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  1. Democratic Elections Without Campaigns? Normative Foundations of National Baha'i Elections.Arash Abizadeh - 2005 - World Order 37 (1):7-49.
    National Baha’i elections, conducted world-wide without nominations, competitive campaigns, or parties, challenge the emerging consensus that the only truly democratic elections are multiparty elections in which each party’s candidates compete freely for votes. National Baha’i electoral institutions are based on three core values: respect for the inherent dignity of each person, the unity and solidarity of persons collectively, and the justice and fairness of institutions. While liberal political philosophy interprets respect for dignity exclusively in terms of equality and freedom, the (...)
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  2. The Jury and Democratic Theory.Jeffrey Abramson - 1993 - Journal of Political Philosophy 1 (1):45-68.
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  3. Review of Robert B. Talisse, Democracy and Moral Conflict (Cambridge UP, 2009). [REVIEW]Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij - 2011 - Philosophical Quarterly 61 (244):666-668.
    The review argues that Talisse's epistemic defense of democracy in his "Democracy and Moral Conflict," albeit novel and interesting, falls prey to an epistemic analogue of the problem of reasonable moral pluralism that Rawls famously posed for moral justifications of democracy.
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  4. Democracy Isn't That Smart : On Landemore's Democratic Reason.Aaron Ancell - forthcoming - Episteme:1-15.
    In her recent book, Democratic Reason, Hélène Landemore argues that, when evaluated epistemically, “a democratic decision procedure is likely to be a better decision procedure than any non-democratic decision procedures, such as a council of experts or a benevolent dictator” (p. 3). Landemore's argument rests heavily on studies of collective intelligence done by Lu Hong and Scott Page. These studies purport to show that cognitive diversity – differences in how people solve problems – is actually more important to overall group (...)
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  5. Democratic Constitution-Making and Unfreezing the Turkish Process.A. Arato - 2010 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 36 (3-4):473-487.
    This short article will seek to explore the causes, and possible solutions, of what seems to be the current freezing of the Turkish constitution-making process that has had some dramatic successes in the 1990s and early 2000s. I make the strong claim that democratic legitimacy or constituent authority should not be reduced either to any mode of power, even popular power, or to mere legality. It is these types of reduction that I find especially troubling in recent Turkish constitutional struggles, (...)
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  6. Debate: Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic.Richard Arneson - manuscript
    Governments compel their subjects to obey laws and duly empowered commands of public officials. Under what circumstances is this coercion by governments morally legitimate? In the contemporary world, many say a legitimate government must be democratic, and, with qualifications, I agree. (Let us say that in a democracy all nontransient adult residents are eligible to be citizens and each citizen if free to vote and run for office in free elections that determine who shall be lawmakers and top public officials.) (...)
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  7. The Supposed Right to a Democratic Say.Richard J. Arneson - unknown
    Democratic instrumentalism is the combination of two ideas. One is instrumentalism regarding political arrangements: the form of government that ought to be instituted and sustained in a political society is the one the consequences of whose operation would be better than those of any feasible alternative. The second idea is the claim that under modern conditions democratic political institutions would be best according to the instrumentalist norm and ought to be established. “Democratic instrumentalism” is not a catchy political slogan apt (...)
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  8. Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy.Richard J. Arneson - 2003 - Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):122–132.
  9. John Dewey's Instrumentalism, Democratic Ideal and Education.N. C. Bhattacharyya - 1968 - Educational Theory 18 (1):60-72.
  10. Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy.Charles Blattberg - 2009 - McGill-Queen's University Press.
    How might we mend the world? Charles Blattberg suggests a "new patriotism," one that reconciles conflict through a form of dialogue that prioritizes conversation over negotiation and the common good over victory. This patriotism can be global as well as local, left as well as right. Blattberg's is a genuinely original philosophical voice. The essays collected here discuss how to re-conceive the political spectrum, where "deliberative deomocrats" go wrong, why human rights language is tragically counterproductive, how nationalism is not really (...)
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  11. Democratic Answers to Complex Questions – An Epistemic Perspective.Luc Bovens & Wlodek Rabinowicz - 2006 - Synthese 150 (1):131-153.
    This paper addresses a problem for theories of epistemic democracy. In a decision on a complex issue which can be decomposed into several parts, a collective can use different voting procedures: Either its members vote on each sub-question and the answers that gain majority support are used as premises for the conclusion on the main issue, or the vote is conducted on the main issue itself. The two procedures can lead to different results. We investigate which of these procedures is (...)
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  12. Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government.Corey Brettschneider - 2007 - Princeton University Press.
    When the Supreme Court in 2003 struck down a Texas law prohibiting homosexual sodomy, it cited the right to privacy based on the guarantee of "substantive due process" embodied by the Constitution. But did the court act undemocratically by overriding the rights of the majority of voters in Texas? Scholars often point to such cases as exposing a fundamental tension between the democratic principle of majority rule and the liberal concern to protect individual rights. Democratic Rights challenges this view by (...)
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  13. Equality and Democracy.Thom Brooks - 2007 - Ethical Perspectives 14 (1):3-12.
