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  1. The Effects of Competence-Based Suffrage Restrictions: Toward a Full Accounting.Sean Ingham & David Wiens - manuscript
    Democratic citizens often lack rudimentary knowledge about their political institutions, elected leaders, and the policies their leaders choose. Epistemic democrats contend democracies produce reasonable decisions despite the ignorance of the typical voter; against them, epistocrats claim that non-democratic regimes in which more knowledgeable citizens are put in charge would produce better decisions. We explain the shortcomings with the arguments on both sides. Epistocrats may be right that all else being equal, a more competent electorate would produce better decisions, and epistemic (...)
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  2. Representation, Bicameralism, Political Equality, and Sortition: Reconstituting the Second Chamber as a Randomly Selected Assembly.Arash Abizadeh - forthcoming - Perspectives on Politics.
    The two traditional justifications for bicameralism are that a second legislative chamber serves a legislative-review function (enhancing the quality of legislation) and a balancing function (checking concentrated power and protecting minorities). I furnish here a third justification for bicameralism, with one elected chamber and the second selected by lot, as an institutional compromise between contradictory imperatives facing representative democracy: elections are a mechanism of people’s political agency and of accountability, but run counter to political equality and impartiality, and are insufficient (...)
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  3. The Choice of Efficiencies and the Necessity of Politics.Michael Bennett - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-20.
    Efficiency requires legislative political institutions. There are many ways efficiency can be promoted, and so an ongoing legislative institution is necessary to resolve this choice in a politically sustainable and economically flexible way. This poses serious problems for classical liberal proposals to constitutionally protect markets from government intervention, as seen in the work of Ilya Somin, Guido Pincione & Fernando Tesón and others. The argument for the political nature of efficiency is set out in terms of both Pareto optimality and (...)
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  4. Stanley on Ideology, or How to De-Moralise Democracy.Rossi Enzo - forthcoming - Global Discourse.
    In *How Propaganda Works* Jason Stanley argues that democratic societies require substantial material equality because inequality causes ideologically flawed belief, which, in turn, make demagogic propaganda more effective. And that is problematic for the quality of democracy. In this brief paper I unpack that argument, in order to make two points: (a) the non-moral argument for equality is promising, but weakened by its reliance on a heavily moralised conception of democracy; (b) that problem may be remedied by whole-heartedly embracing a (...)
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  5. Del procedimentalismo al experimentalismo. Una concepción pragmatista de la legitimidad política.Luis Leandro García Valiña - forthcoming - Buenos Aires:
    La tesis central de este trabajo es que la tradicional tensión entre substancia y procedimiento socava las estabilidad de la justificación de la concepción liberal más extendida de la legitimidad (la Democracia Deliberativa). Dicha concepciones enfrentan problemas serios a la hora de articular de manera consistente dos dimensiones que parecen ir naturalmente asociadas a la idea de legitimidad: la dimensión procedimental, vinculada a la equidad del procedimiento, y la dimensión epistémica, asociada a la corrección de los resultados. En este trabajo (...)
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  6. Voter Motivation.Adam Lovett - forthcoming - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Voters have many motivations. Some vote on the issues. They vote for a candidate because they share that candidate’s policy positions. Some vote on performance. They vote for a candidate because they think that that candidate will produce the best outcomes in office. Some vote on group identities. They vote for a candidate because that candidate is connected to their social group. This paper is about these motivations. I address three questions. First, which of these motivations, were it widespread, would (...)
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  7. Democratic Autonomy and the Shortcomings of Citizens.Adam Lovett - forthcoming - Journal of Moral Philosophy:1-24.
    A widely held picture in political science emphasizes the cognitive shortcomings of us citizens. We’re ignorant. We don’t know much about politics. We’re irrational. We bend the evidence to show our side in the best possible light. And we’re malleable. We let political elites determine our political opinions. This paper is about why these shortcomings matter to democratic values. Some think that democracy’s value consists entirely in its connection to equality. But the import of these shortcomings, I argue, cannot be (...)
