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  1. Monotheism, War, and Intellectual Leadership: The Case of William James.Joe Frank Jones III - forthcoming - Philosophy in the Contemporary World 18.
    This paper revisits William James's 1906 speech, "The Moral Equivalent of War," to look at the relationship of religion, particularly Christianity, to war and violence. Beginning with an anthropological update concerning "biological or sociological necessity," which confirms James's anti-mystical view of war, this paper then offers a case that monotheism, including Christianity, has an extremely ambiguous relationship with war and violence. There is evidence both that doing away with monotheism would have little effect on the prevalence of war and that (...)
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  2. Как семь социопатов, которые правят Китаем, выигрывают третью мировую войну и три способа их остановить.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In ДОБРО ПОЖАЛОВАТЬ В АД НА НАШЕМ МИРЕ : Дети, Изменение климата, Биткойн, Картели, Китай, Демократия, Разнообразие, Диссигеника, Равенство, Хакеры, Права человека, Ислам, Либерализм, Процветание, Сеть, Хаос, Голод, Болезнь, Насилие, Искусственный интелле. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 357-366.
    Первое, что мы должны иметь в виду, что, говоря, что Китай говорит это или Китай делает это, мы говорим не о китайском народе, но социопатов, которые контролируют КПК - Коммунистическая партия Китая, т.е. семь senile sociopathic серийных убийц (SSSSK) Из Постоянного комитета КПК или 25 членов Политбюро и т.д. Планы CCP для WW3 и полного доминирования lay out довольно ясно в китайских изданиях и речи правительства и это «мечта Кита» Си Цзиньпина. Это мечта только для крошечного меньшинства (возможно, от нескольких (...)
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  3. Comment les sept sociopathes qui gouvernent la Chine gagnent la troisième guerre mondiale et trois façons de les arrêter.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In Bienvenue en Enfer sur Terre : Bébés, Changement climatique, Bitcoin, Cartels, Chine, Démocratie, Diversité, Dysgénique, Égalité, Pirates informatiques, Droits de l'homme, Islam, Libéralisme, Prospérité, Le Web, Chaos, Famine, Maladie, Violence, Intellige. Las Vegas, NV, USA: Reality Press. pp. 347-358.
    La première chose que nous devons garder à l’esprit est que lorsque nous disons que la Chine dit ceci ou la Chine fait cela, nous ne parlons pas du peuple chinois, mais des sociopathes qui contrôlent le PCC -- Parti communiste chinois, c’est-à-dire, les sept tueurs en série sociopathes seniles (SSSSK) du Comité permanent du PCC ou des 25 membres du Politburo etc. Les plans du PCC pour la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la domination totale sont énoncés très clairement dans (...)
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  4. 中国七位痴呆的连环杀手独裁者如何与第三次世界大战作斗争以及制止他们的三种方式 (How the Seven Sociopaths Who Rule China are Winning World War and Three and Three Ways to Stop Them (2019)).Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 欢迎来到地球上的地狱: 婴儿,气候变化,比特币,卡特尔,中国,民主,多样性,养成基因,平等,黑客,人权,伊斯兰教,自由主义,繁荣,网络,混乱。饥饿,疾病,暴力,人工智能,战争. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 293-297.
