History of Political Philosophy

Abstract: Kant and Arendt on Barbaric and Totalitarian Evil -/- This paper starts by sketching Kant’s four ideal legal and political conditions—'anarchy,’ ‘despotism,’ ‘republic,’ and ‘barbarism’—before showing their usefulness for analyzing different political forces that may operate in any given society. Contrary to the common tendency in political philosophy to view our societies as either in the so-called ‘state of nature’ (‘anarchy’) or in ‘civil society’ (‘republic’), I propose that we might find ourselves in societies where aspects or ‘pockets’ of (...) our lives are subject to any one of these (anarchic, despotic, republican, and barbaric) political forces. I then combine Kant’s ideas on barbaric evil with Arendt’s ideas on totalitarian evil, which gives us a four-fold conception of political evil. This fourfold distinction is then used to identify some types and patterns of destructive political forces as they occur in actual, historical societies, such as racist, sexist, or heterosexist violence and oppression. (shrink)

The following article aims to reconstruct the philosophical-political content of Primo Levi's 1976 essays "About Obscure Writing", focusing especially on the anthropological question of inequality.

This paper opens by reviewing Aristotle’s conception of the natural slave and then familiar treatments of the internal conflict between the ruling and subject parts of the soul in Aristotle and Plato; I highlight especially the figurative uses of slavery and servitude when discussing such problems pertaining to incontinence and vice—viz., being a ‘slave’ to the passions. Turning to Campanella, features of the City of the Sun pertaining to slavery are examined: in sketching his ideal city, Campanella both rejects Aristotle’s (...) natural slave and is critical of the European institutions of slavery. The fact that slavery has no place in the City of the Sun takes on added significance when complemented with Campanella’s remarks on dominion and servitude in his Quaestiones de politiciis: I show that Campanella’s conception of slavery is intimately bound to sin, and consider whether his employment of the trope of slavery within the context of vice diverges from familiar usage. (shrink)

La finalidad del presente artículo es descubrir la presencia del concepto de persona en la doctrina de la soberanía de Carl Schmitt. A pesar de que este concepto tuvo un amplio desarrollo metafísico en el seno del pensamiento cristiano durante la antigüedad tardía, jamás pudo desembarazarse de la impronta jurídica de sus creadores los juristas romanos. Por tal razón, sirvió como soporte conceptual para el posterior despliegue de la noción de persona jurídica, sistematizada a lo largo de la modernidad. Para (...) lograr nuestro objetivo, intentaremos rastrear la transformación del concepto de persona a lo largo de la edad media y la modernidad, así como revisar el concepto de soberanía en la teoría política moderna. Por otro lado, estudiaremos la noción de decisión en la obra de Carl Schmitt, noción que el gran jurista alemán utilizó para definir su propia concepción de la soberanía. A partir de estas precisiones, intentaremos establecer la relación existente entre la noción de persona y la de decisión en el seno de la concepción schmittiana de la soberanía tomando como hilo conductor los presupuestos teológicos implícitos en ella. Como veremos, tales presupuestos nos remitirán a la obra del pensador danés Søren Kierkegaard, cuyas doctrinas nos mostrarán todo el alcance del planteamiento schmittiano. De esta manera, podemos concluir que el concepto de persona subyacente al decisionismo schmittiano ha sido transformado, en primer término, en el de existencia política, noción determinada por la relación de enemistad; y, en segundo lugar, en el de unidad de la personalidad, concepto determinado por la actualización de la dimensión espiritual al interior de la condición humana. (shrink)

This book focuses on the reception of classical political ideas in the political thought of the fourteenth-century Italian writer Marsilius of Padua. Vasileios Syros provides a novel cross-cultural perspective on Marsilius’s theory and breaks fresh ground by exploring linkages between his ideas and the medieval Muslim, Jewish, and Byzantine traditions. Syros investigates Marsilius’s application of medical metaphors in his discussion of the causes of civil strife and the desirable political organization. He also demonstrates how Marsilius’s demarcation between ethics and politics (...) and his use of examples from Greek mythology foreshadow early modern political debates (involving such prominent political authors as Niccolò Machiavelli and Paolo Sarpi) about the political dimension of religion, church-state relations, and the emergence and decline of the state. (shrink)

