History of Political Philosophy

The emphasis in contemporary democratic theory and in the history of political thought on the ‘natural rights’ theory of popular sovereignty of Locke, precursors of which are found in the work of Hugo Grotius and others, obscures an important relationship between constitutional self-government and nationalism. Through an examination of the early political writings of Grotius, especially his Antiquity of the Batavian Republic, this essay shows how a national consciousness forged out of memories of native traditions of self-government, and stories of (...) heroic ancestors who successfully defended those traditions against usurpers and tyrants, gives concrete substance to otherwise inchoate theories of constitutional self-government. (shrink)

Includes 70 entries on the theme of recognition, dealing with the concept, the main authors, the history of the theme, its applications, and its presence in various disciplines. The paper version to appear in late 2020. Entries available online first.

By reconstructing the eighteenth-century movement of the Italian Enlightenment, I show that Italy’s political fragmentation notwithstanding, there was a constant circulation of ideas, whether on philosophical, ethical, political, religious, social, economic or scientific questions—among different groups in various states. This exchange was made possible by the shared language of its leading illuministi— Cesare Beccaria, Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Francesco Maria Zanotti, Antonio Genovesi, Mario Pagano, Pietro Verri, Marco Antonio Vogli, and Giammaria Ortes—and resulted in four common traits. First, the absence of (...) a radical trend, such as the French materialist-atheist trend and British Deism, or religious reformation. Second, the rejection of inhumane laws and institutions, capital punishment, torture, war and slavery. Third, the idea of public happiness as the goal of good government and legislation. And fourth, the conception of the economy as a constellation where social capital, consisting of education, morality, and civility, plays a decisive role. I conclude that the Italian Enlightenment, not unlike the Scottish Enlightenment, was both cosmopolitan and local, which allowed its leading writers to develop a keen awareness of the complexity of society alongside a degree of prudence regarding the possibility and desirability of its modernization. (shrink)

Krzysztof Trzcinski, 'Citizenship in Europe: The History of the Idea and Institution.' This is an interdisciplinary book that is mostly political, historical and juridical in character, as the concept of citizenship is one of the key terms of the social sciences, and raises questions of a legal, political, historical, philosophical and sociological nature. The main subjects of this work are the origins and evolution of the idea and institution of citizenship in Western Europe. Doctrinal and normative models of citizenship presented (...) in this monograph are of different historical origins (beginning with ancient times and ending with the 20th century). This work shows that in different historical periods, the concept of citizenship underwent shifts in semantic substance and that the idea of citizenship is in permanent flux. Hence, the essence of citizenship is continually being enriched with new elements (or, at times, impoverished by the loss of other elements). The concept of citizenship has been redefined in the historical perspective according to specific conditions of a socio-political, economic, and cultural nature. At various historical periods, the term 'citizen' referred to a broader or narrower spectrum of society. Criteria for membership in the body of citizens also evolved. Over the centuries, many models of citizenship emerged in Europe. Some of them were institutional in form (the Roman model, for example), whereas others were the fruit of the social and political thinking of political philosophers at different times (such as Jean Bodin). The basic models emerged in ancient Athens and Rome. Later models of citizenship usually took over a considerable number of traits particular to initial models (such as the right to life), but at the same time, they usually eliminated some of their elements (such as the enslavement of certain members of society) while simultaneously creating and adding new ones (such as electoral rights for women). In this manner, models emerged, which were an offshoot of classical models. These models contributed in part to the formation of the contemporary institution of citizenship, which brings together different elements of various historical models. This book is a contribution to research into the evolution of the state (including research into the formation of the nation-state in Europe), as the institution of citizenship is inherently and functionally tied to the state. This work also contributes to research into the evolution of a new model of citizenship, namely the supranational European Union citizenship. The institutional development of the idea of EU citizenship could - along with the unavoidable transformation of all community structures or even the very idea of integration itself - lead to a fundamental change in the contemporary concept of state citizenship. This work could also prove useful in research into the phenomenon of immigration in Europe, especially into the interdependence between the question of obtaining the citizenship of the host state and the effective integration of immigrants. (shrink)

This paper analyses Ernst Nolte’s interpretation of Bolshevik revolution, and underlines the characteristics of his methodological approach to historical research. According to the German historian, the Russian revolution (1917) determined an ideological dialectics that characterized the first half of the 20th century: following the mechanism of “challenge and response” Nolte has interpreted the birth and the developments of Nazism as a response to Bolshevism, a violent and excessive response (Schreckbild). Thus, Nolte explains the historical development of the Nazi totalitarianism in (...) relationship to the Soviet totalitarianism, and speaks about a "European civil war" (europäische Bürgerkrieg 1917-1945). In this paper the criticisms that several historians have made to Nolte’s point of view are also discussed: this debate is known as “Historikerstreit.” I underline, therefore, the features and the limits of Nolte’s “deconstruction of revolutionary mythology.”. (shrink)

This paper analyses the interpretation of the Marxist dialectic proposed by three important French philosophers of the twentieth century: Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961), Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) and Raymond Aron (1905-1983). Starting from different theoretical and political points of view, they criticize the historical determinism of the Marxist dialectic and propose three different “philosophies of freedom.” In the Adventures of the Dialectic (1955), Merleau-Ponty criticizes a theory of human history based only on economic structure, and denounces the violence of the Soviet communism. (...) He also accuses his friend Sartre – who had a more favourable attitude towards Soviet communism – of “ultrabolshevism.” Merleau-Ponty was subsequently active in the French non-communist Left. The existentialist philosopher Sartre always sympathized with the Left, and supported the French Communist Party (PCF) until the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary. In his Critique of Dialectical Reason (1960), Sartre also underlined the failure of the Soviet revolution, and criticized the violence of Marxist revolutionary thought. The last part of this paper deals with the philosopher and political sociologist Raymond Aron, who had a lifelong, sometimes fractious, friendship with Sartre. He always defended a “skeptical and anti-ideological” liberal position. In his best known book The Opium of the Intellectuals (1955), Aron argues that in post-war France, Marxism was the opium of the intellectuals. In this book, Aron chastised French intellectuals for what he described as their harsh criticism of capitalism and democracy and their simultaneous defense of Marxist oppression, atrocities, and intolerance. In opposition to the dialectical ideology of Marxism, Aron proposes an antitotalitarian philosophical and political theory based on the development of individual liberties. (shrink)