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  8. Epistocracy and Public Interests.Finlay Malcolm - forthcoming - Res Publica.
    Epistocratic systems of government have received renewed attention, and considerable opposition, in recent political philosophy. Although they vary significantly in form, epistocracies generally reject universal suffrage. But can they maintain the advantages of universal suffrage despite rejecting it? This paper develops an argument for a significant instrumental advantage of universal suffrage: that governments must take into account the interests of all of those enfranchised in their policy decisions or else risk losing power. This is called ‘the Interests Argument’. One problem (...)
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  9. Using Simulation in the Assessment of Voting Procedures: An Epistemic Instrumental Approach.Marc Jiménez Rolland, Julio César Macías-Ponce & Luis Fernando Martínez-Álvarez - forthcoming - Simulation: Transactions of the Society for Modeling and Simulation International:1-8.
    In this paper, we argue that computer simulations can provide valuable insights into the performance of voting methods on different collective decision problems. This could improve institutional design, even when there is no general theoretical result to support the optimality of a voting method. To support our claim, we first describe a decision problem that has not received much theoretical attention in the literature. We outline different voting methods to address that collective decision problem. Under certain criteria of assessment akin (...)
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  10. Must Egalitarians Condemn Representative Democracy?Adam Lovett - 2021 - Social Theory and Practice 1 (1):171-198.
    Many contemporary democratic theorists are democratic egalitarians. They think that the distinctive value of democracy lies in equality. Yet this position faces a serious problem. All contemporary democracies are representative democracies. Such democracies are highly unequal: representatives have much more power than do ordinary citizens. So, it seems that democratic egalitarians must condemn representative democracies. In this paper, I present a solution to this problem. My solution invokes popular control. If representatives are under popular control, then their extra power is (...)
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  11. Democracy Without Enlightenment: A Jury Theorem for Evaluative Voting.Michael Morreau - 2021 - Journal of Political Philosophy 29 (2):188-210.
    Panels, boards, and committees throughout society evaluate all manner of things by grading them, first individually and then collectively. Thus risks are prioritized, research proposals are funded, and candidates are shortlisted for jobs. It is not usual to pick winners in political elections by grading the candidates, but there are examples in history. This article takes up a question about the quality of judgments and decisions made by grading: under which conditions are they likely to be right? An answer comes (...)
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  12. A Formal Theory of Democratic Deliberation.Hun Chung & John Duggan - 2020 - American Political Science Review 114 (1):14-35.
    Inspired by impossibility theorems of social choice theory, many democratic theorists have argued that aggregative forms of democracy cannot lend full democratic justification for the collective decisions reached. Hence, democratic theorists have turned their attention to deliberative democracy, according to which “outcomes are democratically legitimate if and only if they could be the object of a free and reasoned agreement among equals” (Cohen 1997a, 73). However, relatively little work has been done to offer a formal theory of democratic deliberation. This (...)
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  13. Political Power and Depoliticised Acquiescence: Spinoza and Aristocracy.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - Constellations 27 (4):670-684.
    According to a recent interpretive orthodoxy, Spinoza is a profoundly democratic theorist of state authority. I reject this orthodoxy. To be sure, for Spinoza, a political order succeeds in proportion as it harnesses the power of the people within it. However, Spinoza shows that political inclusion is only one possible strategy to this end; equally if not more useful is political exclusion, so long as it maintains what I call the depoliticised acquiescence of those excluded.
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  14. Democratic Representatives as Epistemic Intermediaries.Michael Fuerstein - 2020 - Nomos 35.
    This essay develops a model of democratic representation from the standpoint of epistemic theories of democracy. Such theories justify democracy in terms of its tendency to yield decisions that “track the truth” by integrating asymmetrically dispersed knowledge. From an epistemic point of view, I suggest, democratic representatives are best modeled as epistemic intermediaries who facilitate the vertical integration of knowledge between policy experts and non-experts, and the horizontal integration of knowledge among diverse non-experts. The primary analytical payoff of this model (...)