In the Preface to the Discourses Machiavelli laments that the greatness of the ancients is “rather admired than imitated” by his contemporaries and expresses the belief that recurring to past examples would be most beneficial to those interested in “ordering republics, maintaining states, governing kingdoms, ordering the military and administering war, judging subjects, and increasing empire” (D I 2.2). Machiavelli is indeed persuaded that the laws governing human nature are unchangeable, and that the ancients can be imitated, since the causes (...) for their actions and the reasons for their choices are the same that determine the conduct of the contemporaries. Thus, an analysis of Titus Livy’s work on the Roman republic might shed light on the weaknesses and strengths of existing governments and encourage men to the emulation of past greatness. More specifically, such an analysis would make clear that the greatness of Rome lied in that both the city and its citizens enjoyed a high level of freedom. In fact, the city had sovereign power over itself and other cities, rather than being ruled by others. Besides, no social group had enough power to overcome the others: people were able to foster their interests by participating in the civic life of the city and by protesting against those public decisions which they found contrary to their interests. But what did this freedom exactly consist in? In other words, does Machiavelli conceive freedom as non-interference, or rather as non-domination, by others? Moreover, does he consider participation and contestation as constitutive of liberty, or rather instrumental to it? In this paper, I will first present Philip Pettit’s account of three alternative conceptions of liberty and indicate which of them might have been endorsed by Machiavelli. I will then consider the issue of contestations and tumults and of their role within the polity. I will argue not only that Machiavelli endorses a republican view of freedom but also that, in contrast to Pettit, he maintains contestations and tumults to be instrumental to freedom, rather than constitutive of it. I will conclude by claiming that Machiavelli’s and Pettit’s different stance on the value of tumults and contestations reflects the kind of freedom as non-domination in which they are interested in. Pettit supports a more democratic form of republicanism, in which not only groups but also individuals must be able to contest given decisions. By contrast, Machiavelli endorses a republicanism in which power must be distributed among different political figures within a polity. Dissensions are seen as a means for one of these figures, i.e. the multitude, to raise its voice when its interests are damaged by public decisions. In Machiavelli’s view, the end to which a state should aim is to be great, for which it needs to be free only at the collective level. Different means might be employed in order to realise this aim. Tumults are just one of them: the one that made Rome a great city, worthy of being imitated. (shrink)

Hannah Arendt clearly articulated a vision of political life free of religious origins as well as the dominance of religious authorities. Nonetheless, she both consistently drew upon religious ideas as well as encouraged religious actors to weigh in on political matters. To understand why, I firstly reiterate her account of intersubjective plurality articulated throughout the vita activa’s three categories of labor, work and action. Secondly, I apply the vita activa to some of Arendt’s most prominent writings on religion. What emerges (...) is yet another way in which Arendt’s oeuvre continues to matter. (shrink)

Die analytische Philosophie ist nicht dafür bekannt, dass ihre Vertreter*innen sich in ihrer Rolle als Philosoph*innen an radikaler Politik beteiligen . Progressive Politik links des Liberalismus bezieht ihr philosophisches Verständnis hauptsächlich aus der marxistischen und post-strukturalistischen Tradition. Nach einem kurzen Überblick über die Geschichte der analytischen Philosophie, zeige ich, warum sie bisher keine Grundlage für radikale Politik liefern konnte. Alternativ schlage ich eine Form des liberalen Naturalismus als Basis für einen kritischen, interdisziplinären Materialismus vor. Analytic philosophers are not known for (...) taking part in radical politics. Radical left-wing politics takes its philosophical inspiration mainly from Marxist and post-structuralist traditions. After giving a short overview of Analytic philosophy’s history, I will show why this approach could not deliver a foundation for radical politics. Alternatively, I outline a form of liberal naturalism, which could serve as a basis for a critical, interdisciplinary materialism. (shrink)

John Locke’s theory of state is heavily constructed around his doctrine of consent. The doctrine indeed signifies a critical moment in the development of liberal and democratic theories in the history of political thought. Nevertheless, the doctrine has provoked various controversies and raises doubts on whether Locke’s early and later positions are reconcilable. This paper joins the scholarly debate through investigating the role of consent in Locke’s theory of state. It rejects the ahistorical readings of the doctrine that deliberation and (...) voluntary intention constitute the necessary condition of consent. It also opposes the view that the doctrine of consent offers a moral ground for Locke’s argument on the legitimacy of government, nor does the doctrine directly makes the case for political obligation. Instead, I argue that the doctrine of consent normatively proclaims the essential value of liberty in Locke’s theory of state while historically it was employed as a response to England’s political reality. Locke’s articulation of the doctrine also reveals his life-long concern about the peril of anarchy. Thus, consent should be understood as a dynamic process of recognising the necessity of government while acknowledging the people’s resolution to be free. (shrink)

Political corruption is a contested concept. Both terms in the concept are the object of controversies in political theory, and concern what corruption is and how it is a politically relevant phenomenon. Political corruption has been contested across time, space, cultures, and philosophical traditions. Usually, political corruption is assumed to involve an exchange between a private corruptor and a public official who pursues her personal interest by abusing her power of office. While this account may be true with respect to (...) some such instances as bribery, some significant uncertainties affect its plausibility. Practices such as patronage or state capture might escape this account either because they do not involve a corruptor or because the corrupted officer does not pursue her personal interest but, say, that of her party or faction. Interestingly, despite or perhaps in reason of this semantic uncertainty, political corruption is generally perceived as a disease of the public function, something which any sensible political theory of the good state should want to avoid. Why is such a negative intuition about the nature of political corruption so widespread? A growing debate in political theory is now starting to inquire into the exact nature of the wrongness of political corruption. In this timely book, Robert Sparling engages with such an important but still developing debate. (shrink)

