Globalization

كان يمشي في الأرض مرحًا، مُصعرًا خده للطبيعة، ومُنتشيًا برفاهيات حضاراته؛ أو يخطو فوق أديمها مهمومًا بضنك العيش، يعتصره ألم البحث عن قوت يومه، قبل أن يُفاجئه الفيروس التاجي ليقلب حياته رأسًا على عقب. إنه الإنسان، ذلك المجهول لنفسه، الجاهل بعلمه، المغرور بعقله، الضعيف بقوته، المتناقض مع ذاته، الفقير بثرواته الضخمة! فجأة باتت تعتمل بداخله مشاعر الحيرة والخوف والقلق، تؤرقه تساؤلات تسخر من عجزه الصارخ عن الإجابة عنها: ما أصل هذا الفيروس؟ هل هو نبتٌ طبيعي أم مؤامرة من بني جلدته؟ (...) ما هو أفضل علاج لمكافحته؟ لماذا يحصد الأرواح غير مًبالٍ؟ وكيف يمكن لكائن متناه في الصغر، غير مرئي، أن يشن حربًا ضد البشر بكل هذه القوة في القرن الحادي والعشرين، ورغم كل ما تحقق من تقدمٍ علمي وطبي مذهل؟ يعجز العلم عن الإجابة، ويعجز الساسة عن التبرير، ويعجز الدعاة عن المواساة، ويعجز العائل عن حماية رعيته، وينكفئ المرء على نفسه باحثًا عن الإجابات في منطقةٍ فكرية مُهملة: الفلسفة! أجل، فتساؤلات الجائحة تُشبه كثيرًا تلك المنطقة الحدودية التي حدثنا عنها الفيلسوف الألماني «كارل ياسبرز»، والتي لا يمكن أن نتجاوزها بالطرقة العلمية والتجريبية، عندها يُواجه المرء خيارين لا ثالث لهما: إما أن يستسلم لأمواج اليأس العاتية، أو يتوضأ من أنهار الحكمة التي تناساها ردحًا طويلاً من الزمن! لا شك أن ثمة نظريات عديدة عن أصل الفيروس: بعضهم يعتقد أنه مُنتج بشري تم تخليقه في المختبرات لاستخدامه كسلاح بيولوجي يُعزز الهيمنة، لكنه فرَّ من مخترعيه فأصابهم، سواء عن غير قصد، أو مع سبق الإصرار والترصد؛ وبعضهم يعتقد أنه مجرد أداة تحصنت بها الطبيعة ضد عبث الإنسان وإفساده اللامنقطع في البر والبحر ... لكن الفيروس في كل الأحوال يتحدانا بقوة، ويكشف لنا بوحشية عن مدى هشاشتنا، سواء كنا أفرادًا أو جماعات، ويدفعنا إلى إعادة تقييم لحظتنا الوجودية: مَن نحن؟ وما مكاننا في الكون؟ وهل ثمة ما يمكن أن يُهدد بقاءنا كنوعٍ في أي وقت؟! لقد أظهر لنا الفيروس مدى أهمية الحياة، ومدى غباء انخراطنا الدائم في الصراع بدلاً من البحث عن سُبلٍ للتفاهم والتعاون! وعندما ينسحب الجميع في معازلهم، سواء أكانت مختبرات ومشافي تموج بأشرس معارك العلم ضد الفيروس، أو منازل تتضخم فيها مخاوف القدرة على اجتياز الجائحة، تتحول معازل الفلاسفة إلى خلايا فكرية تبسط أشرعة المعنى والمغزى والهدف على الجميع. هذا ما نحاول تبيانه في هذا المقال؛ من عزاء الفلسفة للحيارى والقانطين والموجوعين؛ إلى حالة الطبيعة الهوبزية البادية في الأفق وشروط تجاوزها؛ إلى المعضلات الأخلاقية المنبثقة في غيابات التيه الفيروسية الجديدة؛ إلى معنى الوجود والبقاء والهوية؛ إلى العدو المُكتشف والمُنتظَر في عالم كورونا وما بعده: اللامساواة، والعبث بالاستقرار المُناخي! (shrink)

