Hannah Arendt

Radical democrats highlight dramatic moments of political action, which disrupt everyday habits of perception that sustain unequal social relations. In doing so, however, we sometimes neglect how social conditions—such as precarious employment, social dislocation, and everyday exposure to violence—undermine political agency or might be contested in uneventful ways. Despite their differences, two thinkers who have significantly influenced radical democratic theory have been similarly criticized for contributing to such a socially weightless picture of politics. However, attending to how they are each (...) preoccupied by the social conditions of inequality and loneliness enables us to recognize two distinct aspects of democratic politics–emancipation and civility. Cultivating an interpretive flexibility to shift between these aspects of politics might enable radical democrats to more clearly picture how struggles for appearance are limited and shaped by the social conditions within which they are enacted. (shrink)

This paper examines Hannah Arendt's claim from ‘Understanding and Politics’ that we need to determine what ‘makes it bearable for us to live with other people, strangers forever, in the same world and makes it possible for them to bear with us’. From the vantage point of bearing with strangers, it analyses in detail two of Arendt's essays not often treated extensively: ‘Reflections on Little Rock’ and ‘On Humanity in Dark Times: Thoughts about Lessing’. Some implications of Arendt's position for (...) current debates about the construction of otherness are identified and assessed. It is argued that bearing with strangers offers unique insights into questions of personal identity and the nature of appropriate political and social bonds. Ultimately, the paper suggests that the idea of bearing with strangers puts Arendt's political thought and her key concepts in a new light and offers elements of a distinctively Arendtian account of politics. (shrink)

Informed by D. W. Winnicott’s object relations theory, and focused on the role of Things in constituting the world that is the object of Arendtian care, this essay examines Hannah Arendt’s treatment in The Human Condition of two liminal examples, cultivated land and poetry, that hover on the borders of Labor, Work, and/or Action. Cultivated land could belong to Work because cultivation leaves a lasting mark on the land, but it is assigned to Labor because land, once it is left (...) uncultivated, returns to nature, Arendt says. Poetry could belong to Action, which is the realm of meaning-making speech, but it is assigned to Work because, Arendt argues, poetry’s memorability ultimately depends on its writtenness and, once it is written, it becomes a Thing possessed of the object permanence characteristic of Work’s objects. But cultivated land also has a textualized form; it, too, can be written down as, for example, in the form of mapping. Why does Arendt not consider this? What possibilities of political thought or action might have been opened had she done so? Working through these questions with particular reference to colonial cartography, and reading Kafka’s The Castle alongside Brian Friel’s Translations, this essay explores practices of participatory mapping and land sabbatical that might make of land a “Thing” in Arendt’s sense. Noting the Biblical origins of land sabbatical and that Arendt’s move in the Work section from cultivated land to text/poem retraces George Steiner’s diasporic journey “From Homeland to Text,” I suggest that The Human Condition, commonly called Arendt’s most Greek text, may have a Jewish unconscious. (shrink)

This essay interprets Hannah Arendt’s concept of the “social question” through a reading of her controversial essay “Reflections on Little Rock.” I argue that Arendt’s social question refers to social climbing and not simply poverty, as she initially suggests. The social-climbing framework illuminates “Little Rock” in two ways. First, it explains why Arendt opposed mandatory school desegregation, which she saw as black social climbing, that is, African American citizens and the NAACP using the US courts and federal government to raise (...) the status of African Americans to the level of whites. Second, and more significant, it provides a framework for criticizing “Little Rock” with Arendt’s own standards and criteria in mind. Reminded by Arendt of the suspect politics of social climbing, we can see something she did not: segregation was not “natural” association but an institution established after the Civil War to protect white social climbing and social advancement. (shrink)