This paper critiques Locke’s account of private property. After sketching its basic principles as well as how contemporary Lockeans have developed them, I argue that this account doesn’t and cannot work philosophically. The main problem is that the account requires the determination of objective value of resources in historical time, but this doesn’t exist. I conclude that the ultimate philosophical failure of this tremendously influential kind of account does not entail that it is valueless. Rather, the suggestion is that understanding (...) and overcoming its problems promises one way to overcome more general problems of systemic injustice regarding private property and the environment in our modern world. (shrink)

In this paper, I argue that sportspersonship is a means of performing fundamental sociality; it is about the conversion of a foe (inimicus) into an enemy (hostis). Drawing on Carl Schmitt’s distinction between enemy and foe – inimicus and hostis – as well as his discussion of the ius publicum Europaeum, I suggest a model of sportspersonship that sees it as expressing the competitive relations between equals that undergird the most minimal form of sociality; relations that any deeper union takes (...) as its foundation. It is the performance of this fundamental sociality, I argue, that grounds the value of sport in general (though this does not mean that there cannot be other, contingent values in sport). (shrink)

In The Political Animal in Medieval Philosophy Juhana Toivanen investigates what medieval philosophers meant when they argued that human beings are political animals by nature. He analyses the notion of ‘political animal’ from various perspectives and shows its relevance to philosophical discussions concerning the foundations of human sociability, ethics, and politics. -/- Medieval authors thought that social life stems from the biological and rational nature of human beings, and that collaboration with other people promotes prosperity and good life. Toivanen provides (...) a detailed philosophical interpretation of this view across wide range of authors, including unedited manuscript sources. As the first monograph length study on the topic, The Political Animal sheds new light to this significant period in western political thought. (shrink)

Archytas of Tarentum, a contemporary and associate of Plato, was a famous Pythagorean, mathematician, and statesman of Tarentum. Although his works are lost and most of the fragments attributed to him were composed in later eras, they nevertheless contain valuable information about his thought. In particular, the fragments of On Law and Justice are likely based on a work by the early Peripatetic biographer Aristoxenus of Tarentum. The fragments touch on key themes of early Greek ethics, including: written and unwritten (...) laws; freedom and self-sufficiency; moderation of the emotions and cultivation of virtues; equality and the competence of the majority to participate in government; criticism of “rule by an individual”; a theory of the ideal “mixed constitution”; distributive and corrective justice and punishment, and of the rule of law. The fragments also contain one of the only positive accounts of democracy in ancient Greek philosophy. (shrink)

In this essay I develop W.E.B. Du Bois’s concept of double consciousness to demonstrate the limitations of Kant’s and Rawls’s models of self-respect. I argue that neither Kant nor Rawls can explain what self-respect and resistance to oppression warrants under the conditions of violent and systematic racial exclusion. I defend Du Bois’s proposal of voluntary black self-segregation during the Jim Crow era and explain why Du Bois believes that the black American community has a moral right to assert its self-respect (...) by mitigating exposure to racial violence and animus in a white-controlled polity. (shrink)

Recent studies of peacebuilding highlight the importance of attending to people’s local experiences of conflict and cooperation. This trend, however, raises the fundamental questions of how the local is and should be constituted and what the relationship is between institutions and individual actors of peace at the local level of politics. I turn to Hannah Arendt’s thoughts to address these issues. Arendt’s thinking provides a distinctive form of realism that calls for stable institutions but never depletes the spirit of resistance. (...) Peacebuilding guided by this insight seeks to enable parties in conflict to voice their competing opinions by acting agonistically in public and to help them align their disruptive yet creative voices with a desire to establish and sustain common institutions. Thus, Arendt’s thinking not only offers a way to increase sensitivity to local differences but also to provide direction to the politics of resistance. In the end, it offers a balanced insight into peacebuilding and local agency beyond the contemporary liberal and critical approaches to peace. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to provide a philosophical conceptual framework to understand the theoretical roots and political implications of the interpretations of Plato’s work in Jaeger’s Third Humanism and Krieck’s völkisch-racist pedagogy and anthropology. This article will seek to characterize, as figures of localitas, their conceptions of the individual, community, corporeality, identity, and the State that both authors developed departing from Platonic political philosophy. My main hypothesis is that Jaeger’s and Krieck’s interpretations of Platonic paideía shared several core-elements (...) based on a modern conception of State sovereignty and human will, whose fundamental ground is the subjectivist-technical metaphysics. The “production” of a human type (spiritual and/or racial) and a unitary State political community appears in both authors mediated by a theory of political education, that I define as «State typohumanism», that sought its sustenance in Plato’s political philosophy, mainly by means of a distorted understanding of the notions of týpos and ē̂thos, and that, I argue, played a key role in the intellectual legitimization of völkisch-racism. This would be broadly translated into a programmatic and literal understanding of the Platonic Republic which assumes that the inherent function of any State is to produce subjectivities based on national identities grounded on homogeneous characteristics. In these varied characterizations similar appropriations of humanitas have been expressed both in Jaeger and in Krieck. (shrink)

