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  1. Democratic Legitimacy and the 2000 Election.S. A. - 2002 - Law and Philosophy 21 (2):197-220.
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  2. Epistemic Theories of Democracy, Constitutionalism and the Procedural Legitimacy of Fundamental Rights.Yann Allard-Tremblay - 2012 - Dissertation, University of St Andrews
    The overall aim of this thesis is to assess the legitimacy of constitutional laws and bills of rights within the framework of procedural epistemic democracy. The thesis is divided into three sections. In the first section, I discuss the relevance of an epistemic argument for democracy under the circumstances of politics: I provide an account of reasonable disagreement and explain how usual approaches to the authority of decision-making procedures fail to take it seriously. In the second part of the thesis, (...)
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  3. An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: David Estlund's Democratic Authority.Elizabeth Anderson - 2008 - Episteme 5 (1):pp. 129-139.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund 2008 presents a major new defense of democracy, called epistemic proceduralism. The theory claims that democracy exercises legitimate authority in virtue of possessing a modest epistemic power: its decisions are the product of procedures that tend to produce just laws at a better than chance rate, and better than any other type of government that is justifiable within the terms of public reason. The balance Estlund strikes between epistemic and non-epistemic justifications of democracy is open (...)
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  4. The Supposed Right to a Democratic Say.Richard J. Arneson - unknown
    Democratic instrumentalism is the combination of two ideas. One is instrumentalism regarding political arrangements: the form of government that ought to be instituted and sustained in a political society is the one the consequences of whose operation would be better than those of any feasible alternative. The second idea is the claim that under modern conditions democratic political institutions would be best according to the instrumentalist norm and ought to be established. “Democratic instrumentalism” is not a catchy political slogan apt (...)
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  5. Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy.Richard J. Arneson - 2003 - Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):122–132.
  6. Democracy and Gasset’s ‘The Revolt of the Masses’: An Exposition.Samuel Akpan Bassey - 2016 - OmniScience: A Multi-Disciplinary Journal 6 (2):1-8.
    Democracy simply put, is the government of “the people”. There is no doubt that the rise of “the people” is now a principal political force in our contemporary world. Though democracy is largely celebrated today, Ortega y Gasset, in his book Revolt of the Masses thinks that it is an unfortunate incident. For him, the masses, regrettably, are vulgar. The masses are drunken by the possibilities that contemporary science has made feasible on one hand. Then again, their obscenity keeps them (...)
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  7. Rights, Republicanism and Democracy.Richard Bellamy - 2013 - In Andreas Niederberger & Philipp Schink (eds.), Republican Democracy: Liberty, Law and Politics. Edinburgh University Press.
    This chapter examines the role of law and rights for democracy in the context of republicanism. It considers the neo-republican defense of judicial review and its attempt to secure individual rights, along with the ‘adjudication’ of political and social conflicts in courts, civic equality and the political struggle among citizens as an essential component of republican democracy. It highlights the link between the very nature of a rights claim and a democratic process that ensures political equality and relates this democratic (...)
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  8. Rights as Democracy.Richard Bellamy - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (4):449-471.
    Like many rights theorists, Peter Jones regards rights as lying outside politics and providing constraints upon it. However, he also concedes that rights are matters of reasonable disagreement and that, as a matter of fairness, disputes about them ought to be resolved democratically. In this paper I develop these concessions to argue that rights require democratic justification and that this can only be provided via a real democratic process in which those involved ?hear the other side?. I relate this argument (...)
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  9. Human Rights and Democracy in a Global Context: Decoupling and Recoupling.Samantha Besson - 2011 - Ethics and Global Politics 4 (1):19-50.
    Human rights and democracy have been regarded as a mutually reinforcing couple by many political theorists to date. The internationalisation of human rights post-1945 is often said to have severed those links, however. Accounting for the legitimacy of international human rights requires exploring how human rights and democracy, once they have been decoupled or disconnected, can be recoupled or reunited across governance levels and maybe even at the same governance level albeit beyond the state. The article does so in three (...)
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  10. Citizenship and Political Judgment: Between Discourse Ethics and Phronesis.Ricardo Blaug - 2000 - Res Publica 6 (2):179-198.
    Political judgment is notoriously hard to theorise, and in the recent debates surrounding Habermas's discourse ethics we encounter classic disagreements around the nature, operation and validity of such judgments. This paper evaluates Habermas's account of political judgment and explores the problems raised by his critics. It then focuses on the contentious role played by universals within his account. What emerges is a reformulated theory of judgment based on the thin universalism of fair deliberation, and a description of a sub-set of (...)
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  11. Democratic Autonomy, Political Ethics, and Moral Luck.P. Breiner - 1989 - Political Theory 17 (4):550-574.