This essay interrogates Hannah Arendt’s different notions of friendship, their weaknesses and strengths, with a view to establishing the basis for a more adequate discussion. After examining her conception of friendship first among the ancients, and then in “dark times”, the essay asks how are we to understand friendship among the moderns when times are not particularly dark. This requires a critical reading of her conception of private intimacy and social association in order to construct a more plural understanding of (...) friendship, and of the criteria by which it can be judged, as it is differentially instituted within, and traverses, the private, civil and political realms. (shrink)

Interest in the political relevance of the emotions is growing rapidly. In light of this, Hannah Arendt’s claim that the emotions are apolitical has come under renewed fire. But many critics have misunderstood her views on the relationship between individuals, emotions and the political. This paper addresses this issue by reconstructing the conceptual framework through which Arendt understands the emotions. Arendt often describes the heart – where the emotions reside – as a place of darkness. I begin by tracing this (...) metaphor through her work to demonstrate that it is meant to convey the inherently uncertain nature of emotions rather than a devaluation of them. I proceed to challenge the notion that Arendt adopts the Enlightenment dichotomy between reason and emotion. In fact, she rejects both as a basis for politics. However, she does identify some constructive roles for the emotions. I argue that fear is intrinsically connected to courage – the principal political virtue – in Arendt’s philosophy. In ligh... (shrink)

RESUMO O artigo visa relacionar a tese da centralidade do outlaw, para se pensar o direito, em Hannah Arendt, com a sua compreensão do direito como “direito a ter direitos”, esboçada em “Origens do totalitarismo”. Partindo da desintegração europeia no início do século XX e do surgimento do outlaw contemporâneo, o refugiado, refletiremos sobre o sentido do princípio da legalidade, sua relação, em Arendt, com a plural condição humana e o mundo comum. Mostraremos como estão contidos, na obra mencionada, elementos (...) para uma articulação inicial entre a ideia do direito como “direito a ter direitos” e uma teoria da cidadania na pensadora judia-alemã. ABSTRACT This article aims to relate the thesis of the centrality of the outlaw to think of Law, in Hannah Arendt with her understanding of Law as "right to have rights" drafted in Origins of totalitarianism. Starting from the European disintegration in the early twentieth century and the emergence of the contemporary outlaw, the refugee, we will reflect on the meaning of the principle of legality, its relationship, in Arendt, with a plural human condition and the common world. We will show how there are elements contained, in the work mentioned, for an initial articulation between an idea of law as "right to have rights" and a theory of citizenship in the Jewish-German thinker. (shrink)

This dissertation attempts to grapple with the contemporary problem of nihilism. Nietzsche recognised that the destruction of Christian morality by the triumph of technology had consequences far graver than the long-overdue, theological phenomenon of the Death of God. The impotence of compassion before omnipotent technological violence suggests that happiness can only be obtained at the cost of freedom and individuality. Man's infinite desires threaten to overwhelm any attempt at improving his condition. Our plight suggests that human interaction can only lead (...) to tragic results because our nature is essentially animal and unredeemable. We are invited to renounce our humanity to be absorbed into a technological utopia where our animal desires may be materially satiated. Man's infinite spiritual desires are blamed for our unhappiness. ;Philosophy has traditionally regarded these desires with suspicion. Today it has become allied to the attempt to reduce man to a happy animal. The quarrel between reason and the desires has reached the point where we prefer to embrace irrationality and liquidate reason. I will show, through a detailed analysis of Nietzche's writings, that philosophy can only succumb to violence when it denies the integrity of man's transcendental desires. Similarly, I will use Hannah Arendt's works to show that these desires prove to be equally destructive when they reject reason. I will suggest that Plato provides descriptions of city and soul that show how the desires may be educated; the Platonic Ideas constitute erotic beginnings that sustain and inspire human inter-subjective virtue. Finally, I will use four of Shakespeare's plays to illustrate the process through which the philosopher comes to understand human eros and returns to the cave to accept his humanity. Generosity becomes the cardinal virtue which enables the philosopher to forsake his aloof cosmological posture and display, through his own conduct, the efficacy of the Good Life. (shrink)

Hannah Arendt’s account of imperialism has become an unlikely source of inspiration for scholars invested in anti-colonial and postcolonial critique. However, the role of settler colonialism in her...