The Italian philosopher Augusto Del Noce (1910-1989) gave an original interpretation of the modern secular age. In this paper, I analyze the reasons why Del Noce saw in Descartes and in Rousseau two fundamental expressions of secularization: according to the two French philosophers, the human being is characterized by an original goodness (status naturae purae). Del Noce noted that this anthropological optimism, widespread in modernity, made superfluous the Christian faith: without the presence of original sin (an evil in human nature), (...) the redemption is no longer necessary. In the last part of the paper it is examined “the Rousseau problem”, i.e. the constitutive ambiguity of the Genevan thinker. Rightly Del Noce pointed out that Rousseau was, at the same time, a religious and revolutionary philosopher: on the one hand, Rousseau criticized modern rationalists and reevaluated the sphere of human feelings (including religious feelings), but on the other, he theorized a revolutionary and Jacobin thought. Therefore, Rousseau can be interpreted as a philosopher who emblematically expressed the ambiguities of the modern process of secularization. (shrink)

By reconstructing the eighteenth-century movement of the Italian Enlightenment, I show that Italy’s political fragmentation notwithstanding, there was a constant circulation of ideas, whether on philosophical, ethical, political, religious, social, economic or scientific questions—among different groups in various states. This exchange was made possible by the shared language of its leading illuministi— Cesare Beccaria, Ludovico Antonio Muratori, Francesco Maria Zanotti, Antonio Genovesi, Mario Pagano, Pietro Verri, Marco Antonio Vogli, and Giammaria Ortes—and resulted in four common traits. First, the absence of (...) a radical trend, such as the French materialist-atheist trend and British Deism, or religious reformation. Second, the rejection of inhumane laws and institutions, capital punishment, torture, war and slavery. Third, the idea of public happiness as the goal of good government and legislation. And fourth, the conception of the economy as a constellation where social capital, consisting of education, morality, and civility, plays a decisive role. I conclude that the Italian Enlightenment, not unlike the Scottish Enlightenment, was both cosmopolitan and local, which allowed its leading writers to develop a keen awareness of the complexity of society alongside a degree of prudence regarding the possibility and desirability of its modernization. (shrink)

Review of 'What is Political Philosophy?' by Charles Larmore, Princeton University Press 2020.

This essay discusses how medieval authors from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries dealt with a philosophical problem that social institutions pose for the Aristotelian dichotomy between natural and artificial entities. It is argued that marriage, political community, and language provided a particular challenge for the conception that things which are designed by human beings are artefacts. Medieval philosophers based their arguments for the naturalness of social institutions on the anthropological view that human beings are political animals by nature, but this (...) strategy required rethinking the borderline between nature and art. The limits of nature were extended, as social institutions were considered to be natural even though they are in many ways similar to artificial products. (shrink)

This dissertation investigates the concept of law in Rousseau, analyzing if he defends the idea of natural law or if he is a conventionalist. Some commentators, like Robert Derathé, conceive Rousseau as a naturalist, as opposed to others, like Charles Vaughan, who think that he is a conventionalist. Here we will critically assess those positions and try to see if they exclude each other or if Rousseau can be read, somehow, as defending fundamental aspects of those two positions.

Book Review of The Cosmopolitan Tradition: A Noble but Flawed Ideal. By Nussbaum Martha C..

This article challenges the view that Aristotle's Poetics provides a defense against Plato's assault on poetry. I argue that Aristotle's discussion of poetry is at least as critical of the poetic depiction of the city and the gods as is the Platonic account. In the Poetics Aristotle does break with Plato in order to establish poetry's independence from philosophy. Aristotle's account of poetry as an independent activity should not, however, be read as a defense of poetry against Plato's subordination of (...) poetry to philosophy. Instead, it is argued that Aristotle establishes poetry's independence from philosophy as a corrective to Plato's resort to poetry, thereby establishing that philosophy is completely autonomous from poetry. (shrink)

