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  1. Evidence for Single-Type Semantics—An Alternative To $E$/$T$-Based Dual-Type Semantics.Kristina Liefke & Markus Werning - forthcoming - Journal of Semantics.
    Partee (2009) conjectures a formal semantics for natural language (hereafter, single-type semantics) that interprets CPs and referential DPs in the same semantic type: properties of situations. Partee’s semantics contrasts with Montague semantics and its recent contenders (dubbed dual- or multi-type semantics) which assume distinct basic types for the semantic values of referential DPs (i.e. individuals) and CPs (i.e. propositions, truth-values, or sets of assignment functions). Partee’s conjecture is motivated by results in event semantics and discourse representation theory, which support the (...)
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  2. Towards a Constructional Account of High and Low Frequency Binominal Quantifiers in Spanish.Katrien Verveckken - 2012 - Cognitive Linguistics 23 (2).
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  3. Quantification and Contributing Objects to Thoughts.Michael Glanzberg - 2008 - Philosophical Perspectives 22 (1):207-231.
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  4. Definiteness and Determinacy.Elizabeth Coppock & David Beaver - 2015 - Linguistics and Philosophy 38 (5):377-435.
    This paper distinguishes between definiteness and determinacy. Definiteness is seen as a morphological category which, in English, marks a uniqueness presupposition, while determinacy consists in denoting an individual. Definite descriptions are argued to be fundamentally predicative, presupposing uniqueness but not existence, and to acquire existential import through general type-shifting operations that apply not only to definites, but also indefinites and possessives. Through these shifts, argumental definite descriptions may become either determinate or indeterminate. The latter option is observed in examples like (...)
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  5. Same but Different.Daniel Hardt & Line Mikkelsen - 2015 - Linguistics and Philosophy 38 (4):289-314.
    In this paper, we argue that same is fundamentally different from different, in that same imposes a discourse condition on eventualities, while different compares individuals. This difference has not been noted in previous literature. Furthermore, in the literature on same, there has been a persistent puzzle about the contribution of the definite article with which same must co-occur. We show that this puzzle is resolved once the contribution of same is adjusted to apply to eventualities: then the definite article can (...)
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  6. A Critique of the Quantificational Account of Existence.William F. Vallicella - 1983 - The Thomist 47 (2):242.
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  7. Understanding Complex Demonstratives: The Ground of Reference in Sensory Signals.Frederick P. Zammiello - 1999 - Dissertation, Syracuse University
    A singular complex demonstrative is a noun phrase consisting of a token of 'this' or 'that' followed by descriptive text. Gareth Evans notes that a person must utilize sensory information, i.e. signals, to understand tokens of these demonstratives. On the basis of Evans's insight, I develop a theory of complex demonstrative understanding. Our recognition that a specific item is relevant to the evaluation of a demonstrative utterance across all circumstances of evaluation is also crucial to the theory. I explain this (...)
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  8. Definiteness and Indefiniteness: A Study in Reference and Grammaticality Prediction.John A. Hawkins - 1980 - Linguistics and Philosophy 3 (3):419-427.
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  9. Demonstratives Without Rigidity or Ambiguity.Ethan Nowak - 2014 - Linguistics and Philosophy 37 (5):409-436.
    Most philosophers recognize that applying the standard semantics for complex demonstratives to non-deictic instances results in truth conditions that are anomalous, at best. This fact has generated little concern, however, since most philosophers treat non-deictic demonstratives as marginal cases, and believe that they should be analyzed using a distinct semantic mechanism. In this paper, I argue that non-deictic demonstratives cannot be written off; they are widespread in English and foreign languages, and must be treated using the same semantic machinery that (...)
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  10. Tarski Quantificational Semantics and Meinongian Object Theory Domains.Dale Jacquette - 1994 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 75 (2):88-107.
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  11. Philosophy and the ‘Anteriority Complex’.Murray Alan - 2002 - Phenomenology and the Cognitive Sciences 1 (1):27-47.
    The project of naturalising phenomenology is examined within the larger context of the philosophy of science. Transcendental phenomenology, as defended by Husserl, in opposition to the naturalistic enterprise, reflects a particular way of thinking about philosophy and its relationship to the empirical sciences that stands as an obstacle to the project of naturalisation. This paper develops a critique of a basic assumption made in this conception of philosophy, namely that it is possible to ask and answer questions concerning knowledge in (...)
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  12. 6. Demonstratives.David Kaplani - 2013 - In Maite Ezcurdia & Robert J. Stainton (eds.), The Semantics-Pragmatics Boundary in Philosophy. Broadview Press. pp. 83.
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  13. Complement Set Reference and Quantifiers.Linda M. Moxey & Anthony J. Sanford - 1998 - In M. A. Gernsbacher & S. J. Derry (eds.), Proceedings of the 20th Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society. Lawerence Erlbaum. pp. 1--4.
