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  1. Populism in Government: The Case of SYRIZA (2015–2019).G. Markou - 2020 - In Pierre Ostiguy, Francisco Panizza & Benjamin Moffitt (eds.), Populism in Global Perspective: A Performative and Discursive Approach. New York: Routledge. pp. 178-198.
    Chapter 9 analyzes the political discourse and performance of the Greek populist radical left party SYRIZA in government since 2015. To this purpose, it examines its leader Alexis Tsipras’ discursive construction of antagonisms, his articulation of social demands and political style, as well as SYRIZA’s policies while in government. The analysis shows that in office Tsipras continued to use people-centred populist appeals to create and maintain a political antagonism between the Greek people on the one hand and the traditional political (...)
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  2. (Populism) In opposition and in government.Giorgos Venizelos & G. Markou - 2024 - In Yannis Stavrakakis & Giorgos Katsambekis (eds.), Research Handbook on Populism. Cheltenham and Northampton: Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 360–372.
    The ascendance of populism to power in various liberal democracies around the world triggered vigorous public debates. More often than not, scholars, politicians and analysts warn of the dangers populism poses to democracy and its institutions, expecting populism to turn authoritarian once in government. Viewing populism as a feature of the opposition alone, others argue that populism in government is not meant to last - but rather consolidated into the mainstream of political and party systems. This chapter provides a critical (...)
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  3. Lagerkoller. Giorgio Agamben und seine Texte zur Pandemie.David Lauer - 2021 - Zibaldone. Zeitschrift Für Italienische Kultur der Gegenwart 71:63-72.
    In his collection of articles, "Where Are We Now - The Epidemic as Politics", Giorgio Agamben appears to make some very startling (if not downright outrageous) claims concerning the political situation in Italy and elsewhere in Europe during the Covid-19 pandemic. In this piece [in German] I analyse how these claims are rooted in the philosophy of Agamben's "Homo sacer" project. Focussing on three central notions (Schmitt's "state of exception", Foucault's "biopolitics", and Agamben's very own "bare life"), I show how (...)
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  4. Who's afraid of a non-adaptable constitution?Terence Rajivan Edward - 2023 - IJRDO - Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 9 (1):26-27.
    Joseph Raz criticizes John Rawls for a procedure supporting a non-adaptable constitution. This paper considers how a non-adaptable constitution can seem not so counterintuitive and also when.
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  5. Expropriation as a measure of corporate reform: Learning from the Berlin initiative.Philipp Stehr - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    A citizens’ movement in Berlin advocates for the expropriation of housing corporations and has won a significant majority in a popular referendum in September 2021. Building on this proposal, this paper develops a general account of expropriation as a measure for corporate reform and thereby contributes to the ongoing debate on the democratic accountability of business corporations. It argues that expropriation is a valuable tool for intervention in a dire situation in some economic sector to enable a re-structuring of the (...)
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  6. The Revelations of Violence.David Casciola - 2022 - Etica-Mente 3:15-31.
    Accusations that some political movement or policy is totalitarian or is pushing a nation towards a totalitarian state are always popular in the speech of political firebrands, but this is obvious hyperbole. This was, broadly speaking, the political project that Hannah Arendt engaged with in the middle of the 20th century. Using her worry about mass society as the starting point for my analysis and contrasting that with Herbert Marcuse’s critique of mass consumerist society I will argue that the worry (...)
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  7. AI & democracy, and the importance of asking the right questions.Ognjen Arandjelović - 2021 - AI Ethics Journal 2 (1):2.
    Democracy is widely praised as a great achievement of humanity. However, in recent years there has been an increasing amount of concern that its functioning across the world may be eroding. In response, efforts to combat such change are emerging. Considering the pervasiveness of technology and its increasing capabilities, it is no surprise that there has been much focus on the use of artificial intelligence (AI) to this end. Questions as to how AI can be best utilized to extend the (...)