어떻게 부자와 유명한에 다른 걸릴에 대한? 먼저 해리 포터 소설은 아이들이 세상에 대한 책임을 지기보다는 환상을 믿도록 장려하는 원시적인 미신입니다. JKR은 자신과 세계에 대한 단서가 거의없지만, 평균 미국인보다 약 200배, 평균 중국인보다 약 800배 더 파괴적입니다. 그녀는 이 쓰레기 소설과 모든 침식을 생산하기 위해 30,000 헥타르의 숲을 파괴한 책임이있습니다 (지구상의 모든 사람을 위해 바다에 적어도6 톤과 12 톤 / 년 토양이 아니며 미국인 100 톤, 그리고 Rowling의 책과 이스와그녀의 3 명의 아이들에 대해 연간 약 5000 톤). 지구는 매년 표토의 적어도 (...) 1 %를 잃고, 그래서 그것은 2100 에 가까워지면, 그것의 음식 성장 능력의 대부분은 사라질 것입니다. 그런 다음 책과 영화, 플라스틱 인형 등을 만들고 배포하기 위해 만든 연료와 폐기물의 엄청난 양이있다. 그녀는 수백만 명의 아이들을 가족 계획을 장려하거나 열대 우림을 사들이기보다는 아이들을 생산함으로써 사회적 책임이 부족하다는 것을 보여주고, 영국, 미국, 세계 및 그녀의 후손의 미래를 파괴하는 제 3 세계 패권의 전통적인 자유주의 어리석음을 장려함으로써 그녀의 사회적 책임이 부족하다는 것을 보여줍니다. 물론, 그녀는 다른 7과 다르지 않습니다. 80 억 단서 - 그냥 시끄고 더 파괴적. 무료 런치 문제 영장 큰 입니다. 폭도들은 다른 사람을 해치지 않고 한 사람을 돕는 것과 같은 것이 없다는 것을 알 수 없습니다. 혼잡한 세상에 새로운 참가자에게 주어지는 권리 나 특권은 다른 사람들의 사람들을 희미하게 만들 수있습니다. 매일 어디서나 일어나는 거대한 생태 재해에도 불구하고, 그들은 지난 세기의 인구 증가의 대부분과이 모든 것을 차지하는 "다양한"의 억제되지 않은 모성에 고정 할 수 없습니다. 그들은 산업 문명의 궁극적 인 붕괴에 자원과 기능 사회의 매일 공격을 추정하는 데 필요한 지능, 교육, 경험과 정신의 조합이 부족합니다. 각 식사, 자동차 또는 버스로 각 여행, 신발의 각 쌍은 지구의 관에 또 다른 손톱입니다. 런던에서 샌프란시스코로 가는 비행기의 한 좌석이 약 3 평방 미터의 해빙을 녹이는 약 1 톤의 탄소를 생산한다는 것은 결코 그녀의 마음을 건드리지 않았을 것이며, 그녀가 수백 개의 항공편을 비행했을 가능성이 큽니까. 부유하고 유명한 사람뿐만 아니라 거의 모든 공적 인물, 거의 모든 교사를 포함하여, 정치적으로 올바른 압력을 받고, 이는 서구 민주주의에서, 지금 사회 민주주의를 의미(신마르크스주의자 - 즉, 희석 공산주의자) 자신의 사회와 자신의 후손의 파괴를 위해 일하는 제 3 세계 우월주의자. 그래서,그 부족 of 교육, 경험, 정보 (그리고 기본적인 상식), 전혀 공개 발언을 금지해야, 완전히 모든 미디어를 지배, 지적이고 문명화 된 민주주의, 다양성과 평등을 선호해야한다는 인상을 만드는, 진실은 이들이 문제가 아닌 솔루션이며, 그들 자신은 문명의 주요 원수입니다. 민주주의 2nd 에드 (2019) 및 다른 사람에 의해 내 자살을 참조하십시오. (shrink)

The emphasis in contemporary democratic theory and in the history of political thought on the ‘natural rights’ theory of popular sovereignty of Locke, precursors of which are found in the work of Hugo Grotius and others, obscures an important relationship between constitutional self-government and nationalism. Through an examination of the early political writings of Grotius, especially his Antiquity of the Batavian Republic, this essay shows how a national consciousness forged out of memories of native traditions of self-government, and stories of (...) heroic ancestors who successfully defended those traditions against usurpers and tyrants, gives concrete substance to otherwise inchoate theories of constitutional self-government. (shrink)

Includes 70 entries on the theme of recognition, dealing with the concept, the main authors, the history of the theme, its applications, and its presence in various disciplines. The paper version to appear in late 2020. Entries available online first.