This article seeks to illuminate the figure of the child in democratic politics by arguing that children play a constitutive role as temporary outsiders who present both renewal and risk to the demos. Using Hannah Arendt’s concept of natality, we begin with an ontological account of children as new individuals that are central to renewing democratic freedom and plurality. In the second section, we explore how children can be conceived in terms of political risk by focussing on Arendt’s debate with (...) Ralph Ellison concerning the desegregation of American schools in the 1960s. Their arguments about whether children should appear in politics underscores the constitutive role that child–adult relationships play in debates about the normative fabric of democratic society. Finally, we use the radical democratic theory of Chantal Mouffe to argue that children can be characterised as an excluded group of potential adversaries that appear in political contests over claims to represent the demos. From this perspective, the article reveals that children are central figures in democratic politics because they are constituents of an unknown future polity. (shrink)

Freedom and law in Hannah Arendt’s thought are not spontaneously compatible and one might think they are almost impossible to occur together. Due to the importance of both freedom and law this might be considered Arendt’s greatest puzzle. Many scholars have addressed this problem but few have paid attention to the answers to this difficulty she found in political events and to the eventual solution to this puzzle, the phenomenon of civil disobedi-ence. This paper aims to address this gap.

This essay examines the status of events of 1989 in Czechoslovakia from an Arendtian perspective, focusing on whether they qualify as a revolution or even, precisely speaking, a modern event. For Arendt, revolutions are decidedly modern in that they expand freedom to all equally, an expansion conceivable because history can be thought of as rectilinear and because new ideas can be introduced into the secular world. Leaving aside the importance of violence as a criterion, we find that 1989 in Czechoslovakia (...) does not live up to her other criteria, nor does it make sense to call it either modern or postmodern. We thus claim that it is an ‘immodern’, non-revolutionary event. In concluding, we nd that its immodernity is why it failed to be a revolution. (shrink)

Bernard McGinn was a great historian of Christianity. But in this book under review he fails to do justice to the history of the Summa. He fails to understand the ontologies of the economic theories of Bernard Lonergan and the theology of Karl Rahner, for examples. The book is patchy and seems under-researched. McGinn does not do justice to the influence of the Summa as a text which forms a bridge between St. Augustine of Hippo and Hannah Arendt and Jean (...) Lyotard. The review is marred by a typos which the proofreader(s) of Prabuddha Bharata overlooked. Of course, the onus of the error lies with the reviewer. (shrink)

In this introductory essay to a special issue “Arendt in the Present” we ponder the strange contemporaneity of Arendt’s work, her striking ability to speak to current concerns and experiences, despite her own insistence of remaining engaged with the events of her time. We argue that the “third wave” of Arendt scholarship, building on new theoretical insights and careful archival research has opened many new perspectives to her thought. Arendt scholarship has overcome the tendency to assign her a label, while (...) also avoiding the canonization of “Saint Arendt”. There is no party line, no “Arendtism”, to tow. What makes Arendt’s thought so versatile is indeed the fact that it does not call for application but a thoughtful attending to the “sense of the real” and serious facing of our newest political experiences. (shrink)

Part of a review symposium on Steve Buckler's book, Hannah Arendt and Political Theory: Challenging the Tradition (2011). This short appreciation of Buckler’s book highlights the two guiding features of Arendt’s method that he brings to the fore: its concern with timeliness and its epistemic relevance to political questions. It concludes with a brief note on Arendt’s relation to other ways of approaching political philosophy, as raised by Buckler’s book and my own remarks.

