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  1. added 2020-05-14
    Ograniczanie konfliktów w Nigerii i Indonezji. Hybrydowy model power-sharing.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2019 - Warszawa: Elipsa.
    Monografia ta traktuje o ograniczaniu konfliktów w relacjach między segmentami społecznymi (takimi jak grupy etniczne, wspólnoty religijne), w których członkostwo opiera się na podstawach askryptywnych i kulturowych, a także między nimi a władzą centralną w Nigerii i Indonezji. Państwa te mają burzliwą historię niepodległego bytu, ogromne wieloetniczne i wieloreligijne populacje, duże gospodarki oraz zasoby surowców energetycznych. Jak wskazują liczne raporty, będą wkrótce należeć do najważniejszych w świecie. W Nigerii i Indonezji funkcjonują systemy polityczne oparte na tzw. power-sharing (współrządzeniu), tj. takie, (...)
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  2. added 2020-05-06
    World-Craving: Rahel Varnhagen, Daniel Paul Schreber, and the Strange Promise of Paranoia.Noga Rotem - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (2):192-217.
    This essay reads Hannah Arendt’s Rahel Varnhagen alongside Sigmund Freud’s case history of paranoia, The Schreber Case, two texts about 18th- and 19th-century personalities caught up in the gender and ethnic politics of their times. Noting affinities between the fantasies documented in Varnhagen’s and Schreber’s memoirs, I compare Seyla Benhabib’s and Eric Santner’s readings of these two texts as political, not psychological, documents. I propose a reading of paranoia positioned between Benhabib’s too optimistic dismissal of paranoia and Santner’s too tragic (...)
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  3. added 2020-05-04
    Istota i główne modele power-sharing w kontekście wieloetniczności. Zarys problematyki.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2016 - Przegląd Politologiczny 3:27-39.
    Artykuł traktuje w zarysie o istocie i głównych modelach power-sharing. Choć powersharing może być pojmowane w sposób bardzo szeroki, tematyka tego artykułu dotyczy jego wąskiego rozumienia. Odnosi się ono do fenomenu dzielenia się władzą państwową przez różne segmenty (np. grupy etniczne lub wspólnoty religijne) społeczeństw pluralnych (podzielonych, sfragmentaryzowanych), w tym zwłaszcza wieloetnicznych i/lub wieloreligijnych. Głównym celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie treści power-sharing we wskazanym wąskim rozumieniu i wytłumaczenie w zarysie jego głównych modeli (konfesjonalizm, model Lewisa, konsocjonalizm, centrypetalizm).
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  4. added 2020-04-24
    Koncepcja etnicznej izby wyższej w dwuizbowym parlamencie w państwie afrykańskim (część II).Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2012 - Afryka 35:11-26.
    Krzysztof Trzciński, ‘The Concept of an Ethnic Upper Chamber in a Bicameral Parliament in an African State (Part 2).’ The article has been published in “Afryka” 35, 2011, pp. 11-26 and is a continuation of the previous paper published under the same title in “Afryka” 34. Part 2 explains a couple of cases (of the Senate of Lesotho, and two Houses of Chiefs, in Botswana and Zambia) that seem useful in the analysis of the Nigerian political thinker Claude Ake’s concept (...)
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  5. added 2020-04-24
    Koncepcja etnicznej izby wyższej w dwuizbowym parlamencie w państwie afrykańskim (część I).Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2011 - Afryka 35:30-42.
    Krzysztof Trzciński, ‘The Concept of an Ethnic Upper Chamber in a Bicameral Parliament in an African State (Part 1).’ The article has been published in “Afryka” 34, 2011, pp. 30-42. It consists of two parts. Part 1 explains Nigerian political thinker Claude Ake’s concept of the ‘chamber of nationalities,’ in the context of the idea of recognizing and strengthening the ethnic groups’ rights in a multiethnic African state. According to the concept, in an African state, a bicameral parliament should be (...)
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  6. added 2020-04-23
    Kilka uwag o koncepcji prezydentury rotacyjnej w państwie afrykańskim.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2010 - Afryka 31 (32):29-44.
    Krzysztof Trzciński, ‘Some Remarks on the Idea of Rotational Presidency in an African State.’ The article has been published in “Afryka” 31-32, 2010, pp. 29-44. The main aim of this article is to explain and analyze in a critical way the concept of the rotational presidency, proposed for a multiethnic African state by a Ghanaian philosopher Kwame Gyekye. In his opinion, the presidency in an African state should be rotated between all ethnic groups. According to Gyekye, this system would allow (...)