    我们必须记住的第一件事是,当说中国这样说或中国这样做时,我们不是说中国人民,而是控制中国共产党的社会路径者,即七大社会病态连环杀手。中共常务委员会或中央政治局委员等25人。 中共对三战和全面统治的计划在中国政府的出版物和演讲中已经非常明确地阐述了,这就是习近平的"中国梦"。只有统治中国的少数人(也许只有几十到几百人)的梦想,也是其他人(包括14亿中国人 )的噩梦。每年100亿美元使他们或他们的傀儡拥有或控制报纸、杂志、电视和广播频道,每天在世界各地的大多数主要媒体上放置假新闻。 此外,他们有一支军队(也许有数百万人),他们滚动所有媒体进行更多的宣传,淹没合法的评论(50美分的军队)。 除了剥夺第三世界的资源外,数万亿美元的"一带一路"倡议的主要主旨是在全世界建立军事基地。他们迫使自由世界陷入大规模的高科技军备竞赛,使得与苏联的冷战看起来像是野餐。 尽管SSSSK和世界上其他的军事国家都在高级硬件上花费巨资,但WW3(或导致它的小型交战)很可能以软件为主。SSSSK,可能有更多的黑客(编码器)为他们工作,然后世界其他国家加起来,通过通过网络瘫痪他 们的敌人,以最小的物理冲突赢得未来的战争。"没有卫星,没有电话,没有通讯,没有金融交易,没有电网,没有互联网,没有先进的武器,没有车辆,火车,船舶和飞机。 罢免中共只有两条主要途径,即释放14亿中国囚犯,结束向第三次世界大战的疯狂进军。 和平的一个方案是发动一场全面的贸易战来摧毁中国经济,直到军方受够了,把中共赶出去。 关闭中国经济的替代方案是一场有限的战争,比如在中共第20届大会上,50架热压无人机进行有针对性的打击,当时所有高层成员都在一个地方,但这种情况要到2022年才会发生。一个可以击中年度全体会议。 袭击发生后,中国人将被告知,他们必须放下武器,准备举行民主选举,否则就要进入石器时代。另一种选择是全面核攻击。 鉴于中共目前的路线,军事对抗是不可避免的。 几十年后,这种情况可能会发生在南中国海或台湾的岛屿上,但随着它们在世界各地建立军事基地,它可能发生在任何地方(见"卧虎藏"等)。 未来的冲突将有硬性与软性方面与中共的既定目标,强调网络战争,通过黑客和瘫痪控制系统的所有军事和工业通信,设备,发电厂,卫星,互联网,银行,以及连接到网络的任何设备或车辆。 SS正在缓慢地部署一系列全球载人和自主水面和水下潜艇或无人驾驶飞机,这些潜艇或无人机能够发射可能处于休眠状态,等待中国发出信号,甚至寻找美国船只或飞机的签名。 在摧毁我们的卫星,从而消除美国和我们全球部队之间的通信的同时,他们将使用他们的卫星,与无人机一起瞄准和摧毁我们目前优越的海军部队。 当然,所有这一切都是越来越多地由AI自动完成的。 到目前为止,中共最大的盟友是美国民主党。 选择是现在停止中共,或者看着他们把中国监狱扩展到全世界。 当然,对我们的生活进行普遍监控和数字化是不可避免的。任何不这么认为的人,都是极度脱节的。 当然,正是那些期待中国社会路径者统治世界的人,而悲观主义者(他们认为自己是现实主义者)则期望AI的社会病态 (或我称之为"假愚蠢"或"人造社会病态")的选择性。)接管,也许到2030年。 那些有兴趣在现代社会的疯狂道路的进一步细节可能会参考我的其他作品,如自杀的民主-美国和世界第三版2019年和自 杀乌托邦幻想在21日世纪:哲学、人性与文明的崩溃(2019).
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  5. 中国を支配する7人の社会学者が第三次世界大戦に勝利し、それを止める3つの方法.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - In 民主主義によるスイシドe アメリカと世界のための追悼. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 50-56.