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  15. The Human Right to Democracy and the Pursuit of Global Justice.Pablo Gilabert - 2020 - In Thom Brooks (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Global Justice. Oxford University Press. pp. 279-301.
  16. Democratic Theory Naturalized: The Foundations of Distilled Populism.Walter Horn - 2020 - Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
    "Populism" has long been a dirty word. To some, it suggests the tyranny of the mob, to others, a xenophobic nativism. It is sometimes considered conducive to (if not simply identical to) fascism. In this timely book, Walter Horn acquits populism by "distilling" it, in order to finally give the people the power to govern themselves, free from constraints imposed either by conservatives (or libertarians) on the right or liberals (or Marxists) on the left. Beginning with explanations of what it (...)
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  17. Political Meritocracy and its Betrayal.Franz Mang - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46 (9).
    Some Confucian scholars have recently claimed that Confucian political meritocracy is superior to Western democracy. I have great reservations about such a view. In this article, I argue that so lo...
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  18. Preambuła Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 r. Aksjologiczne podstawy prawa.Marek Piechowiak - 2020 - Warszawa, Polska: C. H. Beck.
    Prezentowana książka jest pierwszą monografią w sposób całościowy omawiającą Preambułę Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2.4.1997 r. Dużo miejsca poświęca genezie tekstu - czytelnik znajdzie zgłoszone projekty oraz szerokie omówienie prac Komisji Konstytucyjnej Zgromadzenia Narodowego. W centrum uwagi znalazły się aksjologiczne podstawy całego polskiego systemu prawa oraz refleksja nad wartościami fundującymi porządek prawny w ogóle. Autor omawia poszczególne wartości, uwzględniając ich oddziaływanie na orzecznictwo, zwracając uwagę również na przyjęte przez ustrojodawcę rozstrzygnięcia dotyczące pozaprawnego ugruntowania wartości konstytucyjnych. Podejmuje także problem normatywnego charakteru (...)
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  19. Soberanía Popular y Concepción Fiduciaria de Los Representantes Públicos En Maximilien Robespierre.Pablo Scotto - 2020 - Daimon: Revista Internacional de Filosofía 81:81-96.
    En su discurso del 10 de mayo de 1793 sobre la Constitución, Robespierre combina una concepción fiduciaria de los representantes públicos con una defensa de las virtudes de la democracia, el único sistema político en el que los gobernantes, al ser parte del pueblo, tienen los mismos intereses que este. Es esta defensa de la soberanía popular, así como de la primacía del poder legislativo, lo que constituye la esencia de su “economía política popular”, una expresión que toma de Rousseau. (...)
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  20. J.K Rowling 私より悪い?.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 地獄へようこそ 赤ちゃん、気候変動、ビットコイン、カルテル、中国、民主主義、多様性、ディスジェニックス、平等、ハッカー、人権、イスラム教、自由主義、繁栄、ウェブ、カオス、飢餓、病気、暴力、人工知能、戦争. Las Vegas, NV , USA: Reality Press. pp. 232-235.