The liberal international legal order faces a legitimacy crisis today that becomes visible with the recent anti-internationalist turn, the rise of populism and the recent Russian invasion of Ukraine. Either its authority or legitimacy has been tested many times over the last three decades. The article argues that this anti-internationalist trend may be read as a reaction against the neoliberal form taken by international law, not least over the last three decades. In uncovering the intricacies of international law’s legitimacy crisis, (...) the article uncovers the paradox of global constitutionalism: that its need to adopt a sectoral form of integration may cause a legitimacy gap/deficit because international authorities, resting their legitimacy primarily on instrumental grounds, may face problems in compensating for the legitimacy deficit caused by the erosion of domestic sovereignty and extending their legitimacy to non-instrumental grounds. This paradox has one necessary structural and two contingent content-related implications for domestic democracies: (1) it necessarily narrows down the regulatory space of nation-states; and this may in turn (2) impair democratic stability and solidarity, and (3) provide a fertile ground for populism. Drawing on Raz’s service conception, the article focuses on the interaction between international and domestic authorities and highlights the problematic aspects of the neoliberal constitutionalization of international law. (shrink)

Climate justice demands polluters to take responsibility for both present and future harm caused by past GHG emissions and for future harm caused by future GHG emissions. One problem with this is double climate taxation: people living in historical polluting countries must both shoulder the burden of an effective and inclusive climate transition and repay the climate debt incurred by their predecessors. Although double climate taxation might be defensible on normative grounds, it risks making climate justice politically infeasible. I therefore (...) maintain that global climate justice should focus on future, rather than past, climate harms. The forward-looking polluter pays principle (FL-PPP) can ensure both a cost-effective climate transition and a fair distribution of the climate burden, provided it is applied as follows: i) each country must introduce a carbon price calibrated to the global social cost of carbon; ii) each country must transfer part of carbon revenues collected at the country level to an international fund; iii) global carbon revenues must be redistributed on the basis of the country-level social cost of carbon. The FL-PPP burden can be made more progressive, moreover, if the formula for allocating global carbon revenues is adjusted through two coefficients, one consumption-based and one priority-sensitive. (shrink)

Duties to address global injustices face a large motivation gap, particularly amongst those populations most capable of bearing the financial burdens of fulfiling them. This motivation gap is explained, at least in part, by the structure of the state system, which facilitates group identification with fellow citizens to a greater extent than with outsiders. This structural feature of the state system gives states little incentive to further the cause of global justice. Yet, given that states are the most powerful actors (...) on the global stage today, a more just global order is likely predicated upon the development of more just states. In light of these realities, in this paper I make the case for an approach to furthering global justice which i call inward internationalisation. Inward internationalisation calls for the initially modest structural transformation of domestic states, so as to make domestic governments and their constituents increasingly sensitive to their international obligations. Inward internationalisation involves states giving a public, formal, and institutionalised voice within their own domestic deliberations to other states' representatives. This serves informational, expressive, and dynamic functions. After outlining these functions, thereby showing the attraction of inward internationalisation, I argue for the strategic accessibility of inward internationalisation as a path to reform, by outlining the dynamics which might cause inward internationalisation to spread as a norm of governance amongst states. (shrink)

This paper has two aims. The first is to describe several sources of the moral responsibility to remedy or alleviate global poverty—reasons why an agent might have such a responsibility. The second is to consider what sorts of agents bear the responsibilities associated with each source—in particular, whether they are collective agents like states, societies, or corporations, on the one hand, or individual human beings on the other. We often talk about our responsibilities to the poorest people in the world, (...) or what we owe them. So the question is who this we is. I shall argue that the answer depends on the source of the responsibility. Some responsibilities—one species of causal responsibilities—belong in the first instance to collectives, although they will also trickle down to at least some individuals within the collective. Other responsibilities—humanitarian responsibilities, and a different species of causal responsibilities—belong in the first instance to individuals, but can, I shall argue, “trickle up” to collectives of which individuals are members. (shrink)

This chapter expounds relational values characteristic of indigenous Africa and considers how they might usefully be adopted when contemporary societies interact with each other. Specifically, it notes respects in which genuinely human or communal relationship has been missing in the two contexts of globalization and international relations, and suggests what a greater appreciation of this good by the rest of the world would mean for them.