    まず心に留めておくべきことは、中国がこれを言うか、中国がそうすると言うとき、我々は中国の人々の話ではなく、中国共産党を支配する社会学者、すなわち、7人の老人社会病的連続殺人犯(SSSSK)の話だという ことです。e 中国共産党常任委員会、または政治局員25名等 -/- 中国共産党の第三次世界大戦と総支配の計画は、中国政府の出版物や演説で非常に明確に示されており、これは習近平の「チャイナ・ドリーム」である。中国を支配する少数派(おそらく数十人から数百人)だけが夢であり 、他の全ての人(14億人の中国人を含む)にとっては悪夢だ。年間100億ドルは、彼らまたはその人形が新聞、雑誌、テレビ、ラジオチャンネルを所有または制御し、毎日どこでもほとんどの主要メディアに偽のニュー スを配置することを可能にします。 さらに、彼らはすべてのメディアをより多くのプロパガンダを配置し、正当な解説(50セントの軍隊)をかき消す軍隊(おそらく何百万人もの人々)を持っています。 -/- 資源の第3の世界を取り除くことに加えて、数兆ドルのベルトとロードイニシアチブの主要な推進力は、世界中の軍事基地を構築しています。彼らは、ソ連との冷戦をピクニックのように見せる大規模なハイテク軍拡競争に 自由な世界を強制しています。 -/- SSSSKと世界の他の軍隊は、高度なハードウェアに巨額を費やしていますが、WW3(またはそれに至る小規模な関与)がソフトウェア支配される可能性が非常に高いです。SSSSKは、おそらくより多くのハッカー (コーダー)が彼らのために働いて、世界の残りの部分を組み合わせることで、ネットを介して敵を麻痺させるだけで、最小限の物理的な紛争で将来の戦争に勝つことは問題外ではありません。衛星、電話なし、通信なし、 金融取引なし、送電網なし、インターネットなし、高度な武器なし、車両、列車、船舶、飛行機なし。 -/- 中国共産党を排除し、14億人の中国人囚人を解放し、第三次世界大戦への狂気の行進を終わらせる主な道は2つしかない。 平和的な一つは、軍がうんざりして中国共産党を追い出すまで、中国経済を荒廃させるために全面的な貿易戦争を開始することです。 -/- 中国経済を閉鎖する代わりに、中国共産党の第20回会議で50機の熱圧ドローンによる標的ストライキなど、限定的な戦争が起こるが、それは2022年まで行われないだろう。年次総会に当たる可能性がある。 中国人は、攻撃が起こったように、彼らが武器を置き、民主的な選挙を開催する準備をしなければならない、または石器時代に裸にされなければならないことを知らされるだろう。もう一つの選択肢は、全面的な核攻撃です 。 中国共産党の現在の進路を考えると、軍事的対立は避けられない。 数十年以内に南シナ海や台湾の島々で起こる可能性が高いが、世界中に軍事基地を設立すれば、どこでも起こりうる(しゃがむ虎など)。 将来の紛争は、すべての軍事および産業通信、機器、発電所、衛星、インターネット、銀行、およびすべての軍事および産業通信の制御システムをハッキングし、麻痺することによってサイバー戦争を強調するために、中国 共産党の明記された目的とハードキルとソフトキルの側面を持つことになります。ネットに接続されている任意のデバイスまたは車両。 SSは、中国からの信号を待っているか、さらには米国の船や飛行機の署名を探して休眠しているかもしれない従来または核兵器を発射することができる有人および自律的な表面と水中潜水艦や無人機の世界的な配列をゆっ くりとフィールドにしています。 我々の衛星を破壊し、世界中の米軍との通信を排除する一方で、彼らはドローンと組み合わせて、我々の現在の優れた海軍を標的にし、破壊するために、彼ら(彼ら)を使用します。 もちろん、これらすべてがAIによって自動的に行われるようになりました。 -/- 中国共産党の最大の同盟国はアメリカの民主党である。 選択は、今CCPを停止するか、彼らが世界中に中国の刑務所を拡張するのを見てです。 -/- もちろん、私たちの生活の普遍的な監視とデジタル化は、どこでも避けられません。そう思わない人は、深く接触していない。 -/- もちろん、中国の社会パスが世界を支配することを期待する楽観主義者であり、悲観主義者(現実主義者と見なす)は、おそらく2030年までにAI社会病(または私が呼ぶAS)が引き継ぐことを期待している。 現代社会の狂気の道の詳細に興味がある人は、アメリカのための民主主義による自殺、2019年第3版、21stの自殺ユートピアの妄想など、私の他の作品を参照してください。世紀:哲学、人間性と文明崩壊5位(2 019年) .
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  6. Five Kinds of Cyber Deterrence.N. Ryan - 2018 - Philosophy and Technology 31 (3):331-338.
    There were five kinds of cyber deterrence presented at the workshop on Landscaping strategic cyber deterrence, hosted at the Oxford Internet Institute. They were the well-studied areas of deterrence by ‘punishment’ and ‘denial’, and the novel concepts of deterrence by ‘association’, ‘norms and taboos’, and finally, ‘entanglement’. In the following workshop commentary, I present these five kinds of deterrence and explain them in light of recent developments in the academy and industry. I argue for analytical congruence between all three novel (...)