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  7. added 2020-04-18
    What is Power Sharing? Consociationalism, Centripetalism, and Hybrid Power Sharing.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2018 - Studia Polityczne 46 (3):9-30.
    In this article, the author analyzes the term "power-sharing" in the context of power exercised within a state. He first examines the term in the very general sense, in which it can be applied to all types and dimensions of sharing of power between various groups and institutional entities. Second, the author examines the meaning of the term in the narrow sense, that is, the phenomenon of systemic sharing of power by groups (segments) whose membership is based on ascribed criteria (...)
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  8. added 2020-04-12
    Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-Segmental Societies.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2018 - Politeja 56 (5):86-107.
    There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of power. The (...)
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  9. added 2020-04-12
    The Future of the Multi-Ethnic African State: On the Perspective of Ifeanyi A. Menkiti.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2010 - Hemispheres 25:73-94.
    In this article, I present and critically analyze the main ideas of the Nigerian thinker, Ifeanyi A. Menkiti, on the future of the multi-ethnic state in Africa. Menkiti appears to consider that the basic condition for the successful coexistence of the various groups occupying the states of Africa is for relations between them to rest on just principles. Justice should involve the fair and equitable division amongst peoples of the burdens and benefits of living in a common state. To realize (...)
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  10. added 2019-06-05
    Darby, Derrick . Rights, Race, and Recognition . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009 . Pp. 194. $90.00 (Cloth); $32.99 (Paper).John A. Berteaux - 2010 - Ethics 120 (3):592-595.
  11. added 2018-08-22
    Climate Change Refugees.Matthew Lister - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (5):618-634.
    Under the UNHCR definition of a refugee, set out in the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, people fleeing their homes because of natural disasters or other environmental problems do not qualify for refugee status and the protection that come from such status. In a recent paper, "Who Are Refugees?", I defended the essentials of the UNHCR definition on the grounds that refugee status and protection is best reserved for people who can only be helped by granting them (...)
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  12. added 2016-12-08
    Are There Any Defensible Indigenous Rights?Gillian Brock - 2002 - Contemporary Political Theory 1 (3):285-305.
    In recent years, a number of important challenges have been raised about whether arguments for granting group rights in virtue of ethnicity can really stand up to scrutiny. Two of the most pressing issues involve whether granting rights to groups in virtue of ethnicity involves a certain unfairness to non-members and whether granting such rights licenses unfairness to members . If arguments for indigenous rights are to succeed, they must address these challenges and show how there is no important unfairness (...)
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  13. added 2015-09-09
    Ethnonationalism and Conflict Resolution.Naupess K. Kibiswa - 2015 - Globethics Publications.
    Based on evidence collected and analyzed about repetitive armed conflicts in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo in Africa, Dr. Kibiswa establishes in this book that Bany2 armed group leaders, involved in insurgencies, fit into the two Van Evera’s criteria of ethnonationalist groups. Indeed, they display more loyalty to their ethnic group than to the DRC nation and are moved by their desire to achieve statehood. As such, this underlying motivation of their never-ending fights is hard for the DRC (...)
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  14. added 2014-04-13
    “Group Rights” and Racial Affirmative Action.Kwame Anthony Appiah - 2011 - The Journal of Ethics 15 (3):265-280.
    This article argues against the view that affirmative action is wrong because it involves assigning group rights. First, affirmative action does not have to proceed by assigning rights at all. Second, there are, in fact, legitimate “group rights” both legal and moral; there are collective rights—which are exercised by groups—and membership rights—which are rights people have in virtue of group membership. Third, there are continuing harms that people suffer as blacks and claims to remediation for these harms can fairly treat (...)
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  15. added 2014-04-13
    Kant's Conception of Respect and African American Education Rights.Gregory Lewis Bynum - 2011 - Educational Theory 61 (1):17-40.
    Immanuel Kant envisioned a kind of respect in which one recognizes each human (1) as being not fully comprehensible by any human understanding, (2) as being an end in him- or herself, and (3) as being a potential source of moral law. In this essay, Gregory Lewis Bynum uses this conception of respect as a lens with which to examine African American education rights on three levels: the individual level (the level of individual persons' moral experience and moral significance), the (...)
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  16. added 2014-04-13
    Should We All Be More English? Liang Qichao, Rudolf von Jhering, and Rights.Stephen C. Angle - 2000 - Journal of the History of Ideas 61 (2):241-261.
  17. added 2014-04-13
    ‘What If Value and Rights Lie Foundationally in Groups?’ The Maori Case.Sharp Andrew - 1999 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 2 (2):22-23.