  12. The Right to a Competent Electorate.Jason Brennan - 2011 - Philosophical Quarterly 61 (245):700-724.
    The practice of unrestricted universal suffrage is unjust. Citizens have a right that any political power held over them should be exercised by competent people in a competent way. Universal suffrage violates this right. To satisfy this right, universal suffrage in most cases must be replaced by a moderate epistocracy, in which suffrage is restricted to citizens of sufficient political competence. Epistocracy itself seems to fall foul of the qualified acceptability requirement, that political power must be distributed in ways against (...)
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  13. Equality and Democracy.Thom Brooks - 2007 - Ethical Perspectives 14 (1):3-12.
    In a recent article, Thomas Christiano defends the intrinsic justice of democracy grounded in the principle of equal consideration of interests. Each citizen is entitled to a single vote, equal in weight to all other citizens. The problem with this picture is that all citizens must meet a threshold of minimal competence. -/- My argument is that Christiano is wrong to claim a minimum threshold of competency is fully consistent with the principle of equality. While standards of minimal competency may (...)
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  14. Ian Shapiro, The State of Democratic Theory:The State of Democratic Theory.Thom Brooks - 2006 - Ethics 116 (2):442-444.
    Book review of Ian Shapiro - "The State of Democratic Theory".
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  15. Privacy Rights and Democracy: A Contradiction in Terms?Gary Browning - 2006 - Contemporary Political Theory 5 (2):142-162.
    This article argues that people have legitimate interests in privacy that deserve legal protection on democratic principles. It describes the right to privacy as a bundle of rights of personal choice, association and expression and shows that, so described, people have legitimate political interests in privacy. These interests reflect the ways that privacy rights can supplement the protection for people's freedom and equality provided by rights of political choice, association and expression, and can help to make sure that these are, (...)
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  16. Political Legitimacy and Democracy.Allen Buchanan - 2002 - Ethics 112 (4):689-719.
  17. Participation, Legitimacy, and the Epistemic Dimension of Deliberative Democracy.Jeremy Butler - 2017 - Social Philosophy Today 33:55-72.
    The aim of this paper is to elucidate a significant epistemic dimension of deliberative democracy. I argue that the role of citizens’ political judgments in deliberative democratic theory commits deliberative democracy to a view of deliberation as an essentially epistemic enterprise, one aimed at identifying correct answers to questions of political morality. This epistemic reading stands in contrast to prevailing views of deliberative democracy that tend to hold that the normatively significant function of deliberation is merely to legitimate democratic decisions, (...)
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  18. Review of Schlesinger, War and the American Presidency. [REVIEW]H. G. Callaway - 2008 - Reason Papers 2008 (No. 30):121-128.
    This is a expository and critical review of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. 's last book, War and the American Presidency. The book collects and focuses recent writings of Arthur Schlesinger on the themes of its title. In its short Foreword and seven concise essays, the book aims to explore, in some contrast with the genre of “instant history,” the relationship between President George W. Bush’s Iraq adventure and the national past. This aim and the present work are deserving of wide attention, (...)
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  19. The Constitution of Equality: Democratic Authority and Its Limits.Tom Campbell - 2011 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 89 (1):169-171.
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  20. Democracy and the Death of Shame: Political Equality and Social Disturbance.Ross Carroll - forthcoming - Contemporary Political Theory.
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  21. Political Justification Through Democratic Participation.Emanuela Ceva - 2015 - Social Theory and Practice 41 (1):26-50.
    On a proceduralist account of democracy, collective decisions derive their jus- tification—at least in part—from the qualities of the process through which they have been made. To fulfill its justificatory function, this process should ensure that citizens have an equal right to political participation as a respectful response to their equal status as agents capable of self-legislation. How should democratic participation be understood if it is to offer such a procedural justification for democratic decisions? I suggest that, in order to (...)
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  22. Beyond Legitimacy. Can Proceduralism Say Anything Relevant About Justice?Emanuela Ceva - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):183-200.
    Whilst legitimacy is often thought to concern the processes through which coercive decisions are made in society, justice has been standardly viewed as a ‘substantial’ matter concerning the moral justification of the terms of social cooperation. Accordingly, theorization about procedures may seem appropriate for the former but not for the latter. To defend proceduralism as a relevant approach to justice, I distinguish three questions: (1) Who is entitled to exercise coercive power? (2) On what terms should the participants to a (...)
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  23. Liberal Democratic Institutions and the Damages of Political Corruption.Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):126-145.
    This article contributes to the debate concerning the identification of politically relevant cases of corruption in a democracy by sketching the basic traits of an original liberal theory of institutional corruption. We define this form of corruption as a deviation with respect to the role entrusted to people occupying certain institutional positions, which are crucial for the implementation of public rules, for private gain. In order to illustrate the damages that corrupt behaviour makes to liberal democratic institutions, we discuss the (...)