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  7. Starve and Immolate: The Politics of Human Weapons.Martin Saar - 2017 - Contemporary Political Theory 16 (1):158-160.
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  8. The Power of Deterrence: Emotions, Identity, and American and Israeli Wars of Resolve.Amir Lupovici - 2016 - Cambridge University Press.
    Why do states persist in using force to enhance their deterrent posture, even though it is not clear that it is effective? This book develops an innovative framework to answer this question, viewing deterrence as an idea. This allows the author to explain how countries institutionalize deterrence strategy, and how this internalization affects policy. He argues that the US and Israel have both internalized deterrence ideas and become attached to these practices. For them, deterrence is not just a means to (...)
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  9. Defensive Wars and the Reprisal Dilemma.Saba Bazargan - 2015 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 93 (3):583-601.
    I address a foundational problem with accounts of the morality of war that are derived from the Just War Tradition. Such accounts problematically focus on ‘the moment of crisis’: i.e. when a state is considering a resort to war. This is problematic because sometimes the state considering the resort to war is partly responsible for wrongly creating the conditions in which the resort to war becomes necessary. By ignoring this possibility, JWT effectively ignores, in its moral evaluation of wars, certain (...)
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  10. Weapons, Security, and Oppression: A Normative Study of International Arms Transfers.James Christensen - 2015 - Journal of Political Philosophy 23 (1):23-39.
  11. The Nuclear Pipeline: Integrating Nuclear Power and Climate Change.Savannah Fitzwater, Abraham Tidwell & Jen Schneider - 2015 - In Byron Newberry, Carl Mitcham, Martin Meganck, Andrew Jamison, Christelle Didier & Steen Hyldgaard Christensen (eds.), Engineering Identities, Epistemologies and Values. Springer Verlag.
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  12. Abolition of Nuclear Weapons as a Moral Imperative.John Kultgen - 2015 - Lexington Books.
    This book advocates for the United States to abolish nuclear weapons, arguing its necessity in terms of the harmful consequences of nuclear deterrence. Kultgen's argument is based on conceptions of human rights and is couched in terms accessible to the disciplines that address human affairs in the social sciences, history, arts, and humanities.
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  13. Moral Implications of Data-Mining, Key-Word Searches, and Targeted Electronic Surveillance.Michael Skerker - 2015 - In Bradley J. Strawser, Fritz Allhoff & Adam Henschke (eds.), Binary Bullets. Oxford, UK:
    This chapter addresses the morality of two types of national security electronic surveillance (SIGINT) programs: the analysis of communication “metadata” and dragnet searches for keywords in electronic communication. The chapter develops a standard for assessing coercive government action based on respect for the autonomy of inhabitants of liberal states and argues that both types of SIGINT can potentially meet this standard. That said, the collection of metadata creates opportunities for abuse of power, and so judgments about the trustworthiness and competence (...)
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  14. Nuclear Terrorism in Africa: The ANC's Operation Mac and the Attack on the Koeberg Nuclear Power Station in South Africa.Jo-Ansie van Wyk - 2015 - História 60 (2):51-67.
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  15. John R. Walker. Britain and Disarmament: The U.K. And Nuclear, Biological, and Chemical Weapons Arms Control and Programmes, 1956–1975. Xi + 305 Pp., Bibl., Index. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2012. $134.95. [REVIEW]Rich Hamerla - 2014 - Isis 105 (1):254-255.
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  16. Graham Farmelo. Churchill's Bomb: How the United States Overtook Britain in the First Nuclear Arms Race. 553 Pp., Bibl., Index. New York: Basic Books, 2013. $29.99. [REVIEW]Richard Moore - 2014 - Isis 105 (2):415-415.
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  17. John R. Walker, Britain and Disarmament: The UK and Nuclear, Biological and Chemical Weapons Arms Control and Programmes 1956–1975. Farnham: Ashgate, 2012. Pp. Xv+305. ISBN 978-1-4094-3580-8. £70.00. [REVIEW]Kristan Stoddart - 2014 - British Journal for the History of Science 47 (4):756-757.