    In a recent article, Thomas Christiano defends the intrinsic justice of democracy grounded in the principle of equal consideration of interests. Each citizen is entitled to a single vote, equal in weight to all other citizens. The problem with this picture is that all citizens must meet a threshold of minimal competence. -/- My argument is that Christiano is wrong to claim a minimum threshold of competency is fully consistent with the principle of equality. While standards of minimal competency may (...)
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  14. Elster on Self-Realization in Politics: A Critical Note.Joseph Chan & David Miller - 1991 - Ethics 102 (1):96-102.
  15. Rational Choice and Democratic Deliberation: A Theory of Discourse Failure, by Guido Pincione and Fernando R. Tesón, 2006, XI + 258 Pages. [REVIEW]Zsuzsanna Chappell - 2008 - Economics and Philosophy 24 (1):105-111.
  16. Discourse Failure and the (Ir)Rational Politics of Democratic Decision Making.Mark J. Cherry - 2009 - Journal of Value Inquiry 43 (1):119-127.
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  17. Delibration and Democratic Legitimacy.Joshua Cohen - 2003 - In Derek Matravers & Jonathan E. Pike (eds.), Debates in Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology. Routledge, in Association with the Open University.
  18. Review: Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. [REVIEW]Fred D'Agostino - 2003 - Mind 112 (447):499-502.
  19. The Conditional Nature of Democratic Compliance.Xinyuan Dai - unknown
    Do democratic institutions enhance a country's compliance with international commitments? The author develops a game-theoretic model that highlights the conditional nature of democratic institutions' effect on compliance. Rather than assuming that the electorate in a democracy benefits from compliance uniformly, the author considers domestic distributional consequences of compliance. The model thus incorporates the preferences of competing domestic constituents as well as their politically relevant attributes such as electoral leverage and informational advantage. The model shows that, although electoral institutions intensify politicians' (...)
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  20. The Threat of Algocracy: Reality, Resistance and Accommodation.John Danaher - 2016 - Philosophy and Technology 29 (3):245-268.
    One of the most noticeable trends in recent years has been the increasing reliance of public decision-making processes on algorithms, i.e. computer-programmed step-by-step instructions for taking a given set of inputs and producing an output. The question raised by this article is whether the rise of such algorithmic governance creates problems for the moral or political legitimacy of our public decision-making processes. Ignoring common concerns with data protection and privacy, it is argued that algorithmic governance does pose a significant threat (...)
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  21. Democratic Values Education Revisited—Moral Realism or Pragmatism?Gary Dann - 1999 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 33 (2):187–199.
  22. Pourquoi délibérer ? Du potentiel épistémique à la justification publique.Marc-Kevin Daoust - 2016 - Philosophiques 43 (1):23-48.
    Cet article a deux objectifs. Le premier est de montrer pourquoi l’argument instrumental en faveur de la démocratie est insuffisant pour justifier la délibération politique. Si notre but est l’optimisation du potentiel épistémique d’un régime politique, et que des approches agrégatives et inférentielles (sans délibération) atteignent cet objectif, alors nous ne pouvons plus justifier la délibération sur cette base. Ce problème peut être contourné en reprenant une distinction de Daniel Andler. Pour ce dernier, le groupe délibératif se distingue du groupe (...)
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  23. Globalization and Democratization in Brazil: An Interpretation of Rawls's Political Liberalism.Nythamar de Oliveira - 2004 - Civitas 4 (1):39-55.
  24. Truth, Inquiry and Democratic Authority in the Climate Debate.Phillip Deen - 2014 - Public Affairs Quarterly 28 (4):375-394.
    Recent attempts to legislate climate science out of existence raises the question of whether citizens are obliged to obey such laws. The authority of democratic law is rooted in both truth and popular consent, but neither is sufficient and they may conflict. These are reconciled in theory and, more importantly, in practice once we incorporate insights from the pragmatist theory of inquiry.
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  25. Epistemic Democracy with Defensible Premises.Franz Dietrich & Kai Spiekermann - 2013 - Economics and Philosophy 29 (1):87--120.
    The contemporary theory of epistemic democracy often draws on the Condorcet Jury Theorem to formally justify the ‘wisdom of crowds’. But this theorem is inapplicable in its current form, since one of its premises – voter independence – is notoriously violated. This premise carries responsibility for the theorem's misleading conclusion that ‘large crowds are infallible’. We prove a more useful jury theorem: under defensible premises, ‘large crowds are fallible but better than small groups’. This theorem rehabilitates the importance of deliberation (...)
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  26. Does the Extension of Democratic Decision-Making Imply Social Justice?Gerald Doppelt - 2001 - Inquiry 44 (3):359 – 383.
  27. Some Recent Democratic Theory.William Earle - 2008 - Philosophical Forum 39 (3):373-403.
  28. Epistemic Political Egalitarianism, Political Parties, and Conciliatory Democracy.M. Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):629-656.
    This article presents two interlocking arguments for epistemic political egalitarianism. I argue, first, that coping with multidimensional social complexity requires the integration of expertise. This is the task of political parties as collective epistemic agents who transform abstract value judgments into sufficiently coherent and specific conceptions of justice for their society. Because parties thus severely lower the relevant threshold of comparison of political competence, citizens have reason to regard each other as epistemic equals. Drawing on the virulent “peer disagreement debate,” (...)