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  24. Justice, Legitimacy, and Diversity: Political Authority Between Realism and Moralism.Emanuela Ceva & Enzo Rossi (eds.) - 2012 - Routledge.
    Most contemporary political philosophers take justice—rather than legitimacy—to be the fundamental virtue of political institutions vis-à-vis the challenges of ethical diversity. Justice-driven theorists are primarily concerned with finding mutually acceptable terms to arbitrate the claims of conflicting individuals and groups. Legitimacy-driven theorists, instead, focus on the conditions under which those exercising political authority on an ethically heterogeneous polity are entitled to do so. But what difference would it make to the management of ethical diversity in liberal democratic societies if legitimacy (...)
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  25. Staging Democracy: Rethinking Political Legitimacy and The.Yuk-kit Chan - 2009 - Political Theory 37 (3):323-350.
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  26. Rational Choice and Democratic Deliberation: A Theory of Discourse Failure, by Guido Pincione and Fernando R. Tesón, 2006, XI + 258 Pages. [REVIEW]Zsuzsanna Chappell - 2008 - Economics and Philosophy 24 (1):105-111.
  27. Debate: Estlund on Democratic Authority.Thomas Christiano - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (2):228-240.
  28. The Constitution of Equality: Democratic Authority and its Limits.Thomas Christiano - 2008 - Oxford University Press.
    Today the question of the moral foundations of democracy is more important then ever. In this book the author helps to explain when and why democracy is important and also gives us guidance as to how democracies ought to be shaped.
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  29. Debate: Democracy's Authority: Reply to Wall.Thomas Christiano - 2006 - Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (1):101–110.
  30. Knowledge and Power in the Justification of Democracy.Thomas Christiano - 2001 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 79 (2):197 – 215.
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  31. Democracy and Equality.Thomas D. Christiano - 1988 - Dissertation, University of Illinois at Chicago
    The dissertation will be an argument for the intrinsic moral worth of democracy on the basis of a principle of equality. The idea that democracy can be conceived of and justified with a principle of voluntary consent is rejected. Only a particular conception of egalitarianism, equality of resources, can be used to provide an intrinsic foundation for democracy. This principle of equality serves as the basis of an argument that giving individuals an equal say in the determination of aspects of (...)
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  32. Reasonable Acceptability and Democratic Legitimacy: Estlund’s Qualified Acceptability Requirement.David Copp - 2011 - Ethics 121 (2):239-269.
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  33. Review: Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. [REVIEW]Fred D'Agostino - 2003 - Mind 112 (447):499-502.
  34. Truth, Inquiry and Democratic Authority in the Climate Debate.Phillip Deen - 2014 - Public Affairs Quarterly 28 (4):375-394.
    Recent attempts to legislate climate science out of existence raises the question of whether citizens are obliged to obey such laws. The authority of democratic law is rooted in both truth and popular consent, but neither is sufficient and they may conflict. These are reconciled in theory and, more importantly, in practice once we incorporate insights from the pragmatist theory of inquiry.
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  35. The Public and its Problems.John Dewey - 1927 - Swallow Press.
    In The Public and Its Problems, a classic of social and political philosophy, John Dewey exhibits his strong faith in the potential of human intelligence to solve the public's problems. In his characteristic provocative style, Dewey clarifies the meaning and implications of such concepts as "the public," "the state," "government," and "political democracy." He distinguishes his a posterior reasoning from a priori reasoning, which, he argues permeates less meaningful discussion of basic concepts. Dewey repeatedly demonstrates the interrelationships between fact and (...)
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  36. Moral Expertise and Democratic Legitimacy.Frank Dietrich - 2012 - Analyse & Kritik 34 (2):275-284.
    In modern democracies, moral experts play an increasingly important role in law-making. Apart from the question of which competences characterize moral experts, their influence on the legitimacy of democratic procedures must be discussed. On the one hand, the contribution of moral experts promises to improve the quality of decision-making. On the other hand, however, moral experts cannot claim to represent the will of the people. In this essay, at first a concept of the moral expert will be sketched which does (...)
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  37. Democratic Authorization and Civilian Immunity.Ned Dobos - 2007 - Philosophical Forum 38 (1):81–88.
  38. Democracy, Race, and Authority; or, Rescuing Democratic Authority From Global Oppression.T. J. Donahue - unknown
  39. The sins of the nation and the ritual of apologies de Danielle Celermajer.César Schirmer Dos Santos - 2010 - Filosofia Unisinos 11 (3):340-342.
  40. Fortress Europe or Pace-Setter? Identity and Values in an Integrating Europe.Pavel Dufek - 2009 - Czech Journal of Political Science 16 (1):44–62.