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  18. “Illegal Loves and Sexual Deviancy: Homosexuality as a Threat in Cold War Canada”.Erin Gallagher-Cohoon - 2013 - Constellations (University of Alberta Student Journal) 4 (2).
    This paper analyzes the criminalization and medicalization of homosexuality during the early twentieth century in Canada. Through court records and medical texts the discourse of homosexuality as a threat to the family unit and to the nation is contextualized within Cold War rhetoric. A Foucaultian conceptualization of power and discipline helps frame questions regarding homosexuality as a criminal offense and as a mental illness. It is argued that both state control and societal pressures constructed the homosexual as criminal, the homosexual (...)
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  19. Punitive Warfare, Counterterrorism, and Jus Ad Bellum.Shawn Kaplan - 2013 - In Fritz Allhoff, Nicholas Evans & Adam Henschke (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Ethics and War: Just War Theory in the 21st Century. Routledge. pp. 236-249.
    In order to address whether states can ever have the proper authority to militarily punish other international agents, I examine three attempts to justify punitive warfare from Augustine, Grotius and Locke for their relevance to both our contemporary international legal and political order and our contemporary security threats from sporadic terrorist or militant violence. Once a plausible model for a state’s valid authority to punish international agents is found, I will consider what punitive aims it can support and what challenges (...)
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  20. ‘The Family That Feared Tomorrow’: British Nuclear Culture and Individual Experience in the Late 1950s.Jonathan Hogg - 2012 - British Journal for the History of Science 45 (4):535-549.
    Journalistic representations of a suicide pact in 1957 encapsulated wider popular assumptions on, and anxieties over, nuclear technology. Through an exploration of British nuclear culture in the late 1950s, this article suggests that knowledge of nuclear danger disrupted broader conceptions of self, nationhood and existence in British life. Building on Hecht's use of the term ‘nuclearity’, the article offers an alternative definition of the term whereby nuclearity is understood to mean the collection of assumptions held by individual citizens on the (...)
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  21. Introduction: British Nuclear Culture.Jonathan Hogg & Christoph Laucht - 2012 - British Journal for the History of Science 45 (4):479-493.
    In the extended introduction to this special issue on British nuclear culture, the guest editors outline the main historiographical and conceptual contours of British nuclear scholarship, and explore whether we can begin to define ‘British nuclear culture’ before introducing the contributors to this special issue, whose work we have organized into three broad areas. The first part is devoted to three articles that offer explicit and extended attempts to reconceptualize British nuclear culture, illuminating the complex links between nuclear science, the (...)
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  22. ‘Never a Credible Weapon’: Nuclear Cultures in British Government During the Era of the H-Bomb.Richard Maguire - 2012 - British Journal for the History of Science 45 (4):519-533.
    This article explores British ‘nuclear culture’ by examining how individuals and groups within British government tried to comprehend nuclear weapons after the advent of the hydrogen bomb in 1952. It argues that thinking about nuclear weaponry was not uniform, and there was no monolithic ‘nuclear culture’ in government. Instead, political and social habits interacted with Cold War experience to create views of the nuclear weapon – nuclear cultures – that varied across government to create a diverse, and shifting, set of (...)
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  23. Deterrence as a Justification for Awarding Accounts of Profits.Craig Rotherham - 2012 - Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 32 (3):537-562.
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  24. On Nuclear Deterrence: Some Ramifications.Brian Wicker - 2012 - New Blackfriars 93 (1047):598-610.
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  25. VCE International Politics: Nuclear Weapons, Global Disarmament and the 'Grand Bargain' - the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Into the Twenty-First Century.Michael Keks - 2011 - Ethos: Social Education Victoria 19 (1):25.
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  26. Richard Moore, Nuclear Illusion, Nuclear Reality: Britain, the United States and Nuclear Weapons 1958–64. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. Pp. Xvi+332. ISBN 978-0-230-23067-5. £65.00. [REVIEW]Melissa Smith - 2011 - British Journal for the History of Science 44 (2):309-311.