Political corruption is a contested concept. Both terms in the concept are the object of controversies in political theory, and concern what corruption is and how it is a politically relevant phenomenon. Political corruption has been contested across time, space, cultures, and philosophical traditions. Usually, political corruption is assumed to involve an exchange between a private corruptor and a public official who pursues her personal interest by abusing her power of office. While this account may be true with respect to (...) some such instances as bribery, some significant uncertainties affect its plausibility. Practices such as patronage or state capture might escape this account either because they do not involve a corruptor or because the corrupted officer does not pursue her personal interest but, say, that of her party or faction. Interestingly, despite or perhaps in reason of this semantic uncertainty, political corruption is generally perceived as a disease of the public function, something which any sensible political theory of the good state should want to avoid. Why is such a negative intuition about the nature of political corruption so widespread? A growing debate in political theory is now starting to inquire into the exact nature of the wrongness of political corruption. In this timely book, Robert Sparling engages with such an important but still developing debate. (shrink)

John Stuart Mill fue un reformador social. Como gran parte de los pensadores del siglo XIX, creía en la idea de progreso. Consideraba que se estaba viviendo un tiempo de transición, en el que se daba una tendencia hacia un mejor y más feliz estado de cosas, aunque también percibía que la época era de riegos y amenazas. No se pensaba ni como filósofo ni como académico ni como político, se veía a sí mismo como un reformador social, cuya función (...) era educar a la opinión ilustrada y progresista. El propósito de sus textos es persuadir y, con ello, ayudar a transformar. Sus tesis defienden la necesidad de organizar la sociedad moderna bajo ciertos principios para que pueda alcanzar un estado superior de progreso social y moral. -/- Contra la acusación de que John Stuart Mill es un pensador ecléctico, contradictorio y que no añade nada a los clásicos, el libro que el lector tiene en sus manos muestra que su originalidad no consistió en haber creado nuevos conceptos, sino en haber transformado conceptos fundamentales de la filosofía social, moral y política, matizándolos, otorgándoles nuevos sentidos y abriéndoles nuevas posibilidades. Fue un utilitarista, pero la doctrina utilitarista salió renovada de sus escritos. Fue un liberal, pero en un sentido nuevo de liberal, ni clásico ni contractualista. Fue demócrata, aunque en un sentido distinto del de la voluntad general de Rousseau. Fue socialista, pero un socialista cualificado. -/- Como educador de la opinión ilustrada, tuvo un éxito extraordinario. Sus libros tuvieron una gran acogida y su nombre gozó de prestigio, admiración y respeto en Inglaterra. Su pensamiento filosófico sigue mereciendo la mayor atención e inspirando y fascinando a muchos. Sus ideas políticas han tenido una influencia innegable en el mundo contemporáneo. (shrink)

For Hannah Arendt, the federal system is an effective mode of organizing different sources of power while avoiding sovereign politics. This article aims to contribute two specific claims to the burgeoning scholarship on Arendt’s international federalism. First, Arendt’s international thought calls for the balancing of two demands: the domestic need for human greatness and flourishing, and the international demand for regulation and cooperation. Second, her reflections on council-based federalism offer a nuanced position that views the dual elements of equality in (...) politics (intra-state and inter-state equality) as neither contradictory nor reconciliatory but rather as ideal types along a continuum. This study shows that, through the unique form of federalism emphasizing the need to balance two demands of free politics with a clear acknowledgement of its precariousness, Arendt’s thinking adds much-needed sensitivity to international discourse. (shrink)

The Vietnamese philosopher Tran Duc Thao exerted an important influence over the development of 20th century French philosophy. In articles that stretched across the 1940s, Thao sought to employ the concrete insights of Marxism and dialectical materialism in order to correct and critique the dominant philosophical programs of phenomenology and existentialism. Thao’s pervasive concern was the determination of a basis for truthful action. In two essays – one taken from the beginning of his professional career, the other from near its (...) end – this concern is clearly displayed. A member of the General Delegation of Indochina advocating for an end to French colonial rule, Thao’s philosophical work is always undergirded by his political engagement. At the same time, his philosophical work seeks to demonstrate that his political activity is truthful, not merely partisan. (shrink)

El objetivo general de este artículo es interrogar el lugar de la crítica a la idea de progreso en la filosofía de Walter Benjamin, argumentando que las raíces de su pensamiento político podrían encontrarse en el misticismo cabalista. La intención principal es determinar, siguiendo a Benjamin, algunas de las principales características de la creencia en el progreso como problema y su relación con una determinada normatividad histórica. Este recorrido permitirá elucidar la relación que, según el autor, mantendría una comprensión procesualista (...) y lineal de la historia con una actitud político-intelectual apoyada en el conformismo y la indiferencia. Por último, se propone considerar la original interpretación sobre la temporalidad que aparece en una vertiente del misticismo judío, el cabalismo de Isaac Luria de Safed, actualizada en forma heterodoxa por Benjamin, que permitiría comprender desde un nuevo punto de vista, conforme a la argumentación presentada, el vínculo temporal que supone la idea de tradición y rememoración en el materialismo histórico benjaminiano. (shrink)