    The article represents a contribution to the discussions about the basis, motives, and goals of European integration, which were stimulated by the recent “normative turn” in EU studies. My aim in this the article is threefold: By addressing the issue of internal legitimacy of EU decision-making, I wish to show that the European Union is in need of a public “story” of European integration; however, a closer analysis suggests that there is much normative disagreement on values and principles that are (...)
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  41. Democratisation of Democracy? On the Discontinuity Between Empirical and Normative Theories of Democracy.Pavel Dufek & Jan Holzer - 2013 - Representation 49 (2):117–131.
    The paper considers the gap that exists between between normative and empirical theories of democracy. Empirical theories usually stop in their aspirations where normative theories get off the ground, that is, they take the model of liberal democracy as their normative horizont. This is a confusing situation especially with regard to the possibilities of enhancing the quality of existing liberal democracies. We argue that a simple recalibration of democracy indexes, so as to include normatively more demanding considerations, is impossible, due (...)
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  42. A Case for Global Democracy? Arms Exports and Conflicting Goals in Democracy Promotion.Pavel Dufek & Michal Mochťak - forthcoming - Journal of International Relations and Development.
    Employing the framework of conflicting goals in democracy promotion as departure point, the paper addresses the issue of arms exports to non-democratic countries as an important research topic which points to a reconsideration of certain fundamental conceptual and normative commitments underpinning democracy promotion. Empirically, we remind of the lingering hypocrisy of Western arms exporters, knowing that exports to non-democratic countries often hinder or block democratisation. This is not easily circumvented, because of the many conflicting objectives both internal and external to (...)
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  43. Contestation internationale contre élites mondiales : l’action directe et la politique délibérative sont-elles conciliables ?Francis Dupuis-Déri - 2012 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 7 (1):50-75.
    Dans cet article, j’analyse à la lumière des normes libérales de la politique délibérative le bien-fondé de l’action directe contre les institutions internationales associées au néolibéralisme et à la mondialisation du capitalisme (Banque mondiale, Organisation mondiale du commerce, etc.). Le processus délibératif de ces organismes étant illégitime du point de vue de la théorie de la politique délibérative, les activistes du mouvement altermondialiste sont en droit de contester ces organismes. De plus, une attitude de contestation peut avoir en elle-même une (...)
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  44. On Estlund's Democratic Authority.David Enoch - unknown
    For a state to be legitimate is for it to be permissible for the state to issue and enforce its commands (mostly laws), and for this to be permissible “owing to the process by which they were produced” (2).1 For a state to have authority is for it to have the power to morally require or forbid actions through commands, or the power to create duties (2).2 It seems that a state’s being democratic—in somewhat like the way in which the (...)
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  45. Human Rights and Democracy: Discourse Theory and Human Rights Institutions.Eva Erman - 2005 - London: Routledge.
    This volume explores the relationship between human rights and democracy within both the theoretical and empirical field.
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  46. Reasonable Acceptability and Democratic Legitimacy: Estlund's Qualified Acceptability Requirement On Seeking the Truth (Whatever That Is) Through Democracy: Estlund's Case for the Qualified Epistemic Claim Estlund's Promising Account of Democratic Authority Consent and Its Cousins Reply.David Estlund - 2011 - Ethics 121 (2):354-389.
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  47. Democratic Theory.David Estlund - 2005 - In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press. pp. 208--30.
  48. Democratic Authority: A Philosophical Framework.David M. Estlund - 2008 - Princeton University Press.
    Democracy is not naturally plausible. Why turn such important matters over to masses of people who have no expertise? Many theories of democracy answer by appealing to the intrinsic value of democratic procedure, leaving aside whether it makes good decisions. In Democratic Authority, David Estlund offers a groundbreaking alternative based on the idea that democratic authority and legitimacy must depend partly on democracy's tendency to make good decisions.Just as with verdicts in jury trials, Estlund argues, the authority and legitimacy of (...)
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  49. The State: Spinoza's Institutional Turn.Sandra Field - 2015 - In Andre Santos Campos (ed.), Spinoza: Basic Concepts. Imprint Academic. pp. 142-154.
    The concept of imperium is central to Spinoza's political philosophy. Imperium denotes authority to rule, or sovereignty. By extension, it also denotes the political order structured by that sovereignty, or in other words, the state. Spinoza argues that reason recommends that we live in a state, and indeed, humans are hardly ever outside a state. But what is the source and scope of the sovereignty under which we live? In some sense, it is linked to popular power, but how precisely, (...)
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  50. Post-Anarchism: A Reader. [REVIEW]Joshua Finnell - 2012 - Journal for the Study of Radicalism 6 (1).
1 — 50 / 177