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  27. Transnationality as a Liability? The Anti-Nuclear Movement at Malville.Andrew Tompkins - 2011 - Revue Belge de Philologie Et D’Histoire 89 (3):1365-1379.
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  28. Learn Peace: Students Playing a Role in Nuclear Disarmament.Cat Beaton - 2010 - Ethos: Social Education Victoria 18 (2):28.
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  29. Armageddon Postponed: A Different View of Nuclear Weapons.Theodore Caplow - 2010 - Hamilton Books.
    Since the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, tens of thousands of nuclear weapons manufactured by governments around the world. None have been used so far, and the absence of nuclear war among armed nations is a mystery. Caplow considers this and other questions in his study of nuclear weaponry.
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  30. Social Norms and the Traditional Deterrence Game.Lisa Carlson & Raymond Dacey - 2010 - Synthese 176 (1):105-123.
    Bicchieri (The grammar of society: The nature and dynamics of norms, 2006, xi) presents a formal analysis of norms that answers the questions of "when, how, and to what degree" norms affect human behavior in the play of games. The purpose of this paper is to apply a variation of the Bicchieri norms analysis to generate a model of norms-based play of the traditional deterrence game (Zagare and Kilgour, Int Stud Q 37: 1-27, 1993; Morrow, Game theory for political scientists, (...)
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  31. First Strike: A Game of Strategy, Diplomacy and Nuclear Weapons.Michael McLean - 2010 - Agora (History Teachers' Association of Victoria) 45 (4):43.
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  32. Avoiding Over-Deterrence in Managing Physicians' Relationships With Industry.Lance K. Stell - 2010 - American Journal of Bioethics 10 (1):27-29.
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  33. Deterrence, Democracy, and the Pursuit of International Justice.Leslie Vinjamuri - 2010 - Ethics and International Affairs 24 (2):191-211.
    Recent indictments of sitting heads of state and rebel leaders engaged in ongoing conflicts are radically altering our conception of international criminal justice. But contrary to the mantra that justice delayed is justice denied, the most promising way to promote justice may be to postpone it.
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  34. Gain-Based Remedies and the Place of Deterrence in the Law of Fiduciary Obligations.Anthony Duggan - 2009 - In Andrew Robertson & Hang Wu Tang (eds.), The Goals of Private Law. Hart.
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  35. Containing the Atom: Sociotechnical Imaginaries and Nuclear Power in the United States and South Korea.Sheila Jasanoff & Sang-Hyun Kim - 2009 - Minerva 47 (2):119-146.
    STS research has devoted relatively little attention to the promotion and reception of science and technology by non-scientific actors and institutions. One consequence is that the relationship of science and technology to political power has tended to remain undertheorized. This article aims to fill that gap by introducing the concept of sociotechnical imaginaries. Through a comparative examination of the development and regulation of nuclear power in the US and South Korea, the article demonstrates the analytic potential of the imaginaries concept. (...)
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  36. Deterrence in Private Law.Yock Lin Tan - 2009 - In Andrew Robertson & Hang Wu Tang (eds.), The Goals of Private Law. Hart.
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  37. A Cosmogram for Nuclear Things.Gabrielle Hecht - 2007 - Isis 98 (1):100-108.
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  38. Preemption and the Limits of Just War: Fundamental Questions of US Policy Formation Over Iran's Emerging Nuclear Weapons Programs.Martin Henn - 2007 - Public Affairs Quarterly 21 (4):363-379.
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  39. Postmodern Disarmament.Jeffrey Perl - 2007 - In Santiago Zabala (ed.), Weakening Philosophy: Essays in Honour of Gianni Vattimo. Mcgill-Queen's University Press.
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  40. Intelligence Ethics and Non-Coercive Interrogation.Michael Skerker - 2007 - Defense Intelligence Journal 16 (1):61-76.
    This paper will address the moral implications of non-coercive interrogations in intelligence contexts. U.S. Army and CIA interrogation manuals define non-coercive interrogation as interrogation which avoids the use of physical pressure, relying instead on oral gambits. These methods, including some that involve deceit and emotional manipulation, would be mostly familiar to viewers of TV police dramas. As I see it, there are two questions that need be answered relevant to this subject. First, under what circumstances, if any, may a state (...)