Krzysztof Trzcinski, 'Citizenship in Europe: The History of the Idea and Institution' - this is an interdisciplinary book as the concept of citizenship is one of the key terms of the social sciences and raises questions of a legal, political, historical, philosophical, and sociological nature. The main subjects of this work are the origins and evolution of the idea and institution of citizenship in Western Europe. Doctrinal and institutional models of citizenship presented in this monograph are of different historical origins (...) (beginning with ancient times and ending with the 20th century). This work shows that in different historical periods, the concept of citizenship underwent shifts in semantic substance and that the idea of citizenship is in permanent flux. Hence, the essence of citizenship is continually being enriched with new elements (or, at times, impoverished by the loss of other elements). According to specific conditions of a socio-political, economic, and cultural nature, the concept of citizenship has been redefined in the historical perspective. At various historical periods, the term 'citizen' referred to a broader or narrower spectrum of society. Criteria for membership in the body of citizens also evolved. Over the centuries, many models of citizenship emerged in Europe. Some of them were institutional in form. In contrast, others were the fruit of philosophers' social and political thinking at different times. The basic models emerged in ancient Athens and Rome. Later models of citizenship usually took over many traits, particular to initial models (such as the right to life). However, at the same time, they usually eliminated some of their elements (such as the enslavement of certain members of society) while simultaneously creating and adding new ones (such as electoral rights for women). In this manner, new models emerged, which were an offshoot of classical models. These models contributed to the formation of the contemporary institution of citizenship, which brings together different elements of various historical models. This book contributes to research into the evolution of the state (including research into the formation of the nation-state in Europe), as the institution of citizenship is inherently and functionally tied to the state. This work also contributes to research into the evolution of supranational European Union citizenship. The institutional development of the idea of EU citizenship could - along with the unavoidable transformation of all community structures or even the very idea of integration itself - lead to a fundamental change in the contemporary concept of state citizenship. This work could also prove helpful in research into the phenomenon of immigration in Europe, especially into the interdependence between obtaining the citizenship of the host state and the effective integration of immigrants. (shrink)

Kant’s discussion of the highest good is subject to continuous disagreement between the proponents of two interpretations of this concept. According to the secular interpretation, Kant conceived of the highest good as a political ideal which can be realized through human agency alone, albeit only from the Critique of the Power of Judgement onwards. By way of contrast, proponents of the theological interpretation find Kant’s treatment of the highest good in his later works to be wholly coherent with the discussions (...) of this concept found in the second Critique. In their view, however, Kant never conceived of the highest good as a political ideal, and some go as far as to argue that it is the work of God alone. In this article, I defend a theologico-political account of the highest good that avoids the pitfalls of both readings. (shrink)

This paper analyses Ernst Nolte’s interpretation of Bolshevik revolution, and underlines the characteristics of his methodological approach to historical research. According to the German historian, the Russian revolution (1917) determined an ideological dialectics that characterized the first half of the 20th century: following the mechanism of “challenge and response” Nolte has interpreted the birth and the developments of Nazism as a response to Bolshevism, a violent and excessive response (Schreckbild). Thus, Nolte explains the historical development of the Nazi totalitarianism in (...) relationship to the Soviet totalitarianism, and speaks about a "European civil war" (europäische Bürgerkrieg 1917-1945). In this paper the criticisms that several historians have made to Nolte’s point of view are also discussed: this debate is known as “Historikerstreit.” I underline, therefore, the features and the limits of Nolte’s “deconstruction of revolutionary mythology.”. (shrink)

This paper analyses the interpretation of the Marxist dialectic proposed by three important French philosophers of the twentieth century: Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961), Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) and Raymond Aron (1905-1983). Starting from different theoretical and political points of view, they criticize the historical determinism of the Marxist dialectic and propose three different “philosophies of freedom.” In the Adventures of the Dialectic (1955), Merleau-Ponty criticizes a theory of human history based only on economic structure, and denounces the violence of the Soviet communism. (...) He also accuses his friend Sartre – who had a more favourable attitude towards Soviet communism – of “ultrabolshevism.” Merleau-Ponty was subsequently active in the French non-communist Left. The existentialist philosopher Sartre always sympathized with the Left, and supported the French Communist Party (PCF) until the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary. In his Critique of Dialectical Reason (1960), Sartre also underlined the failure of the Soviet revolution, and criticized the violence of Marxist revolutionary thought. The last part of this paper deals with the philosopher and political sociologist Raymond Aron, who had a lifelong, sometimes fractious, friendship with Sartre. He always defended a “skeptical and anti-ideological” liberal position. In his best known book The Opium of the Intellectuals (1955), Aron argues that in post-war France, Marxism was the opium of the intellectuals. In this book, Aron chastised French intellectuals for what he described as their harsh criticism of capitalism and democracy and their simultaneous defense of Marxist oppression, atrocities, and intolerance. In opposition to the dialectical ideology of Marxism, Aron proposes an antitotalitarian philosophical and political theory based on the development of individual liberties. (shrink)