The object of the study is the process of globalization, the subject of the study is its impact on the structure of the art market and national artistic cultures. Based on the idea of a dialogical cultural model, which was adhered to by V. Bybler and M. Bakhtin, the author justifies the use of the term "dialogue of cultures" to characterize the processes taking place in the space of the modern art market. Special attention in the study is paid to (...) the analysis of its structural transformations: according to the author, inclusivity, which primarily consists in the decentralization of the internal structure of the art market, is a key characteristic that allows to periodize its development into classical and modern stages. A special contribution of the author of the study is an in-depth analysis of exhibition projects: "Magicians of the Earth" by J.-Y. Martin, as well as "Cities in Motion" by H.-W. Obrist and H. Hanru. It is established how these projects aroused the interest of Western collectors in the exotic and changed the share of representation in the art market of non-European art. The main conclusion is that the process of globalization of the art market acutely poses the problem of deformation of the perception of cultural heritage: the appeal of the Western world to traditional cultures in the forms of cultural and art tourism leads to fragmentation and differentiation of once integral national artistic cultures. (shrink)

In an important article published in this journal, Dryzek, Bächtiger and Milewicz (2011) champion the convocation of a Deliberative Global Citizens’ Assembly (DGCA). In this article, I aim to further strengthen the case for a DGCA by addressing: (i) why a DGCA is likely to take a long-term perspective in the global interest and (ii) why it is so vital that a global institution should do so. I start by analyzing the nature of the issues requiring global policy. These issues, (...) I will argue, are typically global cooperation problems. Cooperation problems pose two major challenges. The first is to prevent freeriding – i.e. serving one’s short-term interests at the expense of the long-term global interest. The second is to align on an efficient global policy. In both respects, I will argue, a DGCA is a good candidate to yield desirable results (and is likely to do better than current supranational institutions). (shrink)

Globally, one of every eight nurses is a migrant, but few studies have focused on the healthcare experiences of migrant nurses (MNs) as consumers or recipients of healthcare. We address this gap by examining MNs and their acculturation, barriers to healthcare access, and perceptions of healthcare encounters as consumers. For this mixed‐methods study, a convenience sample of MNs working in Europe and Israel was recruited. The quantitative component's methods included testing the reliability of scales contained within the questionnaire and using (...) Hayes Process Model #4 to test for mediation. The qualitative component's methods included analyzing interviews with iterative inductive thematic analysis. Quantitative findings on MNs (n = 73) indicated that the association between acculturation and perception of the healthcare encounter, which MNs experienced as healthcare consumers, was mediated by barriers to healthcare access, even after adjusting for age and gender (p = 0.03). Qualitative interviews with MNs (n = 13) provided possible explanations for the quantitative findings. Even after working in the host country's healthcare system for several years, MNs reported difficulties with their healthcare encounters as healthcare consumers, not only due to their limited knowledge about the culture and healthcare resources but also due to the biased responses they received. (shrink)

EU co-legislators recently approved the EU carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM), which establishes a uniform carbon price on both EU and imported products, in ETS covered sectors. This violates the CBDR-RC principle. Yet, CBAM advocates claim that the resulting unfair mitigation can be offset by scaling up climate finance, to the benefit of poorer countries. I argue that the CBAM’s unfairness is compounded by previous climate injustice, as avoidable emissions by developed countries pushed the climate crisis to the point where (...) fair mitigation is no longer viable. This implies that a disadvantage within the distributive sphere of emissions abatement cannot be counterbalanced by additional advantages within the distributive sphere of climate finance. (shrink)

Although there is now a large and sophisticated literature on ethical or moral matters relating to family immigration and immigration enforcement, the intersection of these topics has not been greatly explored. This is unfortunate, as particular and difficult normative issues arise in relation to immigration enforcement when applied to children and to families where some members are unauthorized migrants and others are citizens or authorized migrants (“mixed-status” families). This chapter addresses this deficit, explaining some of these special difficulties and providing (...) suggestions as to how they may be addressed. (the file below is a final pre-publication version. Please cite to the published version.). (shrink)

Rethinking Work, Power, and the Future of Nations// This article examines how economic and social systems adapt to technological disruptions, particularly artificial intelligence and automation. It explores several fundamental questions about systemic evolution in the face of changing scarcity paradigms. How do systems adapt when traditional forms of scarcity diminish? As technology reduces scarcity of physical and intellectual labor, new forms of scarcity emerge—attention, meaning, purpose, and experience become the new commodities. These shifts catalyze the evolution of economic structures, transforming (...) work rather than eliminating it entirely..//What drives the survival mechanisms of societal systems? Systems function like software agents with programmatic rules, continuously evolving to maintain their existence. Though not consciously acting entities, they develop traits ensuring adaptation and persistence. Citizens serve as both carriers and executing agents of these systems, participating in reinforcement mechanisms that perpetuate the system's operation.// How do systems change? Significant transformation typically requires emotional energy exceeding critical thresholds—often generated through crises. While proactive adaptation would be preferable, systems generally resist change until environmental pressures become intense enough to overcome institutional inertia.// Why is system diversity of systems important? Multiple competing systems create "trial-and-error laboratories" that test different approaches to emerging challenges. This diversity enhances humanity's collective adaptive capacity, proving more advantageous than monocultural global systems with reduced adaptability.// What role does information control play? As systems compete, control over information flows becomes crucial for survival. Systems naturally frame comparisons with competitors to maintain their power position. Open communication about relative fitness, however, encourages beneficial cross-adoption of successful elements.// What future emerges from these adaptations? Rather than catastrophic collapse, gradual transformation is more likely. Systems will incorporate new elements while preserving core structures. The evolving landscape may create unprecedented value, enabling human endeavor to pivot toward qualitative improvements in well-being, sustainability, and creativity./// The analysis concludes that human progress continues through evolutionary adaptation rather than revolutionary disruption, as systems expand into new niches while preserving fundamental human values and social cohesion. (shrink)