Die Engführung von Muße und theoretischem Tun, die Aristoteles paradigmatisch in der Nikomachischen Ethik entwickelt, hat eine Vor- und eine lange Nachgeschichte bis in die gegenwärtige Philosophie und Theologie hinein. Begründet wird die Engführung von Muße und Theorie bei Aristoteles anthropologisch, weil sich in einer kontemplativen Lebensform die Möglichkeiten der menschlichen Natur auf vollendete Weise verwirklichen. Die Beiträge in diesem Band untersuchen ideengeschichtliche Modelle einer Verbindung von Theorie und Muße daraufhin, wie diese sich zur Frage einer anthropologischen Fundierung der Theorie (...) verhalten. Sie fragen nach der Anthropologie der Theorie. (shrink)

The issue of political violence is mostly absent from current debates about power. Many conceptions of power treat violence as wholly distinct from or even antithetical to power, or see it as a mere instrument whose effects are obvious and not in need of political analysis. In this paper, I explore what kind of ontology of power is necessary to properly take account of the various roles that violence can play in creating and maintaining power structures. I pursue this question (...) by contrasting the views of Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault. For Arendt, power is generated and maintained by communicative practices. She argues that power and violence are ‘opposites’ because violence can only destroy but not create these practices. In contrast, Foucault’s conception explicitly allows violence to play a constitutive role in generating power. I argue that while Arendt is right to insist that power and violence are not identical, it does not follow that violence cannot play any role in constituting power. Guided by Foucault’s approach, I formulate a non-dualist account of the relationship between power and violence that takes seriously the role that bodies, material things, and built infrastructures play in making social relations ‘more durable’ and constituting power. (shrink)

During long-term refugee displacements, it is common for the refugees’ country of origin to be called on to recognize a right of return. A long-standing tradition of philosophical theorizing is sceptical of such a right. Howard Adelman and Elazar Barkan are contemporary proponents of this view. They argue that, in many cases, it is not feasible for entire refugee populations to return home, and so the notion of a right of return is no right at all. We can call Adelman (...) and Barkan’s view the feasibility objection. Many defenders of rights will deny that empirical facts such as the kind to which Adelman and Barkan appeal are relevant to determining whether a moral entitlement amounts to a right. In contrast, I offer a response to the feasibility objection that does admit the relevance of facts. In my view, considerations of feasibility do matter when determining what rights human beings possess. Nevertheless, the feasibility objection is undone by its failure to acknowledge a distinction between two different kinds of feasibility constraints. ‘Hard’ constraints include logical, nomological and biological considerations. ‘Soft’ constraints include political, cultural and institutional factors. A necessary condition of a moral entitlement achieving the status of a right, I argue, is that it be feasible in the hard sense. Crucially, however, a right need not always be feasible in the soft sense. Refugees can have rights that it is not currently possible to implement politically. (shrink)

Scant attention has been paid to the notion of property in Hannah Arendt’s thought, and this paper aims to address this gap. For Arendt, property is the realm of privacy, located in the house. She argues that the modern age represented its loss with the expropriation of the peasant classes after the Reformation. As a result, wealth started to be accumulated and became productive through the labor of the new propertyless classes. This new way of dealing with property needed a (...) new notion of property for the laborers. Locke’s understanding gave the laborers the hope of being property-owners through their labor and simultaneously justified the unending accumulation of money; nevertheless, property in its true meaning was never recovered. Arendt believes that recovering property under conditions of equality is an essential consideration, and this egalitarian vision of property only can be achieved if law protects prop- erty as well as set limits on the accumulation of wealth. (shrink)

