще 4 миллиардов, около 2100 года, обрушит индустриальную цивилизацию и приведет к голоду, болезням, насилию и войне в ошеломляющих масштабах. Земля теряет по крайней мере 1% своего верхнего слоя почвы каждый год, так как она приближается к 2100, большая часть его потенциала выращивания продуктов питания исчезнет. Миллиарды погибнут, и ядерная война почти (...)
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  25. Como os sete sociopatas que governam China estão ganhando a guerra de mundo três e três maneiras de pará-los.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - In Delírios Utópicos Suicidas no Século XXI Filosofia, Natureza Humana e o Colapso da Civilization- Artigos e Comentários 2006-2019 5ª edição. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 333-340.
    A primeira coisa que nós devemos manter na mente é que ao dizer que China diz isto ou China faz aquele, nós não estamos falando do povo chinês, mas dos sociopatas que controlam de CCP (partido comunista chinês, isto é, os sete assassinos seriais sociopata Senile (SSSSK) do Comitê ereto do CCP ou dos 25 membros do Politburo. Eu assisti recentemente alguns programas típicos esquerdistas de notícias falsas (praticamente o único tipo pode encontrar na mídia, ou seja, quase tudo agora-ou (...)
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  26. 民主主義によるスイシドe アメリカと世界のための追悼.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    アメリカと世界は、過去1世紀の人口増加の大部分から崩壊し、今では第3位の世界の人々が原因で崩壊しています。資源の消費と30億人以上のca.2100の追加は、産業文明を崩壊させ、驚異的な規模で飢餓、病気 、暴力、戦争をもたらすでしょう。地球は毎年表土の少なくとも1%を失うので、2100に近づくにつれて、食料の栽培能力のほとんどは失われます。何十億人もの人々が死んでしまい、核戦争は確実です。アメリカでは 、大規模な移民と移民の再生によって、民主主義によって可能になった虐待と組み合わせることで、これは大幅に加速されています。堕落した人間性は、民主主義と多様性の夢を犯罪と貧困の悪夢に変える。中国は利己主義 を制限する独裁政権を維持する限り、アメリカと世界を圧倒し続けるだろう。崩壊の根本的な原因は、私たちの生来の心理学が現代の世界に適応できないことであり、人々は、彼らが共通の利益を持っているかのように無関 係な人を扱うように導きます。人権の考え方は、無制限の第三世界の母性によって地球の無慈悲な破壊から注意を引くために左翼によって促進された邪悪なファンタジーです。これは、基礎生物学と心理学の無知に加えて、 民主主義社会を支配する部分的に教育を受けた人々の社会工学の妄想につながります。一人の人が他人に危害を加えるのを助ければ、無料の昼食はなく、誰もが消費するすべてのアイテムが修理を超えて地球を破壊すること を理解している人はほとんどいません。その結果、どこでも社会政策は持続不可能であり、利己主義に対する厳格な統制なしにすべての社会が一つ一つ無秩序または独裁に崩壊するだろう。最も基本的な事実は、ほとんど言 及されていないが、貧困から貧しい人々のかなりの割合を持ち上げ、そこにそれらを維持するために、アメリカや世界に十分な資源が存在しないことです。これを行おうとする試みは、アメリカを破産させ、世界を破壊して いる。地球の食糧生産能力は、私たちの遺伝的品質と同様に、毎日減少します。そして今、いつものように、貧しい人々の最大の敵は、他の貧しい人々であり、金持ちではない。劇的かつ即時の変化がなければ、アメリカの 崩壊を防ぐ望みはないし、民主主義システムに従う国も存在しない。.
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  27. Institutional Legitimacy.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy:84-102.
    Political legitimacy is best understood as one type of a broader notion, which I call institutional legitimacy. An institution is legitimate in my sense when it has the right to function. The right to function correlates to a duty of non-interference. Understanding legitimacy in this way favorably contrasts with legitimacy understood in the traditional way, as the right to rule correlating to a duty of obedience. It helps unify our discourses of legitimacy across a wider range of practices, especially including (...)