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  8. A Modest Proposal for Preventing the Votes of People with Short Life Expectancy From Being a Long-Term Burden to Their Country.Ognjen Arandjelović - 2023 - Social Sciences 12 (3):173.
    In response to the growing social discontent at what is perceived as generational injustice, due to younger generations of voters facing long-term negative consequences from issues disproportionately decided by the votes of older generations of voters, there have been suggestions to introduce an upper age voting threshold. These have been all but universally dismissed as offensive and contrary to basic democratic values. In the present article, I show that the idea is in fact entirely consonant with present-day democratic practices and (...)
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  9. AI and Structural Injustice: Foundations for Equity, Values, and Responsibility.Johannes Himmelreich & Désirée Lim - 2023 - In Justin B. Bullock, Yu-Che Chen, Johannes Himmelreich, Valerie M. Hudson, Anton Korinek, Matthew M. Young & Baobao Zhang (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of AI Governance. Oxford University Press.
    This chapter argues for a structural injustice approach to the governance of AI. Structural injustice has an analytical and an evaluative component. The analytical component consists of structural explanations that are well-known in the social sciences. The evaluative component is a theory of justice. Structural injustice is a powerful conceptual tool that allows researchers and practitioners to identify, articulate, and perhaps even anticipate, AI biases. The chapter begins with an example of racial bias in AI that arises from structural injustice. (...)
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  10. Book Review: John Adams and the Fear of American Oligarchy, by Luke Mayville. [REVIEW]Jeremy D. Bailey - 2018 - Political Theory 46 (6):1004-1008.
  11. Videos, Police Violence, and Scrutiny of the Black Body.Sherri Irvin - 2022 - Social Research: An International Quarterly 89 (4):997-1023.
    The ability of videos to serve as evidence of racial injustice is complex and contested. This essay argues that scrutiny of the Black body has come to play a key role in how videos of police violence are mined for evidence, following a long history of racialized surveillance and attributions of threat and superhuman powers to Black bodies. Using videos to combat injustice requires incorporating humanizing narratives and cultivating resistant modes of looking.
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  12. Enhancing Public Service Delivery in a VUCA Environment in South Africa: A Literature Review.Lance Barbier & Robertson K. Tengeh - 2022 - Rudn Journal of Public Administration 9 (4):418-437.
    There is widespread consensus that the volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA) environment has contributed to the subpar quality of public sector service delivery in South Africa. Hence, the aim of this paper is to ascertain how the South African government can enhance service delivery in a VUCA world. This article presents a comprehensive study of a number of secondary literature sources. The author makes an effort to draw attention to knowledge gaps that might serve as the foundation for more (...)
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  13. Ignorance and the Incentive Structure confronting Policymakers.Scott Scheall - 2019 - Cosmos + Taxis Studies in Emergent Order and Organization 7 (1 + 2):39-51.
    The paper examines one of the considerations that determines the extent to which policymakers pursue the objec- tives demanded by constituents. The nature and extent of their ignorance serve to determine the incentives confronted by policymakers to pursue their constituents’ demands. The paper also considers several other consequences of policymaker ig- norance and its relationship to expert failure.
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  14. The Possibility of Democratic Autonomy.Adam Lovett & Jake Zuehl - 2022 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 50 (4):467-498.
    What makes democracy valuable? One traditional answer holds that participating in democratic self-government amounts to a kind of autonomy: it enables citizens to be the authors of their political affairs. Many contemporary philosophers, however, are skeptical. We are autonomous, they argue, when important features of our lives are up to us, but in a democracy we merely have a say in a process of collective choice. In this paper, we defend the possibility of democratic autonomy, by advancing a conception of (...)
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  15. Empire and Liberty in Adam Ferguson’s Republicanism.Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2022 - History of European Ideas 48 (7):909-929.
    Adam Ferguson’s imperial thought casts new light on the age-old republican dilemma of the tension between empire and liberty. Generations of republican writers had been haunted by this issue as the decline of Rome proved that imperial expansion would eventually ruin the liberty of a state. Many eighteenth-century Scottish thinkers regarded this as an insoluble conundrum and thus became critics of empire. Ferguson shared their basic views but, paradoxically, was still able to defend the British Empire in the debates over (...)