In the eyes of many “classical” phenomenologists, Kantianism has seemed to invite individuals to leave the rich, complexly motivated environment of lived experience in favor of a shadowy, formal kingdom of abstract duties and rights. Yet there have been notable attempts within the phenomenological tradition to articulate a richer vision of Kantian moral consciousness and to exhibit, from a first-person perspective, the shape of mental life and the standing dispositions that befit membership in a Kantian kingdom of ends. Here I (...) offer two such competing paradigms of Kantian moral consciousness: on the one hand, the responsive, situational Kantian moral consciousness that recent commentators have reconstructed from Martin Heidegger’s work, and on the other hand, the very different, explicitly cosmopolitan Kantian moral consciousness traced in Hannah Arendt’s conception of an “enlarged mentality.” While each is arguably a legitimately Kantian view, these alternative models of moral consciousness offer considerably different spirits of Kantianism with different benefits and detriments, and each places very different cognitive and moral burdens on agents. (shrink)

In this chapter, I will offer a strategic new interpretation of Hannah Arendt's conception of forgiveness. In brief, I propose understanding Arendt as suggesting—not that evil is objectively banal, or a mere failure of imagination—but instead that it is maximally forgiveness-facilitating to understand the seemingly unforgivable as merely a failure of imagination. In other words, we must so expand our imaginative powers (what Arendt terms “enlarged mentality”) by creatively imagining others as merely insufficiently unimaginative, all in order to reimagine them (...) as beings whom we are willing and able to forgive. It is in this sense that I understand forgiveness for Arendt as a kind of “magic.” That is, forgiveness involves the imaginatively-funded creation of a new reality by merely naming it, like the phenomenon of “magic thinking,” wherein one believes one’s thoughts or speech are immediately realized in the world. The magic of forgiveness, in other words, is an incantation or performative speech act, based on the forgiver’s choice to “make believe,” or pretend-into-being, that the forgiven person is forgivable qua thoughtless. (shrink)

This book examines how 20th century theorists have used a discourse of “crisis” to frame their conceptualizations of modernity. Through an investigation of four key thinkers (Georg Lukács, Hannah Arendt, Reinhart Koselleck and Jürgen Habermas), Gilbert argues that scholars in the social sciences and humanities should be cautious of treating crises as explananda for research. Instead, the book calls for sociological analysis of the role of “crisis” within social scientific discourse, and examines how “crisis” has been used as a conceptual (...) frame for legitimating theoretical agendas. Gilbert’s “sociology of concepts” approach presents crisis as a paradigm of modern thought, and, more generally, reflects on how concepts can become the carriers of diverse intellectual traditions and debates. -/- The Crisis Paradigm will be of interest to students and scholars of social and critical theory, politics, sociology and history, as well as those working in the fields of media studies, communication and discourse analysis. (shrink)

In light of the recent political events, it is clear that democracy itself has come to be contested and modified in a plethora of democratic practices that have expanded the very articulation of equal citizenship. My argument in this article is twofold: first, I rearticulate Arendt’s conception of “revolution” found in her On Revolution by insisting on its “beginning” and “founding” dimensions for the appearance of freedom. Coupled with Jean-Luc Nancy’s insight into a “spirit of democracy” that does not reside (...) in its “form, institution, regime,” I then develop a principle of democratic responsibility that consists in opening up a revolutionary space that enjoins us to become a demos. Such revolutionary space does not necessarily entail a “successful revolution,” but more so an attitude towards our existence together.À la lumière des événements politiques récents, il est clair que la démocratie elle-même en est venue à être contestée et modifiée en une myriade de pratiques démocratiques qui étendent l’articulation de la citoyenneté égalitaire. Mon argument dans cet article est double. Premièrement, je réarticule la conception arendtienne de « révolution » telle qu’on la retrouve dans De la révolution en insistant sur ses dimensions de « commencement » et de « fondation » pour l’apparition de la liberté. À l’aide de l’idée, articulée par Jean-Luc Nancy, d’un « esprit de la démocratie » qui ne réside pas dans une « forme, institution, ou régime », je développe, dans un deuxième temps, un principe de responsabilité démocratique qui consiste à ouvrir un espace révolutionnaire dans lequel nous sommes appelés à devenir un demos. Un tel espace n’implique en rien le « succès » de la révolution mais plutôt une attitude envers notre existence en commun. (shrink)