The article introduces a new perspective on the impact of globalization on identity formation, which marks a shift from traditional understandings of fixed territorial (cultural) identities. It uses Deleuze and Guattari’s theoretical terms of Deterritorialization and Reterritorialization and establishes these as the essence of Globalization Scholte (Globalization: A Critical Introduction, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2005), rejecting the pessimism and fear of cultural imperialism as a by-product of globalization or a fear of standardization in multicultural work environments. It presents globalization as (...) a positive force creating new assemblages and a renewed understanding of ourselves in the contemporary society. The approach contributes to leadership and management literature, specifically in International Business and cross-cultural communication contexts, by presenting a new lens through which leaders and decision makers can view the subtle shifts brought about by the dissemination of global modernity and its impact on identity formation, allowing them to better lead a culturally diverse work force. (shrink)

Commented Article: JAVADLI Gamar. Islamic bioethics and modern globalization values: main points of contact. Trans/Form/Ação: Unesp Journal of Philosophy, v. 47 n. 3, e0240087, 2024. Available at: https://revistas.marilia.unesp.br/index.php/transformacao/article/view/14681.

Resumo: A globalização mudou muitos aspectos da sociedade tradicional. A relevância deste artigo reside no fato de uma das consequências da globalização ser a perda das tradições, cultura, ideologia e singularidade dos povos nómadas, incluindo os pós-nómadas. Analisamos a literatura a respeito de como a consciência dos pós-nômadas muda a partir dos processos de globalização e como os nômadas se adaptam a tais processos. Tendo analisado todos os problemas e desafios para a consciência dos pós-nômadas na adaptação à globalização, revelou-se (...) que a identidade cultural dos pós-nômadas na República do Quirguizistão, com uma adaptação bem-sucedida às condições de vida modernas, continua a ser importante. Está estabelecido ser mais conveniente introduzir um desenvolvimento original, na forma de uma combinação harmoniosa de tradições e inovações, para melhorar os padrões de vida. No decorrer do artigo foram desenvolvidas recomendações para o renascimento e preservação dos valores e da cultura tradicionais dos pós-nômadas, no contexto da globalização, para preservar a identidade social e a identidade étnica. (shrink)

This paper seeks to examine the new empirical realities in India that globalization has ushered in and to explore the reasons for the hypervisibility of some of these realities and the neglect of others. The two interrelated questions that this paper asks of Indian sociology are: Why did a globalization propelled by the rise of new urban spaces, an expanding middle class, and a culture of consumption draw so much attention from Indian sociology? And why was the simultaneous crisis of (...) rural society, the precarious nature of labor, and the rise of cultural nationalism and its parochial bigotry so little taken into account? I suggest that the answers to these questions may be found in (i) the dominant intellectual traditions of Indian sociology; and (ii) its everyday local practices. This twofold approach stems from an understanding that Indian sociology’s tryst with globalization cannot be understood by a restricted focus on intellectual ideas alone but through the convoluted ways that the concept of globalization travelled into our classrooms, our syllabi and our common sense. (shrink)

Recent work on complex adaptive systems in the natural sciences, and the growing relational turn in the social sciences both reject the "systems theories" of earlier generations. This book builds on these entities to advance a relational processual approach to the comparative study of historical and contemporary international systems.