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  28. Electoral Politics and Democracy in Africa: A Critical Review of Lindberg’s Thesis.Christopher Appiah-Thompson - 2018 - Sage 21 (1):85-94.
    This article critically reviews, assesses and refines Lindberg’s theoretical proposition that African states will become more democratic if they simply keep holding elections, irrespective of the degree of ‘freeness and fairness of the elections’, by using new empirical evidence from Ghana. Specifically, it highlights three fundamental challenges to Lindberg’s thesis on theoretical, methodological and empirical grounds. To achieve the objectives of this article, first, a systematic and logical approach will be employed to assess the theoretical and methodological justifications underpinning Lindberg’s (...)
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  29. The Purest Form of Communicative Power. A Reinterpretation of the Key to the Legitimacy of Norms in Habermas's Model of Democracy.María Emilia Barreyro - 2018 - Constellations 25 (3):459-473.
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  30. Democracy and the Death of Shame: Political Equality and Social Disturbance.Ross Carroll - 2018 - Contemporary Political Theory 17 (S3):160-163.
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  31. On Political Instrumentalism and the Justification of Democracy: Reply to Viehoff.Joel K. Q. Chow - 2018 - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 118 (3):387-397.
  32. Authority, Legitimacy, and the Obligation to Obey the Law.Richard Dagger - 2018 - Legal Theory 24 (2):77-102.
    ABSTRACTAccording to the standard or traditional account, those who hold political authority legitimately have a right to rule that entails an obligation of obedience on the part of those who are subject to their authority. In recent decades, however, and in part in response to philosophical anarchism, a number of philosophers have challenged the standard account by reconceiving authority in ways that break or weaken the connection between political authority and obligation. This paper argues against these revisionist accounts in two (...)
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  33. Democracy as Intellectual Taste? Pluralism in Democratic Theory.Pavel Dufek - 2018 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 30 (3-4):219-255.
    The normative and metanormative pluralism that figures among core self-descriptions of democratic theory, which seems incompatible with democratic theorists’ practical ambitions, may stem from the internal logic of research traditions in the social sciences and humanities and in the conceptual structure of political theory itself. One way to deal productively with intradisciplinary diversity is to appeal to the idea of a meta-consensus; another is to appeal to the argument from cognitive diversity that fuels recent debates on epistemic democracy. For different (...)
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  34. Normativism and Realism Within Contemporary Democratic Constitutionalism.Valerio Fabbrizi - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (6):1-21.
    The renewed interest on political realism can offer a new reading of the traditional dichotomy between normative and realist conception of constitutionalism. The purpose of this article is to analyse this renewed discussion, especially by focusing on the relationship between “political realism” and “political constitutionalism,” in the light of some theorists and authors—such as Richard Bellamy and Jeremy Waldron. After a brief introduction in which political realism will be discussed, especially through Bernard Williams’ reinterpretation, the article proposes a rereading of (...)
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  35. Le démocrate doit-il renoncer à la vérité? Sur le procéduralisme épistémique de David Estlund.Charles Girard - 2018 - Diogène 1 (261-262):34.
    Abstact : This article provides a critical examination of David Estlund’s epistemic proceduralism. Epistemic proceduralism suggests a promising way to justify democracy without renouncing the pursuit of truth. By making the legitimacy and authority of democratic institutions dependent on their general tendency to produce good decisions, rather than on the correctness of their results or on their mere procedural fairness, it shows that they can to be connected to substantial standards, such as justice, without ignoring the persistence of moral disagreements. (...)
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  36. Republicanism, Deliberative Democracy, and Equality of Access and Deliberation.Donald Bello Hutt - 2018 - Theoria 84 (1):83-111.