    金持ちと有名人に別のテイクはどうですか?まず、ハリー・ポッターの小説は、子供たちが世界に責任を持つのではなく、ファンタジーを信じることを奨励する原始的な迷信です。JKRは、ほとんどの人と同じくらい自分 自身と世界について手がかりはありませんが、平均的なアメリカ人の約200倍、平均的な中国人の約800倍の破壊的です。彼女は、これらのゴミ小説とそれに続くすべての侵食を生み出すために、おそらく30,000 ヘクタールの森林の破壊を担当してきました(地球上のすべての人のために海に少なくとも6トンとおそらく12トン/年の土壌、またはアメリカ人1人あたり100トンなので、ローリングの本やmov iesと彼女の3人の子供たちのために約5000トン/年ですies and her)。地球は毎年表土の少なくとも1%を失うので、2100に近づくにつれて、その食糧栽培能力のほとんどはなくなりました。その後、本や映画、プラスチック人形などを作り、配布するために作られた燃料や廃棄 物の膨大な量があります。彼女は、何百万人もの人々を使って家族計画や熱帯雨林の購入を奨励するのではなく、子供たちを生み出し、イギリス、アメリカ、世界、そして彼女の子孫の将来を破壊している第3世界至上主義 の従来のリベラルな愚かさを促進することによって、社会的責任の欠如を示しています。もちろん、彼女は他の7とそれほど変わりません。80億の手がかりのない - ちょうど騒がしい、より破壊的な. それは無料の昼食の問題は大きいです。暴徒は、他の人に危害を加えずに一人の人を助けることのようなものがないことを見ることができません。過密な世界への新規参入者に与えられた権利や特権は、他の人の権利や特権 を暗くすることしかできません。毎日どこでも目の前で起こっている大規模な生態学的災害にもかかわらず、彼らは前世紀の人口増加の大部分を占める「多様」の拘束されていない母性にそれらを固定することはできません 。彼らは、産業文明の最終的な崩壊に社会の資源と機能に対する日々の攻撃を推定するために必要な知性、教育、経験と正気のいくつかの組み合わせを欠いています。各食事、車やバスでの各旅行、靴の各ペアは、地球の棺 の中の別の釘です。ロンドンからサンフランシスコへの飛行機の1つの座席が、約3平方メートルの海氷を溶かす約1トンの炭素を生産し、過剰な特権の一つとして、彼女はおそらく何百ものフライトを飛ばしたことは、彼 女の心を横切ったことはありません。 金持ちや有名人だけでなく、事実上すべての教師を含むほぼすべての公人は政治的に正しいと圧力を受けており、西洋民主主義では、現在、社会民主主義(ネオマルクス主義者、すなわち希薄な共産主義者)第三世界至上主 義者が自分たちの社会と子孫の破壊のために働くことを意味しています。だから、教育、経験、知性(そして基本的な常識)が欠けている人々は、彼らが公の声明を出すのを全く禁止すべきであるが、すべてのメディアを完 全に支配し、知的で文明的な人々が民主主義、多様性、平等を支持しなければならないという印象を作り出す一方で、真実はこれらが問題であり、解決策ではなく、彼ら自身が文明の主要な敵であるという印象を作り出す。 民主主義第2nd ed(2019年)などによる私の自殺を参照してください .
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  21. Process Democracy.Kevin Vallier - 2020 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 17 (6):633-657.
    Democratic theorists have proposed a number of competing justifications for democratic order, but no theory has achieved a consensus. While expecting consensus may be unrealistic, I nonetheless contend that we can make progress in justifying democratic order by applying competing democratic theories to different stages of the democratic process. In particular, I argue that the selection of political officials should be governed in accord with aggregative democracy. This process should prize widespread participation, political equality, and proper preference aggregation. I then (...)
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  22. O’Hear on Popper, Criticism and the Open Society.Danny Frederick - 2019 - Cosmos + Taxis 6 (6-7):43-48.
    Karl Popper champions an open society in which all institutions, principles and values are open to criticism. Anthony O’Hear contends that Popper’s vision is utopian because an open society can survive only if some non-liberal values are assumed, including the prohibition of criticism of fundamental liberal principles and values. I correct O’Hear’s interpretation of Popper and I rebut most of his criticisms, arguing that an open society is stronger if it permits criticism of all views. However, I accept and strengthen (...)
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  23. Délibérer entre égaux. Enquête sur l'idéal démocratique.Charles Girard - 2019 - Paris: Vrin.