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  14. Lndexicals and Demonstratives.Eros Corazza - 2011 - In Marina Sbisà, Jan-Ola Östman & Jef Verschueren (eds.), Philosophical Perspectives for Pragmatics. John Benjamins. pp. 10--131.
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  15. Demonstratives.H. Diesse - 2006 - In Keith Brown (ed.), Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics. Elsevier.
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  16. They Are Really Complex When You Get to Know Them.Irving Kupfermann - 1984 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7 (3):393-394.
  17. Hintikka on Demonstratives.John Perry - 2009 - Revue Internationale de Philosophie 250 (4):369-382.
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  18. Possession and Pertinence: The Meaning of Have. [REVIEW]Kjell Johan Sæbø - 2009 - Natural Language Semantics 17 (4):369-397.
    The meaning of have is notoriously difficult to define; sometimes it seems to denote possession, but often, it seems to denote nothing, only to complicate composition. This paper focuses on the cases where have embeds a small clause, proposing that all it accomplishes is abstraction, turning the small clause into a predicate. This analysis is extended to the cases where have appears to embed DPs: These objects are interpreted as small clauses as well, with implicit predicates denoting possession or—with relational (...)
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  19. Temporal Adjectives and the Structure of Possessive DPs.Richard Larson & Sungeun Cho - 2003 - Natural Language Semantics 11 (3):217-247.
    The presence of temporal adjectives in possessive nominals like John's former car creates two interpretations. On one reading, the temporal adjective modifies the common noun (N-modifying reading). On the other, it modifies the possession relation (POSS-modifying reading). An explanation for this behavior is offered that appeals to what occurs in possessive sentences like John has a former car (N-modifying reading) and John formerly had a car (POSS-modifying reading). In the sentential cases, the source of two readings is two distinct, modifiable (...)
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  20. Reciprocals Are Definites.Sigrid Beck - 2001 - Natural Language Semantics 9 (1):69-138.
    This paper proposes that elementary reciprocal sentences have four semantic readings: a strongly reciprocal interpretation, a weakly reciprocal interpretation, a situation-based weakly reciprocal reading, and a collective reading. Interpretational possibilities of reciprocal sentences that have been discussed in the literature are identified as one of these four. A compositional semantic analysis of all of these readings is provided in which the reciprocal expression is uniformly represented as 'the other ones among them' (recasting Heim, Lasnik and May 1991a, b). A reciprocal (...)
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  21. The Ingredients of Definiteness and the Definiteness Effect.Alessandro Zucchi - 1995 - Natural Language Semantics 3 (1):33-78.
    Keenan (1987) observed that trivial determiners built from basic existential determiners (e.g.,either zero or else more than zero) are allowed inthere-insertion contexts, and that trivial determiners built from basic non-existential determiners (e.g.,either all or else not all) are not. This result is unexpected under the analyses ofthere-sentences proposed in Barwise and Cooper (1981), Higginbotham (1987), and Keenan (1987). I argue that the class of NPs barred from the postverbal position ofthere-sentences (strong NPs) is correctly characterized in presuppositional terms, as suggested (...)
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  22. Demonstratives in Semitic.Rebecca Hasselbach - 2007 - Journal of the American Oriental Society 127 (1):1-27.
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  23. Scopeless Quantity Words in Shona.Elizabeth Ferch - 2013 - Natural Language Semantics 21 (4):373-400.
    In Shona , bare plurals and bare singulars seem to have different scope possibilities with respect to a class of modifiers which I term “scopeless quantity words” few’, and ose ‘all’). I argue that this is due to two factors. First, the scopeless quantity words are intersective modifiers rather than quantifying determiners, so that DPs containing them denote entities rather than generalised quantifiers. Second, transitive sentences involving plural arguments are usually interpreted using the **-operator, which gives a cumulative reading; the (...)
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  24. Association with Distributivity and the Problem of Multiple Antecedents for Singular Different.Dylan Bumford & Chris Barker - 2013 - Linguistics and Philosophy 36 (5):355-369.
    Brasoveanu (Linguist Philos 34:93–168, 2011) argues that “different” exhibits what he calls association with distributivity: a distributive operator such as “each” creates a two-part context that propagates through the compositional semantics in a way that can be accessed by a subordinate “different”. We show that Brasoveanu’s analysis systematically undergenerates, failing to provide interpretations of sentences such as “Every1 boy claimed every girl read a different1 poem”, in which “different” can associate with a non-local distributive operator. We provide a generalized version (...)
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  25. Comparing Pluralities.Gregory Scontras, Peter Graff & Noah D. Goodman - 2012 - Cognition 123 (1):190-197.