When progressive governments attempt to redistribute wealth, nationalize major industries, or empower unions, they are often faced with the threat of capital flight. Some republican theorists have suggested that this phenomenon might be a source of domination. However, the prominent neo-republican account of domination presented by Philip Pettit cannot justify this claim, since the class of investors is not usually an agent. In this article, I present a novel theory of domination by diffuse collectives that can justify the intuition that (...) the threat of capital flight is a source of domination. (shrink)

Resumo: A bioética islâmica e os valores da globalização moderna colidem, à medida que as forças globais penetram nos países de maioria muçulmana, necessitando de uma integração ponderada, para promover a compreensão mútua. Esta investigação explora as perspectivas islâmicas sobre os avanços biomédicos para identificar áreas de convergência e divergência com os valores globalizados. Utilizando a análise teórica, a síntese, a comparação e a generalização, surgiram conclusões notáveis. Enquanto a globalização promove procedimentos médicos sem entraves, a bioética islâmica apresenta posições (...) matizadas que refletem a falta de unidade do Islão. Os principais resultados mostraram que a bioética islâmica está em sintonia com os valores globais. em alguns procedimentos, como o transplante de órgãos e o aborto precoce, mas diverge em relação à reprodução assistida, à maternidade de substituição e à eutanásia ativa. devido a proibições morais. Em última análise, esta investigação realça a importância de uma integração gradual que respeite as tradições islâmicas, aliada à educação. para aumentar a compreensão e a abertura à evolução bioética. A navegação ponderada do intrincado nexo entre a globalização e a bioética islâmica pode permitir a prossecução de avanços médicos que afirmem a vida. sem sacrificar os valores fundamentais. (shrink)

When it comes to fulfilling our basic duties to distant others, we in the affluent world face a motivation gap; we consistently fall short of bearing even moderate costs for the sake of helping others secure basic minimums to which they are entitled. One response to the motivation gap is to cultivate in affluent populations a greater concern for distant others; cultivating such concern is the goal of ‘sentimental cosmopolitanism’. Two approaches to sentimental cosmopolitanism currently dominate the literature, a compassion-based (...) and a complicity-based approach, respectively. In this paper, I argue for the promise of reciprocity as an alternative motivator of cosmopolitan concern. I further argue that a sense of obligation to distant others, grounded in our participation in an ongoing system of reciprocal exchange, can be cultivated within a thus-far overlooked sphere of cosmopolitan sensitization, namely the market. I make the case for the market as an appropriate site for cosmopolitan sensitization, and further argue that multinational corporations are, for several reasons, well-positioned to bear the political responsibility of sensitizing affluent populations to the significance of their participation in a cooperative economic scheme shared with distant others. This paper, then, makes a novel contribution to debates on cosmopolitan sentiment, as well as to the emerging literature on corporations’ political responsibilities. Keywords: multinational corporations; political responsibility; reciprocity; sentimental cosmopolitanism; trade. (shrink)

As the normative literature on immigration has matured over the last twenty plus years, it’s become increasingly hard to make interesting, plausible, and original claims. Most issues have been discussed, and most plausible positions staked out. Valeria Ottonelli and Tiziana Torresi’s book is, then, a pleasant surprise. In a brisk 173 pages they make important tech- nical contributions and argue for an insightful approach to thinking about some problems relating to migration. I will suggest worries about both their conclusions and (...) the approach, but anyone interested in normative migration theory should read the book. (shrink)