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el modo en que se presenta la virtud política en los principales textos de Montesquieu y su resonancia en la obra de Rousseau. La hipótesis general que se propone es que, a pesar de sus enormes divergencias, los dos elaboraron una lectura eminentemente moderna que los separa de la filosofía política clásica. Ambos habrían compartido la idea de que la virtud es una pasión ―o que es intercambiable por una pasión―, apartándose de (...) las jerarquías del pensamiento antiguo. Se sostiene en este artículo que Montesquieu declarará, ante la muerte de la virtud clásica, su sucedáneo en el placer de la seguridad que es capaz de garantizar la libertad por medio del gobierno mixto. Por su lado, Rousseau hará una reivindicación de la virtud antigua, pero identificándola con la compasión, dislocando el status de la virtud civil. Estas lecturas darán lugar a dos maneras muy distintas de comprender la relación existente entre derecho natural y derecho positivo. // Abstract: The aim of this article is to analyze the way in which political virtue appears in the main texts of Montesquieu and and its repercussions in Rousseau’s work. The hypothesis proposed is that, despite their enormous divergences, both of them developed an eminently modern reading that separates them from Classical Political Philosophy. Both authors would have shared the idea that virtue is a passion ―or that it is interchangeable with a passion―, moving away from the hierarchies of ancient thought. This paper argues that Montesquieu will declare after the death of classical virtue the pleasure of security as a substitute capable of guaranteeing modern liberty by means of States organized as mixed constitutions. For his part, Rousseau will make a vindication of ancient virtue, but identifying it with compassion, dislocating the status of civil virtue. These readings will give rise to two very different ways of understanding the relationship between natural law and positive law. -/- Palabras clave: virtud – pasión – modernidad – seguridad – compasión. Key-words: virtue – passion – modernity – security – compassion. (shrink)

A review essay on Jonathan Israel, The Expanding Blaze: How the American Revolution Ignited the World, 1775-1848 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017) and Richard D. Brown, Self-Evident Truths: Contesting Equal Rights from the Revolution to the Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017).

Several conflict theorists have appropriated Hegel’s ‘struggle for recognition’ to highlight the healthy dimensions of conflict and to explore ways of reaching reconciliation through mutual recognition. In so doing, some scholars attend to the interpersonal dimension of reconciliation, while others focus on the interstate dimension of reconciliation. This paper argues that both approaches miss important Hegelian insights into the modern state. Hegel understands that freedom must be situated and bounded in order to take a concrete form. He believes that concrete (...) freedom and domestic reconciliation create an atmosphere that can pressure the state to be more confrontational with other states by attaining a stronger individuality. Thus, the common concern about freedom among Hegelian states remains a ‘thin’ version of communication, vulnerable to such factors as national honor or recognition status. Hegel’s challenge urges peace-inspired scholars to explore ways of achieving concrete freedom and domestic reconciliation while simultaneously relieving interstate conflict. (shrink)

How political communities should be constituted is at the center of Hannah Arendt’s engagement with two ancient sources of law: the Greek nomos and the Roman lex. Recent scholarship suggests that Arendt treats nomos as imperative and exclusive while lex has a relationship-establishing dimension and that for an inclusive form of polity, she favors lex over nomos. This article argues, however, that Arendt’s appreciation occurs within a general context of more reservations about Rome than Roman-centric interpretations admit. Her writings show (...) that lex could not accommodate the agonistic spirit and Homeric impartiality that helped the Greeks achieve human greatness and surpassing excellence. Arendt also points out that Roman peace alliances occurred at the expense of disclosive competition among equals and assumed some form of domination. Indeed, although Arendt appreciates lex’s relationship-establishing aspect, she is undoubtedly critical of anti-political practices accompanying lex, manifested when the Romans required enemies’ submission to terms of peace the Romans themselves set. In the end, Arendt’s statements regarding nomos and lex highlight the fundamental challenge in free politics: balancing the internal demand of agonistic action with the external need to expand lasting ties. (shrink)

The Interwar period, inflected with crisis, produced “radical” philosophies of many kinds. In this article, I attempt to demonstrate not just a conceptual compatibility, but complementarity, between the political philosophies of John Dewey and Carl Schmitt. Proceeding from an explication of each separately as thinkers of “the political,” I argue that Dewey’s model of politics and his ideal of the method of inquiry are dependent on, and made more coherent through, a Schmittian understanding of politics centered on existential conflict between (...) friends and enemies; the same holds true for Deweyan inquiry clarifying the ambiguities of Schmitt’s concepts of friend and enemy. After replying to possible criticisms that the view of politics proposed by this synthesis is too subjective, I conclude by considering the democratic, yet agonistic values and contemporary relevance of such a political theory. (shrink)

The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the discipline of political economy, international political economy and their respective historical developments. The paper will then focus on globalization and evaluate the strength and weaknesses of the policy to globalize. Further analysis will be conducted to show the importance of the topic of globalization as it relates to public finance. Rosen & Gayer (2014), Sackery, Schneider & Knoedler (2016), Marlin-Bennett (2017), Ravenhill (2008) and Weingast & Witman (2006) will (...) provide insights into the development of the discipline and its modus operendi. The historical development of the discipline will be provided for by Ingram (1915) and the aforementioned authors will also provide insights into the weakness and strengths of the policy to globalize. Garett & Mitchell (2001) and Kumar (2006) will provide additional insights into the importance of globalization as it pertains to public finance. (shrink)

The recent debate over “republican” conceptions of freedom as non-domination has re- invigorated philosophical discussions of freedom. However, “neo-Roman” republicanism, which has been characterized as republicanism that respects equality, has largely ignored the work of Alexis de Tocqueville, although he too took his task to be crafting a republicanism suited to equality. I therefore provide a philosophical treatment of the heart of Tocqueville’s republicanism, including an analysis of his conception of freedom as freedom in combined action and a philosophical reconstruction (...) of his primary argument for the importance of this kind of freedom. A comparison of Philip Pettit’s and Tocqueville’s republicanism exposes limitations in the neo-Roman conception of freedom as non-domination and its ideal of the free citizen and shows why neo-Roman republicanism, to live up to its motivating ideals, should accommodate elements of “neo- Athenian” republicanism and freedom in combined action. (shrink)