In this article, I offer a politico-philosophical perspective to reassess the much-contested role of truth in politics to put forth a principle of political action that will make sense of a “right to unmanipulated factual information,” which Hannah Arendt understands as crucial for establishing freedom of opinion. In developing a principle of epistemic responsibility, I will show that “factual truth” plays a key role in Arendt’s account of political action and provides a normative order that can extricate her account from (...) charges of immoralism. The article will be divided into three sections: section 1 deals with the distinction between rational truths and factual truths, and the question of their validity, section 2 deals with what a principle of political action is, and lastly, section 3 proposes a principle of “epistemic responsibility” that becomes action-guiding in the political sphere, in order to shed new light on the 2013 Gezi Park protest, one of the recent democratic uprisings of our century. (shrink)

Working with Hannah Arendt’s implicit argument about place and visibility, this article develops an account of recognition in order to rethink the nature of community. I argue for an Arendtian recognitive politics, a two-tiered account of recognition, which takes into account social identities as the condition of possibility for the free political action that so animated Arendt. If we require a place to act freely, in other words, we are visible to another in that place. Claims such as Arendt’s “right (...) to have rights” consequently understate the vital conditions of visibility and the role such visibility plays in the political sphere where agents are recognized as equals. The two-tiered account of recognition developed in this article allows me to argue that the performance of visibility in relation to the recognition of one’s social identity is what in turn allows for the possibility of recognizing one’s unique political identity in the political space. (shrink)

O objetivo deste artigo é discutir aspectos do ensino de Filosofia na educação básica à luz do conceito de ação firmado no capítulo V de ACondição Humana de Hannah Arendt, identificado na revelação do agente através do discurso e da ação. Sugerimos a reflexão do conceito de ação como consciência motivadora para o ensino de Filosofia, investindo em políticas educacionais que consideram a diversidade como um elemento favorável para a construção do conhecimento entre professores e alunos. Estamos aqui em um (...) movimento adverso às práticas tecnicistas que investem em experiências estéreis, fadadas ao mecanicismo das relações. Pois acreditamos que ensinar Filosofia além de ser um constante convite à reflexão é também um estímulo à liberdade humana que pode ser impulsionada pela engenhosidade de práticas docentes mais estimulantes. Com base em atividades vivenciadas durante as aulas de filosofia na educação básica, apresentamos aqui algumas reflexões a favor da pluralidade no espaço semipúblico favorecendo perspectivas do ensino da filosofia ao filosofar na sala de aula.PALAVRAS-CHAVE:Arendt; Ação; Educação; Filosofia. -/- FROM TEACHING PHILOSOPHY TOPHILOSOPHIZE: REFLETIONS ABOUT THE CONCEPT OF ACTION IN HANNAH ARENDTABSTRACT -/- The aim of this article is to discuss aspects of the teaching of philosophy in basic education in light of the concept of action set forth in chapter V of Human Condition of Hannah Arendt, identified in the revelation of the agent through discourse and action. We suggest the reflection of the concept of action as motivating consciousness for the philosophy teaching investing in educational policies that consider diversity as a favorable element for the construction of knowledge between teachers and students. We’re here in an adverse movement to the technicist practices, that invest in sterile experiments, fated to the mechanism of relations. For we believe that Philosophy Teaching besides being one constant invite to reflection is also a stimulus to human freedom tha can be can be driven by the resourcefulness of more stimulating teaching practices. Based on activities experienced during philosophy classes in basic education, we present some reflections in favor of plurality in semi public space favoring perspectives of philosophy teaching from philosophizing in the classroom. (shrink)