    L’idéal démocratique est accusé d’être irréaliste. Le gouvernement du peuple par le peuple et pour le peuple serait une chimère dans les sociétés contemporaines. Il faudrait lui préférer les visées plus modestes associées à l’élection : un droit de vote égal et la satisfaction du plus grand nombre. La démocratie ne se laisse pourtant pas réduire à la compétition électorale. Les acteurs et les institutions politiques qui s’en réclament invoquent non seulement un marché, où rivalisent des intérêts privés, mais un (...)
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  24. La Sagesse de la Multitude.Charles Girard - 2019 - Journal of Ancient Philosophy (1):348-369.
    L’objection la plus ancienne et la plus redoutable à la démocratie fait valoir que le gouvernement par le peuple dessert le gouvernement pour le peuple. Les citoyens manquant pour la plupart de sagesse ou de compétence, le bien commun serait mieux assuré en confiant le pouvoir à un individu éclairé ou à une élite experte. Une réponse commune à cette objection concède la prémisse mais affirme la priorité au gouvernement par le peuple sur le gouvernement pour le peuple : le (...)
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  25. The Egalitarian Quality of Lottocracy.Julia Jakobi - 2019 - Quaderns de Filosofia 6 (2):43.
    Recently, political models which employ lottery-selection instead of ballot voting have been proposed. Proponents argue that such lottocratic models can improve the representation of the population and reduce undemocratic influences. In this paper, I argue that these proposals also satisfy the egalitarian requirement of democracy. I claim that having an equal chance to be selected by lot is equally egalitarian as having an equally weighed vote for two reasons: first, having a chance to be selected by lot satisfies the requirement (...)
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  26. Social Media Disinformation and the Security Threat to Democratic Legitimacy.Regina Rini - 2019 - NATO Association of Canada: Disinformation and Digital Democracies in the 21st Century:10-14.
    This short piece draws on political philosophy to show how social media interference operations can be used by hostile states to weaken the apparent legitimacy of democratic governments. Democratic societies are particularly vulnerable to this form of attack because democratic governments depend for their legitimacy on citizens' trust in one another. But when citizen see one another as complicit in the distribution of deceptive content, they lose confidence in the epistemic preconditions for democracy. The piece concludes with policy recommendations for (...)
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  27. Самоубийство демократией Некролог для Америки и мира 3rd Издание.Michael Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    Америка и мир находятся в процессе краха от чрезмерного роста населения, большинство из них за последнее столетие, и теперь все это, из-за третьего мира людей. Потребление ресурсов и добавление еще 4 миллиардов, около 2100 года, обрушит индустриальную цивилизацию и приведет к голоду, болезням, насилию и войне в ошеломляющих масштабах. Земля теряет по крайней мере 1% своего верхнего слоя почвы каждый год, так как она приближается к 2100, большая часть его потенциала выращивания продуктов питания исчезнет. Миллиарды погибнут, и ядерная война почти (...)
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  28. Bunuh Diri oleh Demokrasi - Obituari untuk Amerika dan Dunia.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    Amerika dan dunia sedang dalam proses runtuhnya dari pertumbuhan penduduk yang berlebihan, sebagian besar untuk abad terakhir, dan sekarang semua itu, karena orang dunia 3. Konsumsi sumber daya dan penambahan 3 miliar lebih CA. 2100 akan runtuh peradaban industri dan membawa kelaparan, penyakit, kekerasan dan perang pada skala yang mengejutkan. Bumi kehilangan setidaknya 1% dari humus setiap tahunnya, sehingga mendekati 2100, sebagian besar kapasitas tumbuh makanan akan hilang. Miliaran akan mati dan perang nuklir semua tapi pasti. Di Amerika, ini sedang (...)