Understanding the policymaking process in an emerging economy in the global south, such as Bangladesh, holds significant importance. The country's remarkable socio-economic development, once the most impoverished in the region, has been facilitated by post-globalization economic transformation. While the literature on institutional change has predominantly focused on states in industrialist countries, this dissertation presents an innovative theoretical approach. It deeply explores primary case materials to illustrate how the state engages in policy evolution in a developing country's gradual shift from the (...) import substitution model towards globalization and deregulation. The central argument posited is that Bangladesh's globalization, particularly through its private sector-led garment exports, stands as a significant success story. Bangladesh is now the world's second-largest garment exporter after China. This achievement is attributed to the entrepreneurial development it fosters and its role in driving socio-economic change. Moreover, it has enabled the mobilization of resources, reducing aid dependence, enhancing climate resilience, improving public health and wellbeing, empowering women, and addressing critical needs in physical infrastructure and human development. The argument presented here diverges from the conventional explanation found in the literature, which tends to emphasize the role of external forces, particularly institutions like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and donors, in triggering policy reforms in Bangladesh. These reforms, commonly linked with structural adjustment packages implemented during the balance of payments crisis, are frequently perceived as predominantly influenced by external pressures. Additionally, the influence of the business class or Bangladeshi non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is often asserted. This dissertation proposes an alternative explanation by suggesting that ideational viewpoints within the state, specifically the ideas espoused by top technocrats and political executives, played a significant role. It argues that these internal ideational factors were more influential than materialistic ones, highlighting the causal role of the policy process driven by endogenous imperatives. The introduction of the dissertation addresses the research problem and research puzzle while suggesting conjectures after problematizing existing arguments. The significant economic transformation observed in Bangladesh today is portrayed as the outcome of a gradual process spanning several decades. The transition towards promoting the private sector and embracing globalization commenced in 1991, following a series of incremental changes dating back to the 1970s and 1980s. During these periods, the institutional path progressed towards empowering the private sector and embracing globalization, laying the groundwork for a trajectory led by the private sector in the context of globalization. The theory chapter serves to establish the conceptual and theoretical foundation for analyzing both economic change and transformation by examining the evolutionary nature of the process. The study adopts an institutional change framework, drawing on the theory of gradual change and focusing on concepts such as layering and tipping points. Within this framework, causal variables such as powering and puzzling, social learning, and ideas are identified. The methodological approach is grounded in historical institutionalism, employing the process-tracing "within case" method. The selection of cases deliberately targets an important yet under-researched area—the policy process in Bangladesh concerning the success of garment-led industrialization. This dissertation fills a noticeable gap in the literature through rigorous analysis, enabling an in-depth exploration of the institutional dynamics spanning four governments from 1972 to 1991. The study relies on substantial primary materials, including interviews with key officials. Each empirical chapter not only presents data but also connects the findings to conceptual and theoretical conjectures, underscoring the significant contributions of this research. The key causal variables identified include the concepts of ‘puzzling’ and ‘social learning’ within the state capacity framework, along with a narrowly defined and developed concept of a "policy committee." The learning process entails technocrats engaging in what Hugh Heclo and Peter Hall term as "social learning," where they play a crucial role in addressing policy challenges, particularly during times of uncertainty and political turmoil, based on their learning from past experiences. Additionally, the concept of ‘powering’ is highlighted, emphasizing that while technocrats provide policy recommendations, it is ultimately the political executive who endorses policies. The interplay between ‘puzzling and powering’ and ‘social learning’ shapes the outcomes of the policy process. The first empirical chapter focusing on the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Government (1972-1975) illustrates the emergence of policy learning during this period. Initially, this government pursued import substitution under strict government controls, with a predominant public sector. The historical context of exploitation under Pakistani rule and the centralization of industry by West Pakistan fostered socialism as an ideal for East Pakistan's economic emancipation. Additionally, close ties with India and the Soviet Union reinforced this socialist tendency. However, due to severe economic conditions resulting from stringent control on private investment and emphasis on large-scale public investment, policy puzzling and learning ensued. As a result, incremental changes were initiated, allowing limited private sector participation. The second empirical chapter explores the General Ziaur Rahman government's tenure (1975-1981) and how deregulation was consolidated within a layering step, paving the way for a shift towards globalization. General Zia and his technocrats, operating under authoritarian conditions, acknowledged the inefficacy of existing policies. Furthermore, General Zia's inclination towards the West fostered closer collaboration with donors. The Multifiber Agreement (MFA) presented an opportunity for garments, coinciding with the decline in jute exports. This government opened up industrial sectors for private participation, and banks provided funding across various sectors, with special emphasis on the burgeoning garment industry. The chapter also explores the origins of the garment industry during this period. Notably, Noorul Quader Khan, upon retiring as cabinet secretary, collaborated with a Korean multinational, Daewoo, with the support of General Zia, leading to the establishment of Desh Garments—a pioneering venture that catalyzed the export orientation of the sector. The third empirical chapter delves into the economic policies of the General Hussain Muhammad Ershad Government (1982-1990), highlighting its emphasis on greater private sector involvement. Under this administration, there was a political inclination towards globalization and deregulation, leading to the appointment of technocrats aligned with this vision. The leadership believed that promoting the private sector would be more effective in job creation. Despite facing significant political opposition, efforts towards disinvestment were made, eventually resulting in compromises like public-private partnerships. The decentralization of administration and restructuring of ministries aimed at promoting industrialization and economic globalization driven by the private sector at the regional level. Initiatives such as the Industrial Promotion and Development Company, with support from organizations like the International Finance Corporation, aimed to boost the private sector. Efforts towards globalization were synchronized with the establishment of an export processing zone in Chittagong, focusing on promoting private and foreign investment. Foreign investment promotion was encouraged through diplomatic efforts and legislative measures to safeguard investors. Currency devaluation was utilized to stimulate exports, along with some degree of import liberalization. The chapter convincingly argues that the groundwork for globalization, initiated under General Zia, came to fruition under General Ershad. The final empirical chapter contends that the system shifted towards globalization and deregulation in 1991. Although a severe balance of payments crisis occurred in 1989, it wasn't perceived as the sole cause of the industrial policy of 1991. The democratic uprising in 1990 led to the downfall of the military-backed government and the rise of a democratic government. The chapter argues that while economic and political changes may have been intertwined, the economic shift in 1991 was primarily driven by ideas within the state and driven by endogenous imperatives. It examines preceding periods to illustrate how the tipping mechanism might have operated, detailing the roles of top technocrats and political executives. The chapter provides insights into key policymakers and their ideas, as well as their interactions with industrialists, entrepreneurs, and representatives of multilateral organizations like the World Bank. Significant reform measures, including tariff reduction, the introduction of value-added tax, banking sector reform, and the adoption of floating exchange rates, are outcomes of the policy change. Additionally, sectors such as power, banks, and telecommunications, formerly monopolized by the public sector, are now deregulated. (shrink)