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  26. Demonstratives Qua Singular Terms.Eros Corazza - 2003 - Erkenntnis 59 (2):263-283.
    In a recent book, Jeffrey King argues that complex demonstratives, i.e., noun phrases of the form 'this/that _F<D>', are not singular terms. As such, they are not devices of direct reference contributing the referent to the proposition expressed. In this essay I challenge King's position and show how a direct reference view can handle the data he proposes in favor of the quantificational account. I argue that when a complex demonstrative cannot be interpreted as a singular term, it is best (...)
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  27. Strange Relatives of the Third Kind.Alexander Grosu & Fred Landman - 1998 - Natural Language Semantics 6 (2):125-170.
    In this paper, we argue that there are more kinds of relative clause constructions between the linguistic heaven and earth than are dreamed of in the classical lore, which distinguishes just restrictive relative clauses and appositives. We start with degree relatives. Degree, or amount, relatives show restrictions in the relativizers they allow, in the determiners that can combine with them, and in their stacking possibilities. To account for these facts, we propose an analysis with two central, and novel, features: First, (...)
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  28. On the Interaction of Adjectival Modifiers and Relative Clauses.Caroline Heycock - 2005 - Natural Language Semantics 13 (4):359-382.
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  29. A Modal Ambiguity in for-Infinitival Relative Clauses.Martin Hackl & Jon Nissenbaum - 2012 - Natural Language Semantics 20 (1):59-81.
    This squib presents two puzzles related to an ambiguity found in for-infinitival relative clauses (FIRs). FIRs invariably receive a modal interpretation even in the absence of any overt modal verb. The modal interpretation seems to come in two distinct types, which can be paraphrased by finite relative clauses employing the modal auxiliaries should and could. The two puzzles presented here arise because the availability of the two readings is constrained by factors that are not otherwise known to affect the interpretation (...)
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  30. Situation Pronouns in Determiner Phrases.Florian Schwarz - 2012 - Natural Language Semantics 20 (4):431-475.
    It is commonly argued that natural language has the expressive power of quantifying over intensional entities, such as times, worlds, or situations. A standard way of modelling this assumes that there are unpronounced but syntactically represented variables of the corresponding type. Not all that much as has been said, however, about the exact syntactic location of these variables. Meanwhile, recent work has highlighted a number of problems that arise because the interpretive options for situation pronouns seem to be subject to (...)
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  31. Determiners and Logic.Johan van Benthem - 1983 - Linguistics and Philosophy 6 (4):447-478.
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  32. Certain Problems Connected with the Definitions of Identity and of Definite Descriptions Given in Principia Mathematica.Sören Halldén - 1948 - Analysis 9 (2):29 - 33.
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  33. The Gifted Mathematician That You Claim to Be: Equational Intensional 'Reconstruction' Relatives. [REVIEW]Manfred Krifka - 2007 - Linguistics and Philosophy 30 (4):445 - 485.
    This paper investigates relative constructions as in The gifted mathematician that you claim to be should be able to solve this equation, in which the head noun is semantically dependent on an intensional operator in the relative clause, even though it is not c-commanded by it. This is the kind of situation that has led, within models of linguistic description that assume a syntactic level of Logical Form, to analyses in which the head noun is interpreted within the CP-internal gap (...)
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  34. Reference and Quantification: The Partee Effect.Greg N. Carlson & Francis Jeffry Pelletier (eds.) - 2005 - CSLI Publications.
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  35. How Demonstratives Denote.Michael Pendlebury - 1984 - Southern Journal of Philosophy 22 (1):91-104.
  36. Quantification in Natural Languages.Emmon Bach, Eloise Jelinek, Angelika Kratzer & Barbara Partee (eds.) - 1995 - Kluwer Academic Publishers.
    This extended collection of papers is the result of putting recent ideas on quantification to work on a wide variety of languages.
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  37. Exact Equality and Successor Function: Two Key Concepts on the Path Towards Understanding Exact Numbers.Véronique Izard, Pierre Pica, Elizabeth S. Spelke & Stanislas Dehaene - 2008 - Philosophical Psychology 21 (4):491 – 505.
    Humans possess two nonverbal systems capable of representing numbers, both limited in their representational power: the first one represents numbers in an approximate fashion, and the second one conveys information about small numbers only. Conception of exact large numbers has therefore been thought to arise from the manipulation of exact numerical symbols. Here, we focus on two fundamental properties of the exact numbers as prerequisites to the concept of EXACT NUMBERS : the fact that all numbers can be generated by (...)
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  38. Definite and Indefinite.Barbara Abbott - 2006 - In Keith Brown (ed.), Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics. Elsevier. pp. 3--392.