Most students of Tocqueville know of his remark, “There are three men with whom I live a little every day; they are Pascal, Montesquieu, and Rousseau.” In this paper I trace out the contours of Pascal’s influence upon Tocqueville’s understanding of the human condition and our appropriate response to it. Similar temperaments lead both Tocqueville and Pascal to emphasize human limitations and contingency, as Peter Lawler rightly emphasizes. Tocqueville and Pascal both emphasize mortality, ignorance of the most important subjects, the (...) effects of historical contingency on what we take to be human nature, and both represent the complex internal dynamic of human nature in terms of the interplay of “angel” and “brute.” The most important difference between them concerns their relative estimates of human power and the significance of human action. Whereas the motif of human weakness is fundamental for Pascal, Tocqueville repeatedly affirms that, under the right conditions, human beings are “powerful and free.” Beginning from Pascalian premises, and endeavoring to be more faithful to some of those premises than Pascal himself was, Tocqueville aims to illuminate the possibility of an amelioration of the human condition through a “new political science” that redeems the political realm without divinizing it. -/- . (shrink)

There is widespread disagreement about Tocqueville's conception of human nature, some going so far as to say that Tocqueville possessed no unified conception of human nature at all. In this paper, I aim to provide the essential principles of Tocqueville's conception of human nature through an examination of the way in which he describes the power of human circumstances, such as physical environment, social state, and religion, to shape human character by extracting the principles underlying these transformations. There is no (...) “natural man” or man “in the state of nature” but instead a set of psychic operations that reveal a picture of human nature in which human freedom, or the ability to initiate action in pursuit of important objects, lies at the heart of human life. (shrink)

Pettit endorses a ‘republican’ conception of social freedom of the person as consisting of a state of non-domination, and takes this to refute Mill’s ‘liberal’ claim that non-domineering but coercive interference can compromise social freedom of choice. This paper argues that Pettit’s interpretation is true to the extent that Mill believes that the legitimate, non-arbitrary and just coercion of would-be dominators, for the sake of preventing them from dominating others, can render them unfree to choose to do so without rendering (...) them socially unfree (qua dominated) persons in their own right. However, contra Pettit, Mill is correct to reject the ‘republican’ view for at least two reasons. Firstly, it enables him to avoid commitment to the implausible implication that would-be dominators who sincerely deny any interest in a shared system of basic liberties are automatically rendered unfree persons by the coercion necessary to uphold such a system. Secondly, it enables him to avoid begging the question against ‘immoralists’ like Nietzsche, whose opposition to systems of reciprocal non-domination is at least partly motivated by the losses of social freedom of choice they entail for those they deem to be worthy of dominating others. (shrink)

The property arrangements of the Republic are often linked to Plato's biographical and historical background, especially to his alleged aristocratic prejudices against moneymaking. Contrary to this, I argue that they are based on one of his central philosophical theories, i.e. on his conception of justice. According to Plato, justice involves the control of appetitive desires. Among these appetitive desires, the desire for money stands out for the following reasons given in the text: it is part of human appetite 'by nature', (...) it is 'insatiable', and it is connected with all of the other appetites; therefore it can be restrained by education only partially, and requires particular mechanisms of control. The Laws remain consistent with this assessment, but introduce less radical political measurements, which are in turn adopted by Aristotle in the Politics. (shrink)

The attitude to the Bible is a seismograph for scrutinizing the attitude of Zionism, in general, and that of the settlers, in particular, to their ideological and political world view. To where in the Bible are the settlers returning? To the Land of Canaan, to the land of the Patriarchs, or perhaps to the Kingdom of David? And what is the meaning of this return? It is not only the land that is basic to this question, but the relationship of (...) the Land of Israel to the people of Israel. In this article, we will mainly address the radical theological facets of the settler movement, not the proponents of Greater Israel. Our article will focus on the replication of settler theology from the first stage of Gush Emunim and the act of settlement, which in the opinion of the settlers is in accord with the continuation and completion of the Zionist project, to a more metaphysical phase, in which the centrality of the act of settlement gives way to Hassidic or kabbalistic thinking. The models which we present, make possible a fresh look at the utopian thinking and radical theology that are nourished by the settler movement and reflect a new, non-homogeneous stage. -/- . (shrink)

The prevailing interpretation of constituent power is taken to be the extra-institutional capacity of a group, typically “the people,” to establish or revise the basic constitutional conditions of a state. Among many contemporary democratic theorists, this is understood as a collective capacity for innovation. This paper excavates an alternative perspective from constituent power’s genealogy. I argue that constituent power is not a creative material power, but is a type of political claim that shapes the collective rights, responsibilities, and identity of (...) “the people.” I do so by recovering Thomas Hobbes’s intervention into debates over constituent power among Scottish Presbyterians during the English Civil War. Though a materialist, Hobbes appreciated the centrality of the imagination to politics, and he argued that constituent power was one such phantasm of the mind. In Leviathan, he showed constituent power not to be a material power, but a world-making fiction that furnished political realities with ornamentation of the imagination, which might provide the beliefs and justifications to serve any number of political ends. More generally, the retrieval of a Hobbesian constituent power provides an important challenge to contemporary theories by demonstrating how partisan constructions of constituent power shape the political options available to groups. (shrink)

In margine a una raccolta di scritti di Lukács contro lo stalinismo, che prende nome da una importante intervista del 1971, inedita in italiano. Dal 1930 in poi è presente nella produzione del filosofo ungherese la lotta per la «democratizzazione». Il tema della «trasformazione del lavoro in lavoro socialista». La radicale alterità di Lukács allo stalinismo.