Energy politics lie at the heart of human activity. In a time of ecological and energy crises, it is fundamental to realise that our reality systems are always open to change and that, in order to respond to the challenges of a changing energy landscape, we must explore the full possibilities of technology in a radical way. This analysis aims to consider the ethical implications of energy and technology, presenting an urgent case for cosmotechnical pluralism, that is the diversification of (...) world-views, knowledges, technologies in the realm of global politics. To reconstruct the world and its politics around the existence of several ways of navigating and conceiving it, literally leads to a change in reality. The notion of cosmotechnics will present a way of conceiving of the cosmic, epistemic and technic order as interconnected: in this spirit, this exploration will travel through the prisms of cosmology, epistemology, morality, to subsequently enter into the room where energy policies are created. By employing this tripartite framework, policy directions will be suggested on the path towards energy justice in the hope of shining some light on what moral practices of policy-making in the field of energy politics could look like. (shrink)

Scholars and commentators have noted the frequent inefficacy of "development," and criticized the power relations it entrenches. Aware of these problems, some North Americans choose to disengage from transnational work. But the reality is that we cannot avoid participating in global networks that affect people in many countries, and there are vast inequalities in access to resources that need to be addressed. Through philosophical insights, narrative accounts, and testimony from community members, we can discover a path between development and disengagement, (...) through which relational morality and meaningful action can enrich intercultural collaboration and yield many fruits. (shrink)

Science depends upon the decimal system, and, for technological ‘calculations,’ science also depends upon the binary system. Where neither the decimal system nor the binary system is known at all by Nature. -/- .

Статтю присвячено проблемі розвитку національних спільнот у Європі в контексті впливу явищ IV промислової революції (Industry 4.0) та глобалізації, які взаємно обумовлюють одне одного. Вплив цих явищ на національні спільноти об’єднаної Європи має неоднорідні наслідки. У контексті глобалізації, тісно пов’язаної з Industry 4.0, а також феноменів антиглобалізму та євроскептицизму як реакції на неї виокремлено тенденції розвитку національних спільнот у державах сучасної Європи. У країнах Західної Європи переважно спостерігається процес фрагментації національних спільнот. У країнах Центрально-Східної Європи, що перебували у сфері впливу (...) СРСР і стали членами ЄС і НАТО на межі ХХ та ХХІ ст., реакцією на глобалізацію та євроінтеграційні процеси стало зростання впливу євроскептичного та антиглобалістичного націоналізму. В Україні, яка зазнає агресії з боку РФ, розглядає країни ЄС і НАТО як союзників, недостатньо інтегрована в процеси глобалізації та IV промислової революції, тенденції до національного відродження мають переважно єврооптимістичний характер, не породжують скептичного ставлення до глобалізації. Доведено, що IV промислова революція та глобалізація, що взаємно обумовлюють одна одну, формують передумови до послаблення ролі національних держав як на міжнародній арені, так і у сфері внутрішньополітичного розвитку. Суспільні зміни, спричинені цими процесами, викликали явище антиглобалізму та євроскептицизму в країнах ЄС і є чинником коригування глобалізаційних процесів. Поруч із регіональним сепаратизмом політичні спільноти в Західній Європі, які прагнуть відокремлення, все ж залишаються в глобальних і наднаціональних структурах. Україна також виявляє прагнення до національного відродження, спрямованого на дистанціювання від минулого та долучення до передових країн IV промислової революції, зберігаючи відкритий, інклюзивний характер і підтримуючи європейську та євроатлантичну інтеграцію. (shrink)