  39. Determiners and Context Sets.Dag Westerståhl - 1985 - In Generalized Quantifiers in Natural Language. Foris Publications. pp. 45--71.
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  40. Decomposing Attitude Verbs.Angelika Kratzer - unknown
    I will assume (without explicitly argue for it here) that the verb’s external argument is not an argument of the verb root itself, but is introduced by a separate head in a neo-Davidsonian way. The content argument can be saturated by DPs denoting the kinds of things that can be believed or reported.
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  41. Part Iiic. Aspects of Demonstratives: On Chinese Numeral Yi and Demonstrative Determiner Na Versus English a and The: A Contrastive Analysis in a Discourse-Pragmatics Perspective.Yili Shi - 2009 - In Dingfang Shu & Ken Turner (eds.), Contrasting Meanings in Languages of the East and West. Peter Lang.
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  42. A New Theory of Quantifiers and Term Connectives.Ken Akiba - 2009 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 18 (3):403-431.
    This paper sets forth a new theory of quantifiers and term connectives, called shadow theory , which should help simplify various semantic theories of natural language by greatly reducing the need of Montagovian proper names, type-shifting, and λ-conversion. According to shadow theory, conjunctive, disjunctive, and negative noun phrases such as John and Mary , John or Mary , and not both John and Mary , as well as determiner phrases such as every man , some woman , and the boys (...)
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  43. Monadic Determiners: Quantification and Thematic Separation.Paul Pietroski - manuscript
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  44. Remarks on Definiteness in Warlpiri.Maria Bittner & Ken Hale - 1995 - In Emmon Bach, Eloise Jelinek, Angelika Kratzer & Barbara Partee (eds.), Quantification in Natural Languages. Kluwer Academic Publishers.
    In this paper, we discuss some rather puzzling facts concerning the semantics of Warlpiri expressions of cardinality, i.e. the Warlpiri counterparts of English expressions like one,two, many, how many. The morphosyntactic evidence, discussed in section 1, suggests that the corresponding expressions in Warlpiri are nominal, just like the Warlpiri counterparts of prototypical nouns, eg. child. We also argue that Warlpiri has no articles or any other items of the syntactic category D(eterminer). In section 2, we describe three types of readings— (...)
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  45. Descriptions: Predicates or Quantifiers?Berit Brogaard - 2007 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 85 (1):117 – 136.
    In this paper I revisit the main arguments for a predicate analysis of descriptions in order to determine whether they do in fact undermine Russell's theory. I argue that while the arguments without doubt provide powerful evidence against Russell's original theory, it is far from clear that they tell against a quantificational account of descriptions.
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  46. Number Words and Ontological Commitment.Berit Brogaard - 2007 - Philosophical Quarterly 57 (226):1–20.
    With the aid of some results from current linguistic theory I examine a recent anti-Fregean line with respect to hybrid talk of numbers and ordinary things, such as ‘the number of moons of Jupiter is four’. I conclude that the anti-Fregean line with respect to these sentences is indefensible.
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  47. Memory Demonstratives.John Campbell - 2001 - In Christoph Hoerl & Teresa McCormark (eds.), Time and Memory. Oxford University Press. pp. 177--194.
  48. How to Deal with Janus'face of Natural Numbers?Demetra Christopoulou - unknown
    This paper addresses a dilemma arising from the linguistic behaviour of arithmetical expressions in two basic ways: they occur, either as singular terms in identity statements or as predicates of concepts in adjectival statements. However, those forms of syntactical behaviour give rise to opposite accounts of the ontological status of natural numbers. The substantival use of arithmetical expressions is associated with the interpretation of natural numbers as abstract particulars while the adjectival use of arithmetical expressions ordinarily supports the interpretation of (...)
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  49. Numbers and Relations.Byeong-Uk Yi Glaister - 1998 - Erkenntnis 49 (1):93-113.
    In this paper, I criticize John Bigelow's account of number and present my own account that results from the criticism. In doing so, I argue that proper understanding of the nature of number requires a radical departure from the standard conception of language and reality and outline the alternative conception that underlies my account of number. I argue that Bigelow's account of number rests on an incorrect analysis of the plural constructions underlying the talk of number and propound an analysis (...)
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  50. Number Determiners, Numbers, and Arithmetic.Thomas Hofweber - 2005 - Philosophical Review 114 (2):179-225.
    In his groundbreaking Grundlagen, Frege (1884) pointed out that number words like ‘four’ occur in ordinary language in two quite different ways and that this gives rise to a philosophical puzzle. On the one hand ‘four’ occurs as an adjective, which is to say that it occurs grammatically in sentences in a position that is commonly occupied by adjectives. Frege’s example was (1) Jupiter has four moons, where the occurrence of ‘four’ seems to be just like that of ‘green’ in (...)
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