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  16. Legitimacy as a Right to Err.Daniel Viehoff - 2019 - In Jack Knight & Melissa Schwartzberg (eds.), NOMOS LXI: Political Legitimacy. New York: NYU Press. pp. 173-199.
    This essay proposes that legitimacy (on at least one understanding of the protean term) is centrally a right to err: a right to make mistakes that harm interests of others that are ordinarily protected by rights (Section 1). Legitimacy so understood is importantly distinct from authority, the normative power to impose binding (or enforceable) rules at will (Section 2). Specifically, legitimate institutions have a distinctive liberty right to harm others’ interests that other agents normally lack. Their subjects in turn lack (...)
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  17. Biopolitics and the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Foucauldian Interpretation of the Danish Government’s Response to the Pandemic.Philip Højme - 2022 - Philosophies 7 (2):34.
    With the coronavirus pandemic and the Omicron variant once again forcing countries into lockdown, this essay seeks to outline a Foucauldian critique of various legal measures taken by the Danish government to cope with COVID-19 during the first year and a half of the pandemic. The essay takes a critical look at the extra-legal measures employed by the Danish government, as the Danish politicians attempted to halt the spread of the, now almost forgotten, Cluster 5 COVID-19 variant. This situation will (...)
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  18. Undemocratic Climate Protests.Francisco Garcia-Gibson - 2021 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 39 (1):162-179.
    Climate change activists sometimes engage in protests that exert coercion on governments, businesses, and citizens, instead of protests that just attempt to persuade them. I argue that these coercive protests are sometimes undemocratic, despite recent attempts in the literature to describe them as democratic. Coercive climate protests do not always improve deliberative decision-making, and they are a means of exerting control over official decisions that is not available to all affected. I then claim that the fact that some of these (...)
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  19. The Right to Exist: The Position of Universal Basic Income in the Works of the Most Influential Contemporary Philosophers.Shamsaddin Amanov - 2022 - Dissertation, University of Szeged
    Universal Basic Income has become a popular idea in the last few decades even though one can find its roots in the earlier centuries. In this thesis, I have examined the position of UBI in the works of the most influential contemporary philosophers. By connecting the idea of UBI with some certain concepts from different philosophers, I aimed to improve the overall understanding of UBI. I have mentioned the concepts such as "labor", "leisure", "idleness", "boredom", "poverty", "inequality", "distribution", "happiness", "power", (...)
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  20. Republicanism, EU democracy and differentiated (dis-)integration.Markus Patberg - 2020 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (1):178-186.
    European Journal of Political Theory, Volume 21, Issue 1, Page 178-186, January 2022. Few debates in political theory are challenged as much by the constant change of their empirical subject as those about democracy in the European Union. With A Republican Europe of States, Richard Bellamy responds to the EU’s post-Lisbon era, which has been characterized by the euro crisis, conflicts over migration, the rise of Euroscepticism and Brexit. Keeping an eye on these contextual conditions and the related legal and (...)
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  21. Political Corruption: The Internal Enemy of Public Institutions.Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti - 2021 - New York: Oxford University Press.
    "This book discusses political corruption and anticorruption as a matter of a public ethics of office. It shows how political corruption is the Trojan horse that undermines public institutions from within via the interrelated action of the officeholders. Even well-designed and legitimate institutions may go off track if the officeholders fail to uphold by their conduct a public ethics of office accountability. Most current discussions of what political corruption is and why it is wrong have concentrated either on explaining and (...)
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  22. Tobacco Control Politics in Bangladesh.Md Mahmudul Hoque - 2016 - Dissertation,
    Despite having a set of well-intended tobacco control policies since 2003, the production and consumption of tobacco in Bangladesh have increased. This paper explains why the tobacco control policies in Bangladesh failed to deliver their intended outcomes. Using a combined framework of political economy and policy implementation analysis, this study examines the information collected from primary and secondary sources. Based on the findings, the paper argues that the game of interests among the stakeholders have made the state institutions inactive and (...)