In contemporary democracies, global capitalism exerts a significant influence over how state power is exercised, raising questions about where political power resides in global politics. This question is important, since our specific considerations about justifiability of political power, i.e. political legitimacy, depend on how we characterize political power at the global level. As a partial answer to this question, I argue that our notion of global political legitimacy should be reoriented to include the structural power of the Transnational Capitalist Class (...) as its subject matter. Structural power is a social relation in which the institutional context makes some agents comply with others’ preferences regardless of actors’ intentional efforts to bring about such outcomes. Even when global business elites do not intentionally exercise power to obtain political control of global governance, their structural power has recognizable effects that partly enforce the world order. To advance my claim, I utilize the radical realists’ argument that the notion of legitimacy is applicable to a broader range of social practices that are beyond dyadic power relations, i.e. rulers intentionally exercising power over subjects. (shrink)

The current stage of globalization development is revealed in the context of its complexity and multidimensionality. The historical prerequisites, which have prepared the world for the global state, are investigated. Socio-cultural transformations initiated by the global processes are discussed, and their contradictions and costs are revealed. By the example of the phenomenon of “structurally superfluous man” the problem of the exclusion of the marginalized from the currents of modern (global) life is considered. The question of alternative models to globalization is (...) raised. (shrink)

The recent Covid-19 global health crisis not only brings into sharp relief the current problems afflicting the international intellectual property regime (IIPR) but also calls into question its legitimacy as an international authority. Against this backdrop, the article aims to launch an investigation into the legitimacy of the IIPR, as an international co-ordinative authority, designed to protect IP rights without prejudice to international trade norms. Drawing on Raz’s service conception of authority, it explores whether the IIPR lives up to its (...) promises by enabling co-ordination between states over IP rights without undermining the initial balance on which it is founded, struck between developing and developed countries, as well as between international protection of IP- cum-trade rights and domestic regulatory autonomy. It does so by classifying the historical evolution of the IIPR under three different phases: (i) its foundation, (ii) before, and (iii) after the TRIPS-plus. Upon showing the legitimacy challenges inherent in its undemocratic foundation, the article points to the success of the regime in finding a balance between conflicting interests before the TRIPS-plus era. Later, it underlines the many challenges that come with linking the IIPR to the investment regime and argues that the FTAs and frequent regime-shifting activities put further pressure on the authority and legitimacy of the regime. Stressing the importance of democratic participation for the legitimacy of any co-ordinative authority, the article casts doubt on the IIPR’s legitimacy and concludes by raising some points to overcome the ongoing legitimacy challenges. -/- . (shrink)

Dans son acception la plus commune, le terme mondialisation s'apparente à un phénomène économique. Mais, en élargissant un peu la focale, on s'aperçoit qu'il correspond aussi au processus par lequel un monde advient, à la mise en monde de l'humanité. Il s'agit alors de s'interroger sur la notion même de 'monde.' D'ailleurs, s'agit-il du Monde ou des mondes? À quelle époque ce mot a-t-il pris les différents sens qu'on lui connaît? Quelles réalités a-t-il recouvertes et comment a-t-il été compris? De (...) la même manière, quand a-t-on pris conscience de l'idée de mondialisation? Que disent de ce processus des mots voisins comme internationalisation, universalisation, planétarisation, globalisation, cosmopolitisation? Partant des origines latines et grecques de ces termes, Vincent Capdepuy analyse comment leur usage évolue dans la langue française, en lien avec d'autres langues européennes. Sur la base d'un large corpus d'ouvrages et d'articles, il interroge l'idée de Monde : pourquoi faire Monde? Peut-on être mondialiste? Entre paradoxes, complémentarités et enchâssements, son essai est une géohistoire critique du Monde."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

The international system of obligatory passports, as it exists today, was established at the beginning of the First World War. After the Armistice, the League of Nations tried to abolish it, but several governments delayed it. This article analyzes how the French press of the interwar period called for the abolition of passports. Seen as a "vexation", the passport was deemed "useless" after the war. So why wasn’t it abolished? Among the reasons for maintaining passports, we explore the hypothesis of (...) political “utility”: the regime of obligatory passports enabled governments to refuse passports and thus to control the transnational activity of political opponents. (shrink)