In the theory of Hannah Arendt, the Greek city-state, the Roman Republic and Empire, and the Medieval Church are all paradigmatic political experiences for embracing a remarkable range of members and the substantiating decent orders. The notion of political experience, which primarily is a historical narrative of the well-ordered public sphere, also implicates the effort of the community member to for maintenance. On the basis of three political experiences above, Arendt criticizes the political turbulence and catastrophic changes in the modern (...) times. On the other hand, the tension between philosophy and politics centers her reflection on the political experience as philosophy potentially isolates individual agents from the political community. She holds that Plato initiated this tension by demonizing the political affairs and claiming the individual citizens could fulfill the spiritual ideal merely through personal philosophizing instead of public participation. This thesis construes the Arendtian political experience and the public sphere in temporality and spatiality and with the context of phenomenological tradition and argues that in considering some lethal flaws of overemphasizing the political participation, Arendt in her late years resorts to philosophy for the mental bases that facilitate the political actions. The spatiality of public sphere can be interpreted as the interpersonal relationships in the dialogues over public issues. Similar inspiration comes from Edmund Husserl’s intersubjectivity and Martin Heidegger’s Being-with, but the risk is being fallen in the public opinions. Therefore, Arendt introduces the mental faculty of judgment to distinguish the personal and public views. Arendt is also aware of history and time that are likely to override the human subjectivity in historical narrative and thus introduces the thinking and willing to substantiate the freewill as facilitating the political actions beyond temporality. In this sense, Arendt finally achieves a compromise between philosophy and politics. (shrink)

Walter Benjamin’s idiosyncratic theory of revolutionary messianism was at the very crux of his influence on Hannah Arendt and Gershom Scholem. This article argues that Arendt adopted important aspects of Benjamin’s idea of revolution, but rejected his messianism, while Scholem rejected Benjamin’s belief in revolution and accepted his emphasis on the power of messianism as a political idea, but in a historical rather than metaphysical sense. As a result, in Arendt’s and Scholem’s political thought both the category of revolution and (...) that of messianism as Benjamin understood them were radically transformed. This transformation attests to the wide-ranging impact of Benjamin’s political philosophy, as well as to the complex and hitherto misrecognized intellectual relationship between Arendt and Scholem. (shrink)

Aborda a questão social no interior do surgimento da esfera social na modernidade e suas implicações na constituição e derrocada da esfera pública no mundo contemporâneo. Approaches the social question inside the rise of social realm in the modernity and the implications of that in the constitution and decadence of the public realm in contemporary world.

Is a devoted Nazi or a zombie bureaucrat a greater moral and political problem? Because the dangers of immoral fanaticism are so clear, the dangers of mindless bureaucracy are easy to overlook. Yet zombie bureaucrats have contributed substantially to the greatest catastrophes of the 20th century, doing so seemingly oblivious to the monstrous qualities of their actions. Hannah Arendt’s work on thoughtlessness raises a dilemma: if Eichmann, the architect of the Nazi Final Solution, truly was a thoughtless ‘cog’, lacking in (...) intentionality, can one really hold him morally accountable for the evil qualities of his acts? This article relates Arendt’s ‘thought’ and Strawson’s and Bilgrami’s discussion of ‘reactive attitudes’ and Sartre’s concept of ‘bad faith’. To find a basis for moral accountable in seemingly thoughtless cases like Eichmann’s. Although Arendt’s Eichmann is an extreme example, finding a basis to hold him accountable is valuable because ‘little Eichmanns’ will persist as long as impersonal forces structure and depress reactive attitudes. (shrink)