In diesem Beitrag soll systematisch untersucht werden, wie in der Moderne der Begriff der Tyrannis umgedeutet wird, und wie die moderne Auffassung der Tyrannis mit der Aufwertung des Antagonismus zusammenhängt. Von der Antike bis zum Spätmittelalter wird die tyrannische Herrschaft über die durch sie selbst herbeigeführte Auflösung des Staates definiert: Als tyrannisch gilt die Regierung, die jene in der Antike als normativ gesetzte und im Mittelalter als gottgegeben aufgefasste Harmonie des Gemeinwesens zerstört. In der Moderne gelten dagegen alle Regierungen als (...) tyrannisch, die das Individuum bei oder gar in der Entfaltung seiner Talente und Eigenschaften hindern. Diese neue Begriffsbestimmung gründet auf die Aufwertung der Antagonismen als Bestandteile der menschlichen Natur und zugleich als Triebfeder des staatsrechtlichen Fortschritts. Die neuzeitliche Aufwertung der Antagonismen und das mit ihm zusammenhängende Primat der individuellen Freiheit haben zur Folge, dass vom Staat die Fähigkeit gefordert wird, die aus der Entfaltung der individuellen Freiheit entstehenden Antagonismen anzuerkennen. Erst in der Moderne wird nämlich der Anspruch zur Geltung gebracht, einen staatsrechtlichen Raum zu gestalten, der Antagonismen ohne Schmälerung der individuellen Freiheit zu regeln vermag. (shrink)

John Stuart Mill fue un reformador social. Como gran parte de los pensadores del siglo XIX, creía en la idea de progreso. Consideraba que se estaba viviendo un tiempo de transición, en el que se daba una tendencia hacia un mejor y más feliz estado de cosas, aunque también percibía que la época era de riegos y amenazas. No se pensaba ni como filósofo ni como académico ni como político, se veía a sí mismo como un reformador social, cuya función (...) era educar a la opinión ilustrada y progresista. El propósito de sus textos es persuadir y, con ello, ayudar a transformar. Sus tesis defienden la necesidad de organizar la sociedad moderna bajo ciertos principios para que pueda alcanzar un estado superior de progreso social y moral. -/- Contra la acusación de que John Stuart Mill es un pensador ecléctico, contradictorio y que no añade nada a los clásicos, el libro que el lector tiene en sus manos muestra que su originalidad no consistió en haber creado nuevos conceptos, sino en haber transformado conceptos fundamentales de la filosofía social, moral y política, matizándolos, otorgándoles nuevos sentidos y abriéndoles nuevas posibilidades. Fue un utilitarista, pero la doctrina utilitarista salió renovada de sus escritos. Fue un liberal, pero en un sentido nuevo de liberal, ni clásico ni contractualista. Fue demócrata, aunque en un sentido distinto del de la voluntad general de Rousseau. Fue socialista, pero un socialista cualificado. -/- Como educador de la opinión ilustrada, tuvo un éxito extraordinario. Sus libros tuvieron una gran acogida y su nombre gozó de prestigio, admiración y respeto en Inglaterra. Su pensamiento filosófico sigue mereciendo la mayor atención e inspirando y fascinando a muchos. Sus ideas políticas han tenido una influencia innegable en el mundo contemporáneo. (shrink)

For Hannah Arendt, the federal system is an effective mode of organizing different sources of power while avoiding sovereign politics. This article aims to contribute two specific claims to the burgeoning scholarship on Arendt’s international federalism. First, Arendt’s international thought calls for the balancing of two demands: the domestic need for human greatness and flourishing, and the international demand for regulation and cooperation. Second, her reflections on council-based federalism offer a nuanced position that views the dual elements of equality in (...) politics (intra-state and inter-state equality) as neither contradictory nor reconciliatory but rather as ideal types along a continuum. This study shows that, through the unique form of federalism emphasizing the need to balance two demands of free politics with a clear acknowledgement of its precariousness, Arendt’s thinking adds much-needed sensitivity to international discourse. (shrink)

The Vietnamese philosopher Tran Duc Thao exerted an important influence over the development of 20th century French philosophy. In articles that stretched across the 1940s, Thao sought to employ the concrete insights of Marxism and dialectical materialism in order to correct and critique the dominant philosophical programs of phenomenology and existentialism. Thao’s pervasive concern was the determination of a basis for truthful action. In two essays – one taken from the beginning of his professional career, the other from near its (...) end – this concern is clearly displayed. A member of the General Delegation of Indochina advocating for an end to French colonial rule, Thao’s philosophical work is always undergirded by his political engagement. At the same time, his philosophical work seeks to demonstrate that his political activity is truthful, not merely partisan. (shrink)

El objetivo general de este artículo es interrogar el lugar de la crítica a la idea de progreso en la filosofía de Walter Benjamin, argumentando que las raíces de su pensamiento político podrían encontrarse en el misticismo cabalista. La intención principal es determinar, siguiendo a Benjamin, algunas de las principales características de la creencia en el progreso como problema y su relación con una determinada normatividad histórica. Este recorrido permitirá elucidar la relación que, según el autor, mantendría una comprensión procesualista (...) y lineal de la historia con una actitud político-intelectual apoyada en el conformismo y la indiferencia. Por último, se propone considerar la original interpretación sobre la temporalidad que aparece en una vertiente del misticismo judío, el cabalismo de Isaac Luria de Safed, actualizada en forma heterodoxa por Benjamin, que permitiría comprender desde un nuevo punto de vista, conforme a la argumentación presentada, el vínculo temporal que supone la idea de tradición y rememoración en el materialismo histórico benjaminiano. (shrink)