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  23. Review of Drutman, Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop. [REVIEW]Walter Horn - 2021 - A Hornbook of Democracy Book Reviews, 3:16 AM.
  24. Religious Accommodation in Bioethics and the Practice of Medicine.William R. Smith & Robert Audi - 2021 - Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 46 (2):188-218.
    Debates about the ethics of health care and medical research in contemporary pluralistic democracies often arise partly from competing religious and secular values. Such disagreements raise challenges of balancing claims of religious liberty with claims to equal treatment in health care. This paper proposes several mid-level principles to help in framing sound policies for resolving such disputes. We develop and illustrate these principles, exploring their application to conscientious objection by religious providers and religious institutions, accommodation of religious priorities in biomedical (...)
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  25. Liberty, diversity and domination: Kant, Mill and the Government of Difference.Menaka Philips - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):13-16.
  26. The perpetual immigrant and the limits of Athenian democracy.Joel Alden Schlosser - 2018 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (S1):8-12.
  27. The Role of Consent in Locke’s Theory of State.Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2020 - Historical Inquiry, Journal of National Taiwan University 66:201-236.
    John Locke’s theory of state is heavily constructed around his doctrine of consent. The doctrine indeed signifies a critical moment in the development of liberal and democratic theories in the history of political thought. Nevertheless, the doctrine has provoked various controversies and raises doubts on whether Locke’s early and later positions are reconcilable. This paper joins the scholarly debate through investigating the role of consent in Locke’s theory of state. It rejects the ahistorical readings of the doctrine that deliberation and (...)
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  28. Book Review: Political Corruption. The Underside of Civic Morality, by Robert Alan Sparling. [REVIEW]Emanuela Ceva - 2021 - Political Theory 49 (1):145-149.
    Political corruption is a contested concept. Both terms in the concept are the object of controversies in political theory, and concern what corruption is and how it is a politically relevant phenomenon. Political corruption has been contested across time, space, cultures, and philosophical traditions. Usually, political corruption is assumed to involve an exchange between a private corruptor and a public official who pursues her personal interest by abusing her power of office. While this account may be true with respect to (...)
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  29. Defying democratic despair: A Kantian account of hope in politics.Jakob Huber - 2021 - European Journal of Political Theory 20 (4).
    In times of a prevailing sense of crisis and disorder in modern politics, there is a growing sentiment that anger, despair or resignation are more appropriate attitudes to navigate the world than hope. Political philosophers have long shared this suspicion and shied away from theorising hope more systematically. The aim of this article is to resist this tendency by showing that hope constitutes an integral part of democratic politics in particular. In making this argument I draw on Kant’s conceptualisation of (...)
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  30. A socialist republican theory of freedom and government.James Muldoon - 2019 - Sage Publications: European Journal of Political Theory 21 (1):47-67.
    European Journal of Political Theory, Volume 21, Issue 1, Page 47-67, January 2022. In response to the republican revival of the ideal of freedom as non-domination, a number of ‘radical’, ‘labour’ and ‘workplace’ republicans have criticised the limitations of Philip Pettit’s account of freedom and government. This article proposes that the missing link in these debates is the relationship between republicanism and socialism. Seeking to bring this connection back into view in historical and theoretical terms, the article draws from contemporary (...)
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  31. ¿Demarquía o utopía?Miguel Cabrera Machado - 2020 - Foro Venezuela 2020.
    Cualquier propuesta de alternativa a la democracia representativa, sea para mejorarla, sea para sustituirla por otro tipo de forma política, debería de tomar en cuenta dos tipos de restricciones para que la alternativa en cuestión tenga mayores probabilidades de éxito. Al primer grupo de restricciones los llamaremos factores limitantes de la conducta humana, mientras que al segundo grupo los llamaremos funciones impropias de esa forma política, es decir, las funciones que no debería tener. Tanto los factores limitantes de la conducta (...)