This essay critically reconstructs the concept of ‘democratic dictatorship’ which Georg Lukács’s outlines in Blum Theses of 1928. The essay tackles the birth of the Communist Party of Hungary, particularly focusing on its factional struggles during the 1920s. Secondly, the main contents of the Blum Theses, compared with the debate on the ‘Republican Assembly’ in the Italian Communist Party will be discussed. Finally, the essay examines the two most rooted interpretive prejudices concerning the Blum Theses, i.e. their alleged forecasting character (...) towards ‘Popular Front’ strategy and their purported distance from ‘Socialfascism’. (shrink)

A partir do século XIX, a teoria democrática foi desenvolvida com base no confronto entre duas doutrinas políticas: o liberalismo e o socialismo. O liberalismo é um projeto que defende as limitações dos poderes governamentais, buscando a proteção dos direitos econômicos, políticos, religiosos e intelectuais dos membros da sociedade. Ou seja, para os liberais o poder do Estado deve ser limitado, pois eles acreditam que a verdadeira liberdade depende da menor interferência possível do Estado e das leis nesses direitos. A (...) defesa do liberalismo tem como principal representante Benjamin Constant. Membro da Assembleia Nacional Francesa, escreveu a obra A liberdade dos antigos comparada com a dos modernos, na qual afirma que a liberdade dos modernos, que deve ser promovida e desenvolvida, é a liberdade individual na relação com o Estado (ou seja, as liberdades civis e políticas), enquanto a liberdade dos antigos, que se tornou impraticável, é a liberdade de participação direta na formação das leis.1 Outros autores como, como o francês Alexis de Tocqueville2 e o inglês John Stuart Mill3 , defenderam a ideia de que a única estrutura democrática compatível com o Estado liberal seria a democracia representativa. Uma passagem interessante para o nosso debate sobre a democracia é o princípio do dano, de Stuart Mill. Por esse princípio, cada indivíduo tem o direito de agir como quiser desde que suas ações não prejudiquem outras pessoas. Se a ação afeta diretamente apenas a pessoa que a está realizando, a sociedade em tese não tem o direito de intervir, mesmo que o indivíduo esteja prejudicando a si próprio. Contudo, se os indivíduos fizerem algo ruim para si mesmos ou para sua propriedade podem indiretamente prejudicar a coletividade, já que ninguém vive isolado, devendo por isso ser impedidos de fazê-lo. Stuart Mill isenta desse princípio aqueles que são incapazes de se governar. Em síntese, todo o processo de democratização, como se deu nos Estados liberais democráticos, consiste numa transformação mais quantitativa do que qualitativa do regime representativo. Ou seja, o avanço da democracia nesses regimes ocorre em duas direções: no alargamento gradual do direito do voto e na multiplicação dos órgãos representativos. Para a doutrina socialista, o sufrágio universal é apenas o ponto inicial do processo de democratização do Estado, enquanto para o liberalismo é o ponto de chegada. Alguns dos principais teóricos do socialismo, como Antonio Gramsci4 e Rosa Luxemburgo5 , afirmam que o aprofundamento do processo de democratização na perspectiva das doutrinas socialistas ocorre de dois modos: por meio da crítica à democracia representativa (e da retomada de alguns temas da democracia direta) e pela ampliação da da participação popular e do controle do poder por meio dos chamados “conselhos operários”. Em outras palavras, a diferença crucial entre a democracia dos conselhos e a democracia parlamentar é que a primeira reconhece ter havido um deslocamento dos centros de poder dos órgãos tradicionais do Estado para a grande empresa, na sociedade capitalista. Por isso, o controle que o cidadão pode exercer por meio dos canais tradicionais da democracia política não é suficiente para impedir os abusos de poder. Logo, o controle deve acontecer nos próprios lugares de produção, e seu protagonista é o trabalhador real, não o cidadão abstrato da democracia formal. Mais recentemente, na metade do século XX, surgiu a corrente pluralista. Os pluralistas, em particular Robert Dahl6 , cientista político estadunidense, não procuravam estabelecer uma definição abstrata e teórica acerca da democracia, mas, por meio da observação das experiências de sistemas políticos, estipularam alguns requisitos mínimos: funcionários eleitos, eleições livres justas e frequentes, liberdade de expressão, fontes de informação diversificadas, autonomia para associações e cidadania inclusiva. Com base nesses critérios são caracterizadas quatro estruturas de governo: hegemonias fechadas, que são regimes em que não há disputa de poder e a participação política é limitada; hegemonias inclusivas, regimes em que não há disputa de poder, mas ocorre participação política; oligarquias competitivas, regimes nos quais há disputa de poder, mas com limitada participação política; e poliarquias, regimes em que não há disputa de poder e participação política ampliada. Joseph Schumpeter (1883-1950), economista austríaco, criticou as teorias clássicas de democracia, especialmente na relação estabelecida entre a democracia e a soberania popular7 . Para o autor, a definição clássica de democracia supõe duas ficções incapazes de resistir a uma análise realista: a existência do bem comum e a universalidade da racionalidade dos indivíduos. Para Schumpeter, a unidade da vontade geral, que constituiria o bem comum, e a racionalidade dos indivíduos seriam mitos, porque, para ele, esses elementos se tornaram irracionais por não conseguirem definir coerentemente suas preferências diante da influência da propaganda e de outros métodos de persuasão. Dessa forma, Schumpeter rompe com a ideia de democracia como soberania popular para propô-la como método, um tipo de arranjo institucional (de governos) para alcançar decisões políticas. Assim, sugere a superação do impedimento provocado pela irracionalidade das massas, reduzindo sua participação na política ao ato da produção de governos (ato de votar). As atribuições político-administrativas ficariam a cargo das elites eleitas. Essa é uma postura polêmica, na medida em que propõe uma redução da participação popular. Contrário a essa visão, o cientista político canadense C. B. Macpherson8 , sustenta que a liberdade e o desenvolvimento individual só podem ser alcançados plenamente com a participação direta e contínua dos cidadãos na regulação da sociedade e do Estado. Macpherson defende uma transformação estruturada em um sistema que combine partidos competitivos e organizações de democracia direta, que criam uma base real para a existência da democracia participativa. Mas, para que esse modelo pudesse se desenvolver, seria necessário que os partidos políticos se democratizassem, com princípios e procedimentos de democracia direta, complementada e controlada por organizações geridas por pessoas comuns, em seus locais de trabalho e nas comunidades locais. Na teoria das elites, o poder político pertence ao restrito círculo de pessoas que toma e impõem decisões a todos os membros que tenha de recorrer, como ação radical, à força. Ainda na doutrina liberal, mas opondo-se ao pluralismo, existem os elitistas, que utilizam o termo “elite” como referência a grupos sociais superiores de vários tipos. O termo seria empregado no pensamento social e político somente no final do século XIX. Essas teorias sociológicas, propostas pelos pensadores Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923), sociólogo e economista francês; Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941), cientista político italiano, e Robert Michels (1876-1936), sociólogo alemão radicado na Itália, defendem que em toda sociedade existe apenas uma minoria, que, por diversos motivos, vem a se tornar detentora do poder. Pareto afirmava que existe uma “circulação das elites”, ou seja, uma minoria de pessoas que se alternam no poder. Mosca justifica o poder das elites governamentais pelo fato de serem uma minoria articulada e organizada, enquanto os governos seriam uma classe numerosa, mas dividida e desorganizada. Ao estudar as formações partidárias, Michels destacou como a própria estrutura das organizações favorecia o surgimento das elites e sua longa permanência no poder. Nas palavras de Michels, essa estabilidade das elites no poder é a “lei de ferro das oligarquias”. Ao longo dos últimos séculos foram construídas diversas interpretações e teorias acerca dos objetivos e conteúdos da democracia. Na prática, a democracia pode ser um modelo de governo que amplia as capacidades de desenvolvimento social, político e econômico, com base em princípios de igualdade e cidadania, ou se tornar uma simples “regra” para formar governos que não priorizem necessariamente o atendimento das demandas sociais. REFERÊNCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS CONSTANT, B. A liberdade dos antigos comparada à dos modernos. 1. ed. São Paulo: Atlas, 2015. DAHL, R. Poliarquia: participação e oposição. São Paulo: Edusp, 1987. ________. Um prefácio à teoria democrática. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, 1989. LUXEMBURGO, R. Têxteis. Paris: Editions Socieles, 1982. MACPHERSON, C. B. A teoria política do individualismo possessivo, de Hobbes e Locke. Tradução de Nelson Dantas. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1979. MICHELS, R. Sociologia dos partidos políticos. Brasília: Ed. da UnB, 1982. MILL, J. S. Sobre a liberdade. Petrópolis: Vozes, 1991. SCHUMPETER, J. A. Capitalismo, socialismo e democracia. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar, 1984. SILVA, A. et. al. Sociologia em movimento. 2. ed. São Paulo: Moderna, 2016. TOCQUEVILLE, A. A democracia na América: leis e costumes. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 1998. -/- . (shrink)