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el modo en que se presenta la virtud política en los principales textos de Montesquieu y su resonancia en la obra de Rousseau. La hipótesis general que se propone es que, a pesar de sus enormes divergencias, los dos elaboraron una lectura eminentemente moderna que los separa de la filosofía política clásica. Ambos habrían compartido la idea de que la virtud es una pasión ―o que es intercambiable por una pasión―, apartándose de (...) las jerarquías del pensamiento antiguo. Se sostiene en este artículo que Montesquieu declarará, ante la muerte de la virtud clásica, su sucedáneo en el placer de la seguridad que es capaz de garantizar la libertad por medio del gobierno mixto. Por su lado, Rousseau hará una reivindicación de la virtud antigua, pero identificándola con la compasión, dislocando el status de la virtud civil. Estas lecturas darán lugar a dos maneras muy distintas de comprender la relación existente entre derecho natural y derecho positivo. // Abstract: The aim of this article is to analyze the way in which political virtue appears in the main texts of Montesquieu and and its repercussions in Rousseau’s work. The hypothesis proposed is that, despite their enormous divergences, both of them developed an eminently modern reading that separates them from Classical Political Philosophy. Both authors would have shared the idea that virtue is a passion ―or that it is interchangeable with a passion―, moving away from the hierarchies of ancient thought. This paper argues that Montesquieu will declare after the death of classical virtue the pleasure of security as a substitute capable of guaranteeing modern liberty by means of States organized as mixed constitutions. For his part, Rousseau will make a vindication of ancient virtue, but identifying it with compassion, dislocating the status of civil virtue. These readings will give rise to two very different ways of understanding the relationship between natural law and positive law. -/- Palabras clave: virtud – pasión – modernidad – seguridad – compasión. Key-words: virtue – passion – modernity – security – compassion. (shrink)

A review essay on Jonathan Israel, The Expanding Blaze: How the American Revolution Ignited the World, 1775-1848 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017) and Richard D. Brown, Self-Evident Truths: Contesting Equal Rights from the Revolution to the Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017).

Several conflict theorists have appropriated Hegel’s ‘struggle for recognition’ to highlight the healthy dimensions of conflict and to explore ways of reaching reconciliation through mutual recognition. In so doing, some scholars attend to the interpersonal dimension of reconciliation, while others focus on the interstate dimension of reconciliation. This paper argues that both approaches miss important Hegelian insights into the modern state. Hegel understands that freedom must be situated and bounded in order to take a concrete form. He believes that concrete (...) freedom and domestic reconciliation create an atmosphere that can pressure the state to be more confrontational with other states by attaining a stronger individuality. Thus, the common concern about freedom among Hegelian states remains a ‘thin’ version of communication, vulnerable to such factors as national honor or recognition status. Hegel’s challenge urges peace-inspired scholars to explore ways of achieving concrete freedom and domestic reconciliation while simultaneously relieving interstate conflict. (shrink)

How political communities should be constituted is at the center of Hannah Arendt’s engagement with two ancient sources of law: the Greek nomos and the Roman lex. Recent scholarship suggests that Arendt treats nomos as imperative and exclusive while lex has a relationship-establishing dimension and that for an inclusive form of polity, she favors lex over nomos. This article argues, however, that Arendt’s appreciation occurs within a general context of more reservations about Rome than Roman-centric interpretations admit. Her writings show (...) that lex could not accommodate the agonistic spirit and Homeric impartiality that helped the Greeks achieve human greatness and surpassing excellence. Arendt also points out that Roman peace alliances occurred at the expense of disclosive competition among equals and assumed some form of domination. Indeed, although Arendt appreciates lex’s relationship-establishing aspect, she is undoubtedly critical of anti-political practices accompanying lex, manifested when the Romans required enemies’ submission to terms of peace the Romans themselves set. In the end, Arendt’s statements regarding nomos and lex highlight the fundamental challenge in free politics: balancing the internal demand of agonistic action with the external need to expand lasting ties. (shrink)

The Interwar period, inflected with crisis, produced “radical” philosophies of many kinds. In this article, I attempt to demonstrate not just a conceptual compatibility, but complementarity, between the political philosophies of John Dewey and Carl Schmitt. Proceeding from an explication of each separately as thinkers of “the political,” I argue that Dewey’s model of politics and his ideal of the method of inquiry are dependent on, and made more coherent through, a Schmittian understanding of politics centered on existential conflict between (...) friends and enemies; the same holds true for Deweyan inquiry clarifying the ambiguities of Schmitt’s concepts of friend and enemy. After replying to possible criticisms that the view of politics proposed by this synthesis is too subjective, I conclude by considering the democratic, yet agonistic values and contemporary relevance of such a political theory. (shrink)