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  29. Democracia, Diversidad, Disgenics, Muerte: el colapso inexorable de las sociedades modernas.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    Estados Unidos y el mundo están en proceso de colapso por el crecimiento excesivo de la población, la mayor parte del siglo pasado, y ahora todo, debido a la gente del tercer mundo. El consumo de recursos y la adición de 4.000 millones más alrededor de 2100 colapsarán la civilización industrial y provocarán hambre, enfermedades, violencia y guerra a una escala asombrosa. La tierra pierde al menos el 1% de su suelo superior cada año, por lo que a medida que (...)
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  30. लोकतंत्र द्वारा आत्महत्या अमेरिका और दुनिया के लिए एक प्रसूति.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    अमेरिका और दुनिया अत्यधिक जनसंख्या वृद्धि से पतन की प्रक्रिया में हैं, पिछली सदी के लिए यह सबसे अधिक है, और अब यह सब, 3 दुनिया के लोगों के कारण. संसाधनों की खपत और 3 अरब से अधिक ca. 2100 के अलावा औद्योगिक सभ्यता पतन और भुखमरी, रोग, हिंसा और एक चौंका देने वाले पैमाने पर युद्ध के बारे में लाना होगा. पृथ्वी हर साल अपने topsoil के कम से कम 1% खो देता है, तो के रूप में यह 2100 (...)
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  31. 민주주의에 의한 자살 미국과 세계에 대한 사망 기사.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    미국과 세계는 지난 세기 동안 과도 한 인구 증가에서 붕괴의 과정에, 그리고 지금 그것의 모든, 3 세계 사람들 로 인해. 자원 의 소비와 30 억 더 ca. 2100의 추가는 산업 문명을 붕괴하고 엄청난 규모의 기아, 질병, 폭력과 전쟁을 초래할 것입니다. 지구는 매년 표토의 적어도 1 %를 잃고, 그래서 그것은 2100 에 가까워지면, 그것의 음식 성장 능력의 대부분은 사라질 것입니다. 수십억 달러가 죽을 것이고 핵전쟁은 확실합니다. 미국에서, 이것은 거 대 한 이민 및 이민자 재생산에 의해 크게 가속화 되 고, 민주주의에 의해 (...)
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  32. Democracy as Intellectual Taste? Pluralism in Democratic Theory.Pavel Dufek - 2018 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 30 (3-4):219-255.
    The normative and metanormative pluralism that figures among core self-descriptions of democratic theory, which seems incompatible with democratic theorists’ practical ambitions, may stem from the internal logic of research traditions in the social sciences and humanities and in the conceptual structure of political theory itself. One way to deal productively with intradisciplinary diversity is to appeal to the idea of a meta-consensus; another is to appeal to the argument from cognitive diversity that fuels recent debates on epistemic democracy. For different (...)
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  33. Le démocrate doit-il renoncer à la vérité? Sur le procéduralisme épistémique de David Estlund.Charles Girard - 2018 - Diogène 1 (261-262):34.
    Abstact : This article provides a critical examination of David Estlund’s epistemic proceduralism. Epistemic proceduralism suggests a promising way to justify democracy without renouncing the pursuit of truth. By making the legitimacy and authority of democratic institutions dependent on their general tendency to produce good decisions, rather than on the correctness of their results or on their mere procedural fairness, it shows that they can to be connected to substantial standards, such as justice, without ignoring the persistence of moral disagreements. (...)
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  34. Conocimiento y justificación en la epistemología democrática.Marc Jiménez Rolland - 2018 - In Mario Gensollen & Anna Estany (eds.), Democracia y conocimiento. Aguascalientes, México; Barcelona, España: Univerisdad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, IMAC. pp. 153-182.
    Una de las bifurcaciones en el debate contemporáneo sobre la legitimidad de la democracia explora si ésta ofrece ventajas distintivamente epistémicas frente a otras alternativas políticas. Quienes defienden la tesis de la democracia epistémica afirman que la democracia es instrumentalmente superior o equiparable a otras formas de organización política en lo que concierne a la obtención de varios bienes epistémicos. En este ensayo presento dos (grupos de) argumentos a favor de la democracia epistémica, que se inspiran en resultados formales: el (...)