Em meados do século XVI, surgiu a ideia de autonomia do indivíduo, que deu origem ao individualismo e ao liberalismo político. A concepção de democracia que se desenvolveu com base nesses princípios assumiu um perfil bastante diferente daquele utilizado na Grécia antiga. Se antes a democracia estava diretamente ligada à ideia de igualdade, em sua nova versão passou a ser relacionar primordialmente com a ideia de liberdade. Em decorrência dos ideais desenvolvidos naquele momento histórico, o principal dilema político fundamentava-se na (...) limitação de poder do soberano (que às vezes se confundia com o próprio Estado) e na ampliação das liberdades individuais, como o direito a dispor da propriedade material e a defender-se judicialmente. Até hoje, grande parte do debate político tem como tema a defesa dos ideias liberais ou a crítica a eles. Na perspectiva do filósofo inglês Thomas Hobbes, a constituição e o funcionamento de uma sociedade pressupõem que os indivíduos cedam, por transferência, seus direitos naturais (mantendo somente o direito de conservarem sua vida) ao soberano. O autor entendia que os seres humanos, em estado de natureza (isto é, compartilhando do direito a tudo o que existe, em razão de não haver limitação legal), tendem a agir pela força e pela violência para conseguir o que desejam, o que acabaria provocando uma guerra contínua entre todos. Para Hobbes, a justificativa para o poder absoluto dos reis residia na compreensão de que os homens em estado de natureza se encontrariam em constante conflito. Na foto, palácio na Arábia Saudita, em 2012, uma das poucas monarquias absolutas da atualidade. Por isso, para disciplinarem a si mesmos e garantirem o bem-estar físico e material, seria necessário que os indivíduos firmassem um contrato social regulado por uma autoridade soberana. Hobbes manifestou preferência pela monarquia absolutista, pois acreditava que as assembleias e os Parlamentos estimulam os conflitos graças às disputas entre diferentes facções e partidos. O poder absoluto defendido por Hobbes se justificava pela transferência dos direitos dos indivíduos ao soberano. É um nome desse contrato social que o poder deve ser exercido, e não para a realização da vontade pessoal do soberano. Por conta dessa perspectiva, Hobbes não pode ser considerado defensor da democracia. Entretanto, seu pensamento é importante, pois serve de parâmetro para as reflexões sobre a organização do poder construídas posteriormente. No século XVII, John Locke, também filósofo inglês, propôs uma reflexão bem diferente das de Hobbes. Para ele, o poder soberano deve permanecer nas mãos dos cidadãos, que são os melhores juízes dos próprios interesses. Cabe ao governante retribuir a delegação de poderes ao garantir as prerrogativas individuais: segurança jurídica e propriedade privada. Assim, o contrato social teve como função garantir os direitos naturais para todos. Esse pensamento é uma das bases do liberalismo político. Entretanto, deve ser ressaltado que sua implantação não permitiu a construção da igualdade propagada por Locke, mas foi uma das estruturas de consolidação do poder da burguesia. As ideias de Locke são uma das referências para o desenvolvimento da democracia representativa. Na imagem, vemos o palácio de Westminster, em Londres, onde estão situadas as casas do Parlamento e ocorrem as principais decisões políticas do Reino Unido. Para Locke, o princípio da maioria é fundamental para o funcionamento das instituições políticas democráticas, assim como as leis, que devem valer para todos. Por isso, segundo o filósofo, a elaboração das leis precisa estar a cargo de representantes escolhidos pelo povo, que exerceriam o papel de legisladores no interesse da maioria: o regime político proposto por Locke é, portanto, uma democracia representativa. O escritor e filósofo político suíço Jean-Jacques Rousseau se preocupou com o problema da legitimidade da ordem política. Para ele, a desigualdade ocasionada pelo advento da propriedade privada é a causa de todos os sentimentos de ruins do ser humano. No contrato social, é preciso definir a questão da igualdade e do comprometimento de todos com o bem comum. Se a vontade individual é particular, a do cidadão, que vive em sociedade e tem consciência disso, deve ser coletiva e voltada para o bem comum. A participação política é, portanto, ato de deliberação pública que organiza a vontade geral, ou seja, traduz os elementos comuns a todas as vontades individuais. Esse seria, portanto, o núcleo do conceito de democracia. Em seu livro Do Contrato Social2 , Rousseau afirma que a democracia só pode existir se for diretamente exercida pelos cidadãos, sem representação política, pois a vontade geral não poderia ser representada, apenas exercida diretamente. Para Rousseau, a democracia direta é o único sistema legítimo de autoridade e de ato político.3 Em O espírito das leis, o filósofo e político Montesquieu, afirmou que igualdade na democracia é algo muito difícil de garantir plenamente. Partindo do princípio de que é necessário um controle externo para que os sistemas políticos funcionem bem, esse pensador defende a criação de regras que estabeleçam limites aos detentores do poder a fim de manter a liberdade dos indivíduos. Por isso, propôs a divisão da esfera administrativa em três poderes ou funções independentes entre si: o Legislativo, o Executivo e o Judiciário. De maneira resumida, cabem ao poder Legislativo as funções de fiscalizar o poder Executivo, votar leis de interesse público nas instâncias relativas (municipal, estadual e federal) e, em situações específicas, julgar autoridades como o presidente da República ou os próprios membros do Parlamento. O Executivo é o poder do Estado que, nos moldes da Constituição de um país, tem por atribuição governar a nação e administrar os interesses públicos, colocando em prática políticas públicas e leis, e garantindo o acesso aos direitos. Por fim, o poder Judiciário é exercido pelos juízes, que têm a capacidade e a prerrogativa de julgar com base nas regras constitucionais e nas leis criadas pelo poder legislativo. Para Montesquieu, a democracia não pode prescindir da divisão entre os poderes. Na imagem, foto da Praça dos Três Poderes, em Brasília (DF), 2013. A democracia, na perspectiva de Montesquieu, seria garantida pelo equilíbrio entre os três poderes, assegurando assim maior liberdade aos indivíduos. A liberdade, porém, só existiria com moderação, o que equivaleria a fazer tudo o que as leis permitissem (pois, se um cidadão pudesse fazer tudo o que as leis proibissem, não teria mais liberdade, por que todos poderiam fazer o mesmo). Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels acreditavam que um governo democrático seria inviável numa sociedade capitalista, pois a regulação democrática da vida não poderia se realizar com as limitações impostas pelas relações capitalistas de produção. Seria necessário, portanto, mudar as bases da sociedade para criar possibilidade de uma política democrática. Para entender a posição desses autores com relação à democracia, é necessário entender como eles percebem a função do Estado na sociedade capitalista. Para Marx e Engels, os princípios que protegem a liberdade dos indivíduos e defendem o direito à propriedade tratam as pessoas como iguais apenas formalmente. O movimento em favor do sufrágio universal e de igualdade política é reconhecido por Marx como um passo importante, mas, segundo esse autor, seu potencial emancipador está limitado pelas desigualdades de classe. Desse modo, as democracias liberais seriam cerceadas pelo capital privado, que restringiria sistematicamente as opções políticas. De acordo com esse olhar, a liberdade nas democracias capitalistas é, portanto, puramente formal, pois a desigualdade de classe prevalece. Nas palavras de Marx: “Na democracia liberal, o capital governa”. REFERÊNCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS HOBBES, T. Leviatã. São Paulo: Abril Cultural, 1974. (Coleção Os Pensadores). LOCKE, J. Segundo tratado sobre o governo civil. São Paulo: Martin Claret, 2002. MARX, K. O capital: crítica a economia política. São Paulo: Abril Cultural, 1974. (Coleção Os Pensadores). MARX, K.; ENGELS, F. O manifesto do partido comunista. 5. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1999. ROUSSEAU, J. J. O contrato social e outros escritos. São Paulo: Cultrix, 1971. SILVA, A. et al. Sociologia em movimento. 2. ed. São Paulo: Moderna, 2016. (shrink)