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  32. The Inheritance of Loss: Symposium on Jeffrey K. Tulis and Nicole Mellow, Legacies of Losing in American Politics, University of Chicago Press, 2018.Bryan Garsten, Jennifer Hochschild, Diane Rubenstein, Jeffrey K. Tulis & Nicole Mellow - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (6):796-823.
  33. The government of desire: A genealogy of the liberal subject.Anne-Marie D’Aoust - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (3):197-201.
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  34. They don't represent us? Synecdochal representation and the politics of occupy movements.Mathijs van de Sande - 2020 - Constellations 27 (3):397-411.
  35. Kantian Theocracy as a Non-Political Path to the Politics of Peace.Stephen R. Palmquist - 2016 - Jian Dao 46 (July):155-175.
    Kant is often regarded as one of the founding fathers of modern liberal democracy. His political theory reaches its climax in the ground-breaking work, Perpetual Peace (1795), which sets out the basic framework for a world federation of states united by a system of international law. What is less well known is that two years earlier, in his Religion within the Bounds of Bare Reason (1793/1794), Kant had postulated a very different, explicitly religious path to the politics of peace: he (...)
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  36. Book Review: A Duty to Resist: When Disobedience Should Be Uncivil, by Candice Delmas. [REVIEW]Jennet Kirkpatrick - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (4):528-533.
  37. The Panglossian politics of the geoclique.Catriona McKinnon - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (5):584-599.
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  38. Why outcomes matter: reclaiming distributive justice.Peter Lindsay - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (4):445-467.
  39. Book Review: Democracy for Realists: Why Elections Do Not Produce Responsive Government, by Christopher H. Achen & Larry M. Bartels. [REVIEW]J. S. Maloy - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (2):255-260.
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  40. The governmentality of network governance: Collaboration as a new facet of the liberal art of governing.Oscar L. Larsson - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):111-126.
  41. Transnational partisan networks and constituent power in the EU.Fabio Wolkenstein - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):127-142.
  42. Power, Truth and Politics.Steven Lukes - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (4):562-576.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  43. Representing Falsehoods.Robert E. Goodin - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (4):495-512.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  44. Noncognitivist Trumpism: Partisanship and Political Reasoning.Henry S. Richardson - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (4):642-663.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  45. Book Review: Poetic Justice: Rereading Plato’s “Republic,” by Jill Frank. [REVIEW]Jonny Thakkar - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (1):121-126.
  46. On Liberalism’s Religion.Jean L. Cohen - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (1):48-67.
  47. Transparency as a justification for legislative supremacy.Eoin Daly - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (7):807-830.
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  48. Freedom and Trust: A Rejoinder to Lovett and Pettit.Thomas W. Simpson - 2019 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 47 (4):412-424.
    Philosophy &Public Affairs, Volume 47, Issue 4, Page 412-424, Fall 2019.
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  49. Theological Metaphors in Anti-immigration Discourse.Mayra Rivera - 2019 - American Journal of Theology and Philosophy 40 (2):48-72.
    I offered the title for this paper before family separations were on the news, before the president had brought attention to the exodus of migrants, and before the government shutdown in response to the request of billions of dollars to build a border wall.1 I had no idea how common immigration would be in everyday conversation. By the time you read this, I am sure there will be other worrisome news. Perhaps we will still be thinking about immigration, or we (...)
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  50. People and Power in an African Consensual Democracy.Richmond Kwesi - manuscript
    Some African thinkers have argued that the governance system in traditional pre-colonial African societies were democratic, and the kind of democracy they practiced was consensual democracy (Wiredu, 2012; Wamala, 2004; Teffo, 2004). It was democratic, because it ensured the maximal participation of all members in the governance of the society; and it was consensual because it involved the rational deliberation of issues where decisions were primarily reached by consensus. The aim of this paper is to examine, on the one side, (...)
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