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  35. Jeder zählt: Was Demokratie ist und was sie sein soll.Roland Kipke - 2018 - J.B. Metzler.
    Demokratie? Haben wir gar nicht, sagen die einen. Funktioniert nicht, sagen andere. Wird untergehen, sagen dritte. Muss völlig umgekrempelt werden, sagen vierte. Wer hat recht? Das kann nur sagen, wer weiß, was Demokratie ist. Na klar, Wahlen, Bundestag und so weiter. Aber was ist Demokratie im Kern? Und vor allem: Worin liegt der Wert der Demokratie? Was muss sich ändern? Der Philosoph Roland Kipke gibt Antworten auf diese Fragen. Er räumt mit einer Fülle falscher Erwartungen auf, bringt die Demokratie auf (...)
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  36. Plural Voting for the Twenty-First Century.Thomas Mulligan - 2018 - Philosophical Quarterly 68 (271):286-306.
    Recent political developments cast doubt on the wisdom of democratic decision-making. Brexit, the Colombian people's (initial) rejection of peace with the FARC, and the election of Donald Trump suggest that the time is right to explore alternatives to democracy. In this essay, I describe and defend the epistocratic system of government which is, given current theoretical and empirical knowledge, most likely to produce optimal political outcomes—or at least better outcomes than democracy produces. To wit, we should expand the suffrage as (...)
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  37. Reseña de "Las contradicciones culturales del capitalismo en el siglo XXI: una respuesta a Daniel Bell" de Ana Noguera y Enrique Herreras. [REVIEW]María G. Navarro - 2018 - Azafea: Revista de Filosofia (20):265-268.
  38. Review of "Against Democracy". [REVIEW]Valerie Soon - 2018 - Essays in Philosophy 19 (1):155-162.
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  39. Democracy Isn't That Smart : On Landemore's Democratic Reason.Aaron Ancell - 2017 - Episteme 14 (2):161-175.
    In her recent book, Democratic Reason, Hélène Landemore argues that, when evaluated epistemically, “a democratic decision procedure is likely to be a better decision procedure than any non-democratic decision procedures, such as a council of experts or a benevolent dictator” (p. 3). Landemore's argument rests heavily on studies of collective intelligence done by Lu Hong and Scott Page. These studies purport to show that cognitive diversity – differences in how people solve problems – is actually more important to overall group (...)
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  40. How Do Affected Interests Support Global Democracy?Vuko Andrić - 2017 - Journal of Global Ethics 13 (3):264-278.
    ABSTRACTIn this paper, I critique one way of arguing for global democracy on grounds of affected interests and defend another. A famous argument for global democracy, which I call the Demos-Based Argument, attempts to justify global democracy based on the claim that affected interests vindicate individual claims to democratic participation or representation. I analyze and evaluate the Demos-Based Argument and consider different ways of interpreting and justifying its crucial premise: the Principle of Affected Interests. The result is that the argument (...)
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  41. Why the Intrinsic Value of Public Goods Matters.Avigail Ferdman - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-16.
    Existing accounts of public-goods distribution rely on the existence of solidarity for providing non-universal public goods, such as the humanities or national parks. There are three fundamental problems with these accounts: they ignore instances of social fragmentation; they treat preferences for public goods as morally benign, and they assume that these preferences are the only relevant moral consideration. However, not all citizens unanimously require public goods such as the humanities or national parks. Public-goods distribution that is based only on citizens’ (...)
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  42. Proceduralism and the Epistemic Dilemma of Supreme Courts.Federica Liveriero & Daniele Santoro - 2017 - Social Epistemology 31 (3):310-323.