    The article elaborates an original intertwined reading of republican theory, deliberative democracy and political equality. It argues that republicans, deliberative democrats and egalitarian scholars have not paid sufficient attention to a number of features present in these bodies of scholarships that relate them in mutually beneficial ways. It shows that republicanism and deliberative democracy are related in mutually beneficial ways, it makes those relations explicit, and it deals with potential objections against them. Additionally, it elaborates an egalitarian principle underpinning the (...)
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  37. Conocimiento y justificación en la epistemología democrática.Marc Jiménez Rolland - 2018 - In Mario Gensollen & Anna Estany (eds.), Democracia y conocimiento. Aguascalientes, México; Barcelona, España: Univerisdad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, IMAC. pp. 153-182.
    Una de las bifurcaciones en el debate contemporáneo sobre la legitimidad de la democracia explora si ésta ofrece ventajas distintivamente epistémicas frente a otras alternativas políticas. Quienes defienden la tesis de la democracia epistémica afirman que la democracia es instrumentalmente superior o equiparable a otras formas de organización política en lo que concierne a la obtención de varios bienes epistémicos. En este ensayo presento dos (grupos de) argumentos a favor de la democracia epistémica, que se inspiran en resultados formales: el (...)
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  38. A Conceptual Investigation of Justice.Kyle Johannsen - 2018 - New York, USA: Routledge.
    Conceptual analysis has fallen out of favor in political philosophy. The influence of figures like John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin has led political philosophy to focus on questions about what should be done, and to ignore questions about the usage of words. As a result, contemporary political philosophy lacks a shared understanding of the concept of justice, and a considerable amount of disagreement between political philosophers is, upon reflection, traceable to this. In my book, I call for renewed attention to (...)
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  39. Дональд Трамп: фашизм у добу метамодерну.Vlad Levytskyi - 2018 - NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 1:42-45.
    Статтю присвячено чинному президенту Сполучених Штатів Америки Дональду Трампу. Здійснено спробу показати елементи тоталітарного дискурсу у його публічній політичній діяльності і проаналізувати правомірність прямих порівнянь із вождями тоталітарних режимів XX ст., зокрема з Гітлером. Показано тло політичної та культурної історії Америки, на якому стала можливою перемога Дональда Трампа, відзначено ключові моменти, найбільш важливі для розуміння поточної ситуації. Приділено увагу основній виборчій базі та соціальним медіа, а також запропоновано перспективу для боротьби проти тоталітарних тенденцій.
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  40. Ends and Means of Transitional Justice.Thaddeus Metz - 2018 - Journal of Global Ethics 14 (2):158-169.
    With her new book, The Conceptual Foundations of Transitional Justice, Colleen Murphy has advanced novel, comprehensive and sophisticated philosophical accounts of both what severely conflict-ridden societies should be aiming for and how they should pursue it. Ultimately grounded on a prizing of rational agency, Murphy maintains that these societies, roughly, ought to strive for a stable and legitimate democratic polity committed to not repeating gross historical injustice and do so in ways that do right by victims. In this article, I (...)
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  41. Plural Voting for the Twenty-First Century.Thomas Mulligan - 2018 - Philosophical Quarterly 68 (271):286-306.
    Recent political developments cast doubt on the wisdom of democratic decision-making. Brexit, the Colombian people's (initial) rejection of peace with the FARC, and the election of Donald Trump suggest that the time is right to explore alternatives to democracy. In this essay, I describe and defend the epistocratic system of government which is, given current theoretical and empirical knowledge, most likely to produce optimal political outcomes—or at least better outcomes than democracy produces. To wit, we should expand the suffrage as (...)
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  42. Democracias. Participación, deliberación y movimientos sociales [traducción].Donatella Della Porta & Facundo Bey - 2018 - Buenos Aires, CABA, Argentina: Prometeo Libros.