Hannah Arendt’s work on violence is bedeviled by a series of paradoxes. On the one hand, Arendt is clear in arguing that violence is utterly powerless and yet, on the other hand, she is equally clear in her portrayal of beginnings as necessarily violent. These two positions conflict insofar as Arendt holds beginnings to be the source of all power. Thus power and violence are at once opposed and yet alloyed. This tension is deepened by yet another. For Arendt, action, (...) of which power is composed, would not be possible without the twofold human faculties of promising and forgiveness. Promising undoes the hold of the future on the present by pacifying its unpredictability, while forgiveness loosens the grip of the past by alleviating its irreversibility. The trouble, however, is that Arendt argues that the power of forgiveness stems from its unpredictability, and unpredictability is precisely that which promising is meant to thwart. Taking these two paradoxes together one might say that Arendt, however unwittingly, leaves us promising never to forgive. This article works to flesh these paradoxes out. It also contextualizes Arendt’s paradoxes in terms of the literature that claims democratic political life is beset by tragedy. In the end, I argue that, following Arendt, democracy is ultimately about learning to live with the vivid disquiet of the miracle of paradox. (shrink)

This article reconstructs J. G. A. Pocock's debt to Hannah Arendt's political philosophy in The Machiavellian Moment and argues that her presentation of classical politics in The Human Condition and her account of the secular nature of American foundation in On Revolution were important sources for Pocock's analysis of American liberal insecurity. However, a contextualization of The Machiavellian Moment within Pocock's immediate intellectual and professional milieu indicates that he placed himself in critical relation to Arendt's civic republican theory and located (...) her philosophy of history in the same spectrum as the American political tradition he sought to historicize. While they did share a similar perspective on the ethical and political value of locating oneself within a long historical durée, their different conceptions of the problem of continuity for secular political structures provides a crucial context for their disparate responses to the discourse of political crisis in the United States in the late 1960s and the 1970s. (shrink)

This paper first presents two prominent and antagonistic accounts of political freedom that identify the latter either with the expression of a collective, sovereign will, or with an open process of mutual recognition and consent-based association in action. In the paradigmatic formulations that Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt give of these two models of freedom, one can detect, however a common methodological assumption. In both cases political freedom is conceived as actualizing itself in some original or founding act or acts. (...) Challenging this assumption by means of a deconstructive perspective on the suppose origin of modern political freedom and democracy, the paper then goes on to formulate an alternative conception of political freedom in this way shows that democratic freedom, though it may already be in place, has constantly to actualize itself in a self-determining process. (shrink)

Como crer na eficácia dos direitos humanos, depois que presenciamos, perplexos, a transformação do homem em um animal, nos campos de morte dos governos totalitários? Como apelar para as declarações de direitos humanos que têm nas suas cláusulas o direito à vida e a proclamação da igualdade para todos, quando nos deparamos com o ser humano tratado na sua mais abstrata nudez? Dado esse caráter de descartabilidade da vida, os fundamentos dos direitos humanos devem ser repensados, uma vez que o (...) direito à vida, dito sagrado e inalienável, não consegue amparar o “homem real”, o qual, na modernidade, sofreu com a descartabilidade e superfluidade, demonstrando que o homem protegido pelos direitos humanos era uma abstração. Nossa análise sobre o fenômeno totalitário e a crise dos direitos humanos, tem como pressuposto as esclarecedoras reflexões de Hannah Arendt situadas na terceira parte de Origens do Totalitarismo. Fizemos uso ainda das colocações de Giorgio Agamben, presentes em sua obra Homo sacer I: o poder soberano e a vida nua. (shrink)

Sholom Schwartzbard killed Simon Petlura in an act of revenge. He admitted his crime and a French jury acquitted him in 1927. For Hannah Arendt, Schwartzbard’s actions show that revenge can, in certain circumstances, be in the service of justice. This paper explores Hannah Arendt’s distinction between reconciliation and revenge and argues that Hannah Arendt embraces revenge as one way in which politics and justice can happen in the world, but only under certain conditions. First, Arendt only endorses revenge when (...) the crime calling forth vengeance is extraordinary, one that bursts the bounds of traditional legality. Second, the avenger must give himself up for judgment to the legal system, asking a jury to judge whether his extraordinary act was just even though it wasillegal. These are strict conditions and will only rarely be met. When they are, revenge can be a profoundly political act in the service of justice, one that can restore a broken political order. (shrink)