У статті узагальнено історико-культурологічний досвід ролі і значення національної еліти князівських династій Рюриковичів, володарів Київської Русі та Чернігово-Сіверської гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів у створенні одного з найбільших у Європі державного об’єднання Київська Русь. Основою збереження своїх територіальних володінь князями були українські традиції сімейного розподілу майна. Системний розподіл престолонаслідування серед нащадків Рюриковичів відбувся після заповіту Ярослава Мудрого, тобто набув соціально-правової норми, названий «лествичним» порядком. Система передбачала успадкування майна дітьми від старшого до молодшого брата, зокрема коли старший князь чернігівський здобував Київ – до (...) Чернігова переходив князь новгород-сіверський, такі переходи відбувалися по лінії брата, спочатку серед старшої лінії, а потім – молодшої. Вони з часом трансформувались у національні традиції сімейного права, що закріплені Цивільним кодексом України. (shrink)

The aim of this essay is to clarify the meaning and extent of Kant's liberalism by contrasting some of his key ideas to those of Burke, Hobbes, Machiavelli, Nozick, Rawls, and Schmitt. My claim is that Kant's political philosophy navigates the path between the extremes of liberalism and conservatism, just as his theoretical philosophy tries to navigate between dogmatism and skepticism, and that current liberal claim on Kant has important limitations in Kant's letter, as well as in spirit.