    Proceduralists hold that democracy has a non-instrumental value consisting in the ideal of equality incorporated by fair procedures. Yet, proceduralism does not imply that every outcome of a democratic procedure is fair per se. In the non-ideal setting of constitutional democracies, government and legislative decisions may result from factional conflicts, or depend on majoritarian dictatorships. In these circumstances, Supreme Courts provide a guardianship against contested outcomes by enacting mechanisms of checks and balances, constitutional interpretation and judicial review. Yet, in virtue (...)
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  43. Vote Buying and Tax-Cut Promises.Thom Brooks - 2016 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 63 (146):20-35.
    Both vote buying and tax-cut promises are attempts to manipulate voters through cash incentives in order to win elections, but only vote buying is illegal. Should we extend the ban on vote buying to tax-cut promises? This article will argue for three conclusions. The first is that tax-cut promises should be understood as a form of vote buying. The second is that campaign promises are a form of vote buying. The third conclusion is that campaign promises, including tax-cut promises, should (...)
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  44. The Threat of Algocracy: Reality, Resistance and Accommodation.John Danaher - 2016 - Philosophy and Technology 29 (3):245-268.
    One of the most noticeable trends in recent years has been the increasing reliance of public decision-making processes on algorithms, i.e. computer-programmed step-by-step instructions for taking a given set of inputs and producing an output. The question raised by this article is whether the rise of such algorithmic governance creates problems for the moral or political legitimacy of our public decision-making processes. Ignoring common concerns with data protection and privacy, it is argued that algorithmic governance does pose a significant threat (...)
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  45. Pourquoi délibérer ? Du potentiel épistémique à la justification publique.Marc-Kevin Daoust1 - 2016 - Philosophiques 43 (1):23-48.
    Cet article a deux objectifs. Le premier est de montrer pourquoi l’argument instrumental en faveur de la démocratie est insuffisant pour justifier la délibération politique. Si notre but est l’optimisation du potentiel épistémique d’un régime politique, et que des approches agrégatives et inférentielles (sans délibération) atteignent cet objectif, alors nous ne pouvons plus justifier la délibération sur cette base. Ce problème peut être contourné en reprenant une distinction de Daniel Andler. Pour ce dernier, le groupe délibératif se distingue du groupe (...)
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  46. Epistemic Political Egalitarianism, Political Parties, and Conciliatory Democracy.Martin Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):629-656.
    This article presents two interlocking arguments for epistemic political egalitarianism. I argue, first, that coping with multidimensional social complexity requires the integration of expertise. This is the task of political parties as collective epistemic agents who transform abstract value judgments into sufficiently coherent and specific conceptions of justice for their society. Because parties thus severely lower the relevant threshold of comparison of political competence, citizens have reason to regard each other as epistemic equals. Drawing on the virulent “peer disagreement debate,” (...)
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  47. Epistemic Political Egalitarianism and Conciliatory Democracy: A Defense.Martin Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):664-668.
  48. Any Democracy Worth its Name: Bernstein's Democratic Ethos and a Role for Representation.Brendan Hogan & Lawrence Marcelle - 2016 - In Marcia Morgan & Megan Craig (eds.), Thinking The Plural: Richard J. Bernstein and the Expansion of American Philosophy. Rowman & Littlefield.
  49. Democracy Disfigured. By Nadia Urbinati. [REVIEW]Daniel Jacob - 2016 - Global Discourse 6 (1-2):206-209.
  50. Roundtable on Epistemic Democracy and Its Critics.Jack Knight, Hélène Landemore, Nadia Urbinati & Daniel Viehoff - 2016 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 28 (2):137-170.
    On September 3, 2015, the Political Epistemology/ideas, Knowledge, and Politics section of the American Political Science Association sponsored a roundtable on epistemic democracy as part of the APSA’s annual meetings. Chairing the roundtable was Daniel Viehoff, Department of Philosophy, University of Sheffield. The other participants were Jack Knight, Department of Political Science and the Law School, Duke University; Hélène Landemore, Department of Political Science, Yale University; and Nadia Urbinati, Department of Political Science, Columbia University. We thank the participants for permission (...)
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