    Existe una impresionante paradoja en la era contemporánea: de África a Europa del Este, de Asia a América Latina, cada vez más naciones adhieren a la idea de la democracia; pero lo hacen justo en el momento en que la eficacia misma de la democracia como forma de organización a nivel nacional es puesta en tela de juicio de manera manifiesta. Mientras que importantes áreas de la actividad humana son organizadas progresivamente a nivel (macro) regional o global, el destino de (...)
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  43. Following the Law Because It’s the Law: Obedience, Bootstrapping, and Practical Reason.Paul Schofield - 2018 - Philosophical Explorations 21 (3):400-411.
    Voluntarists in the early modern period speak of an agent’s following the law because she was ordered to do so or because it’s the law. Contemporary philosophers tend either to ignore or to dismiss the possibility of justified obedience of this sort – that is, they ignore or dismiss the possibility that something’s being the law could in itself constitute a good reason to act. In this paper, I suggest that this view isn’t taken seriously because of certain widespread beliefs (...)
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  44. The Power of Public Positions: Official Roles in Kantian Legitimacy.Thomas Sinclair - 2018 - In David Sobel, Steven Wall & Peter Vallentyne (eds.), Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy, volume 4. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    The Kantian account of political authority holds that the state is a necessary and sufficient condition of our freedom. We cannot be free outside the state, Kantians argue, because any attempt to have the ‘acquired rights’ necessary for our freedom implicates us in objectionable relations of dependence on private judgment. Only in the state can this problem be overcome. But it is not clear how mere institutions could make the necessary difference, and contemporary Kantians have not offered compelling explanations. I (...)
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  45. Democracy and Goodness: A Historicist Political Theory.John R. Wallach - 2018 - Cambridge University Press.
    Citizens, political leaders, and scholars invoke the term 'democracy' to describe present-day states without grasping its roots or prospects in theory or practice. This book clarifies the political discourse about democracy by identifying that its primary focus is human activity, not consent. It points out how democracy is neither self-legitimating nor self-justifying and so requires critical, ethical discourse to address its ongoing problems, such as inequality and exclusion. Wallach pinpoints how democracy has historically depended on notions of goodness to ratify (...)
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  46. Founding Acts: Constitutional Origins in a Democratic Age by Serdar Tekin. [REVIEW]Christopher Zurn - 2018 - The Review of Politics 80 (1):164-167.
  47. Participation, Legitimacy, and the Epistemic Dimension of Deliberative Democracy.Jeremy Butler - 2017 - Social Philosophy Today 33:55-72.
    The aim of this paper is to elucidate a significant epistemic dimension of deliberative democracy. I argue that the role of citizens’ political judgments in deliberative democratic theory commits deliberative democracy to a view of deliberation as an essentially epistemic enterprise, one aimed at identifying correct answers to questions of political morality. This epistemic reading stands in contrast to prevailing views of deliberative democracy that tend to hold that the normatively significant function of deliberation is merely to legitimate democratic decisions, (...)
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  48. Die Grenzen der Demokratie.Annette Förster & Matthias Lemke (eds.) - 2017 - Wiesbaden: Springer.
  49. Tolerating Hate in the Name of Democracy.Amanda Greene & Robert Mark Simpson - 2017 - Modern Law Review 80 (4):746-65.
    This article offers a comprehensive and critical analysis of Eric Heinze’s book Hate Speech and Democratic Citizenship (Oxford University Press, 2016). Heinze’s project is to formulate and defend a more theoretically complex version of the idea (also defended by people like Ronald Dworkin and James Weinstein) that general legal prohibitions on hate speech in public discourse compromises the state’s democratic legitimacy. We offer a detailed synopsis of Heinze’s view, highlighting some of its distinctive qualities and strengths. We then develop a (...)
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  50. What Is Democratic in an Unequal Society?Democracy Against Domination, by RahmanK. Sabeel. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016.Why Democracy Is Oppositional, by MedearisJohn. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 2015. [REVIEW]Jeff Jackson - 2017 - Political Theory 45 (6):853-862.
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