The City of the Sun is a literary, political, and philosophical work by Tommaso Campanella, one of the most significant intellectual figures of the late Renaissance. While Campanella was a prolific author—writing on natural philosophy, ethics, prophecy, magic, astrology, theology, metaphysics, and politics—City of the Sun remains his most famous text. The work, in the form of a dialogue between a Grand Hospitaller and a Genoese helmsman, describes an imaginary city located in the Tabrobane (today’s Sri Lanka). The Genoese seaman (...) describes in detail the structure of the city as well as the inhabitants’ way of life, military training, religious and philosophical beliefs, and political governance. (shrink)

Foucault characterizes the defining feature of modern politics in terms of a new form of power concerned with maximizing life, biopolitics, as opposed to the sovereign right to kill. This characterization becomes problematic, especially when the overwhelming frequency of death and massacres in the twentieth century is considered. The question of how so much death is produced in an economy of power concerned with the maximization of life has stirred considerable debate. This paper argues that there is a death-function internal (...) to biopolitics that should be considered in terms of biopolitical social defense. In making the life of a population its object, biopolitics makes death into an immanent condition of the population. The history of the emergence of this death-function internal to biopolitics is traced out in terms of different figurations of the monstrous: the shift from a juridical conception of monstrosity to a criminal and then medico-normative monstrosity shows that the steeping of death in the life of the population is done by normalizing judgment, through which death becomes an immanent condition of society. Thus, I show that the defense of society against its own monstrosity is done on both the disciplinary and the biopolitical levels. (shrink)

Foucault characterizes the defining feature of modern politics in terms of a new form of power concerned with maximizing life, biopolitics, as opposed to the sovereign right to kill. This characterization becomes problematic, especially when the overwhelming frequency of death and massacres in the twentieth century is considered. The question of how so much death is produced in an economy of power concerned with the maximization of life has stirred considerable debate. This paper argues that there is a death-function internal (...) to biopolitics that should be considered in terms of biopolitical social defense. In making the life of a population its object, biopolitics makes death into an immanent condition of the population. The history of the emergence of this death-function internal to biopolitics is traced out in terms of different figurations of the monstrous: the shift from a juridical conception of monstrosity to a criminal and then medico-normative monstrosity shows that the steeping of death in the life of the population is done by normalizing judgment, through which death becomes an immanent condition of society. Thus, I show that the defense of society against its own monstrosity is done on both the disciplinary and the biopolitical levels. (shrink)

In the pre-history of the concept of recognition Spinoza’s social philosophy deserves a special place. Although we rarely think of Spinoza as a social philosopher, Spinoza understood well the ways in which individual subjectivity is shaped by the social forces. I will argue that Spinoza offers a mechanism to understand the way in which recognition works, in order to untangle the web of affect, desire and ideas, which support the recognitions and misrecognitions at the foundation of social life. Spinoza sets (...) out this mechanism in Book Three of the Ethics, but his extended example of the first Hebrew Kingdom in the Theological-Political Treatise, shows how he applied his theory of social recognition to the great problem of his times – the debate between faith and reason, and the need to unify a commonwealth. Social unity based on shared religion, for Spinoza, could be powerful, though not so powerful as democracy. Only through understanding Spinoza’s views of social subjectivization can we understand why. (shrink)

In this article I discuss the advantages of a theory of political representation for a prag- matist theory of (global) democracy. I first outline Dewey’s disregard for political rep- resentation by analyzing the political, epistemological and aesthetic underpinnings of his criticism of the Enlightenment ideal of democracy and its trust in the power of the detached gaze. I then show that a theory of political representation is not only com- patible with a pragmatist Deweyan-pragmatist perspective on democratic politics but also (...) that Dewey’s concept of “publics”, if applied to contemporary circumstances of globalized politics, requires such a theory. I suggest a pragmatic theory of political rep- resentation that combines elements of Dewey’s aesthetics, particularly his own theory of vision, with Michael Saward’s conception of representative claim-making into the notion of aesthetic democratic representation. (shrink)

This article draws a connection between socio-economic inequality and political corruption based on a reading of Machiavelli’s Florentine Histories. Prevailing interpretations of the Histories attr...

The article states that in the "Esprit des Lois" Charles Louis de Secondat Montesquieu famously proposes a version of the doctrine of the separation of judicial, executive and legislative power as a way of protecting political liberty ("the opinion each has of his security"). Given the context in which he situates his arguments: an immense and theoretically opaque excursus which discusses almost everything known to political theory, anthropology and economics before his time, and essentially descriptive methodology, it is not easy (...) to discern a clear line of argument in support of the doctrine of the separation of powers. (shrink)

"Transparency" is the constant refrain of democratic politics, a promised aid to accountability and integrity in public life. Secrecy is stigmatized as a work of corruption, tolerable by a compromise of democratic principles. My dissertation challenges both ideas. It argues that secrecy and transparency are best understood as complementary, not contradictory, practices. And it develops a normative account of liberal democratic politics in which duties of transparency coexist with permissions to act behind closed doors. The project begins with some history. (...) I show that the language of transparency gained currency only in the last quarter century, and explain how its proximate sources promote three dubious assumptions—that disclosure should in principle be maximized, that it prevents misrule more or less automatically, and that its value is either instrumental, or rooted in a reductive notion of democracy as the rule of popular opinion. Against these assumptions, I sketch an alternative account of liberal democracy centered on the logics of representation, liberty, and equality. These three "logics of self-government" give rise to duties of transparency binding on public and private actors alike. Such obligations have bite, I argue, but they are not all-encompassing. Indeed, the same ideals of representation, liberty, and equality license concealment in a range of important contexts, including deliberation and dissent. Having made this case, I go on to explain how secrecy and transparency can form a "democratic dyad," deepening rather than undermining the project of self-rule. Lastly, I address the limits of conventional transparency practices. Taken alone, disclosure is subject to a range of pitfalls, often failing to produce the results promised in transparency’s name. While my non-instrumental case for openness is not destabilized by this analysis, it does suggest that mandating disclosure is rarely enough. I therefore propose a series of adversarial practices to facilitate the checking of unjustifiable secrecy, and highlight the critical role of interpretation in efforts to make power intelligible. In the end, my dissertation offers a novel defense of secrecy and transparency that highlights rather than minimizes the hard work of political engagement. (shrink)