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  41. Una Superpotencia Responsable. El Papel de China En la Crisis Nuclear Provocada Por Corea Del Norte.Hans Peter van den Broek - 2006 - Critica 56 (931):59-63.
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  42. Punishment as Deterrence: Reply to Sprague.Anthony Ellis - 2005 - Philosophical Quarterly 55 (218):98 - 101.
    In my 'A Deterrence Theory of Punishment', I argued that a deterrence system of punishment can avoid the charge that it illegitimately uses offenders if its punishments are carried out 'quasiautomatically': threats are issued by a legislature for deterrent purposes, but those who carry out the punishments have no authority to take deterrent considerations into account. Sprague has objected that under such a system, those who carry out punishments will be unable to justify their actions. I reply that if it (...)
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  43. Per F. Dahl. From Nuclear Transmutation to Nuclear Fission, 1932–1939. Xii + 304 Pp., Illus., Bibl., Indexes. Bristol, U.K., 2002. $75. [REVIEW]Lawrence Badash - 2004 - Isis 95 (4):714-715.
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  44. Deconstructing the Bomb: Recent Perspectives on Nuclear History.J. Hughes - 2004 - British Journal for the History of Science 37 (4):455-464.
    John Canaday, The Nuclear Muse: Literature, Physics, and the First Atomic Bombs. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000. Pp. xviii+310. ISBN 0-299-16854-9. £19.50.Septimus H. Paul, Nuclear Rivals: Anglo-American Atomic Relations 1941–1952. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2000. Pp. ix+266. ISBN 0-8142-0852-5. £31.95.Peter Bacon Hales, Atomic Spaces: Living on the Manhattan Project. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997. Pp. 448. ISBN 0-252-02296-3. £22.00.A decade after the end of the Cold War, the culture and technology of nuclear weapons had lost (...)
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  45. The Evolution of the Modern Terrorist State: Area Bombing and Nuclear Deterrence.Douglas Lackey - 2004 - In Igor Primoratz (ed.), Terrorism: The Philosophical Issues. Palgrave-Macmillan.
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  46. Russell Letter on Nuclear Deterrence.Bertrand Russell & Ray Perkins Jr - 2004 - The Bertrand Russell Society Quarterly 121.
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  47. Who May Carry Out Protective Deterrence?By Michael Sprague - 2004 - Philosophical Quarterly 54 (216):445–447.
    Anthony Ellis argues that institutional punishment occurs automatically in a way analogous to mechanical deterrents, and given that issuing real threats is justified for self-defence, institutional punishment, intended to protect society via deterrence, can be justified without violating the Kantian constraint against using persons as means only. But institutional punishments are not in fact executed automatically: they must be carried out by moral agents. Ellis fails to provide a basis for those agents to justify the performance of their legal duties.
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  48. Who May Carry Out Protective Deterrence&Quest.Michael Sprague - 2004 - Philosophical Quarterly 54 (216):445-447.
    Anthony Ellis argues that institutional punishment occurs automatically in a way analogous to mechanical deterrents, and given that issuing real threats is justified for self-defence, institutional punishment, intended to protect society via deterrence, can be justified without violating the Kantian constraint against using persons as means only. But institutional punishments are not in fact executed automatically: they must be carried out by moral agents. Ellis fails to provide a basis for those agents to justify the performance of their legal duties.
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  49. A Deterrence Theory of Punishment.Anthony Ellis - 2003 - Philosophical Quarterly 53 (212):337–351.
    I start from the presupposition that the use of force against another is justified only in self-defence or in defence of others against aggression. If so, the main work of justifying punishment must rely on its deterrent effect, since most punishments have no other significant self-defensive effect. It has often been objected to the deterrent justification of punishment that it commits us to using offenders unacceptably, and that it is unable to deliver acceptable limits on punishment. I describe a sort (...)
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  50. El Porvenir Económico de la Energía Nuclear.R. Ortiz Fornaguera - 2003 - Arbor 174 (687-688):555-575.
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