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  29. Epistemic Political Egalitarianism and Conciliatory Democracy: A Defense.Martin Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):664-668.
  30. Does Classical Liberalism Imply Democracy?David Ellerman - 2015 - Ethics and Global Politics 8.
    There is a fault line running through classical liberalism as to whether or not democratic self-governance is a necessary part of a liberal social order. The democratic and non-democratic strains of classical liberalism are both present today—particularly in America. Many contemporary libertarians and neo-Austrian economists represent the non-democratic strain in their promotion of non-democratic sovereign city-states (startup cities or charter cities). We will take the late James M. Buchanan as a representative of the democratic strain of classical liberalism. Since the (...)
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  31. Stanley on Ideology, or How to De-Moralise Democracy.Rossi Enzo - forthcoming - Global Discourse.
    In *How Propaganda Works* Jason Stanley argues that democratic societies require substantial material equality because inequality causes ideologically flawed belief, which, in turn, make demagogic propaganda more effective. And that is problematic for the quality of democracy. In this brief paper I unpack that argument, in order to make two points: (a) the non-moral argument for equality is promising, but weakened by its reliance on a heavily moralised conception of democracy; (b) that problem may be remedied by whole-heartedly embracing a (...)
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  32. Democratic Theory.David Estlund - 2005 - In Frank Jackson & Michael Smith (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. Oxford University Press. pp. 208--30.
  33. What Pragmatism Means by Public Reason.Roberto Frega - 2010 - Etica and Politica / Ethics & Politics 12 (1):28-51.
    In this article I examine the main conceptions of public reason in contemporary political philosophy in order to set the frame for appreciating the novelty of the pragmatist understanding of public reason as based upon the notion of consequences and upon a theory of rationality as inquiry. The approach is inspired by Dewey but is free from any concern with history of philosophy. The aim is to propose a different understanding of the nature of public reason aimed at overcoming the (...)
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  34. Del procedimentalismo al experimentalismo. Una concepción pragmatista de la legitimidad política.Luis Leandro García Valiña - forthcoming - Buenos Aires:
    La tesis central de este trabajo es que la tradicional tensión entre substancia y procedimiento socava las estabilidad de la justificación de la concepción liberal más extendida de la legitimidad (la Democracia Deliberativa). Dicha concepciones enfrentan problemas serios a la hora de articular de manera consistente dos dimensiones que parecen ir naturalmente asociadas a la idea de legitimidad: la dimensión procedimental, vinculada a la equidad del procedimiento, y la dimensión epistémica, asociada a la corrección de los resultados. En este trabajo (...)
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  35. The Human Right to Democracy and the Pursuit of Global Justice.Pablo Gilabert - forthcoming - In Thom Brooks (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Global Justice. Oxford University Press.
  36. Two Concepts of Democracy.Holly Smith Goldman - 1981 - In Norman Bowie (ed.), Ethical Issues in Government. Temple University Press.
  37. The Persuasiveness of Democratic Majorities.Robert E. Goodin & David Estlund - 2004 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 3 (2):131-142.
    Under the assumptions of the standard Condorcet Jury Theorem, majority verdicts are virtually certain to be correct if the competence of voters is greater than one-half, and virtually certain to be incorrect if voter competence is less than one-half. But which is the case? Here we turn the Jury Theorem on its head, to provide one way of addressing that question. The same logic implies that, if the outcome saw 60 percent of voters supporting one proposition and 40 percent the (...)
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  38. A Conditional Defense of Plurality Rule: Generalizing May's Theorem in a Restricted Informational Environment.Robert E. Goodin & Christian List - 2006 - American Journal of Political Science 50 (4):940-949.
    May's theorem famously shows that, in social decisions between two options, simple majority rule uniquely satisfies four appealing conditions. Although this result is often cited in support of majority rule, it has never been extended beyond decisions based on pairwise comparisons of options. We generalize May's theorem to many-option decisions where voters each cast one vote. Surprisingly, plurality rule uniquely satisfies May's conditions. This suggests a conditional defense of plurality rule: If a society's balloting procedure collects only a single vote (...)
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  39. Epistemic Aspects of Representative Government. Goodin, E. Robert & Kai Spiekermann - 2012 - European Political Science Review 4 (3):303--325.
    The Federalist, justifying the Electoral College to elect the president, claimed that a small group of more informed individuals would make a better decision than the general mass. But the Condorcet Jury Theorem tells us that the more independent, better-than-random voters there are, the more likely it will be that the majority among them will be correct. The question thus arises as to how much better, on average, members of the smaller group would have to be to compensate for the (...)
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  40. Street-Level Epistemology and Democratic Participation.Russell Hardin - 2002 - Journal of Political Philosophy 10 (2):212–229.
  41. Voting in Search of the Public Good: The Probabilistic Logic of Majority Judgments.James Hawthorne - manuscript
    I argue for an epistemic conception of voting, a conception on which the purpose of the ballot is at least in some cases to identify which of several policy proposals will best promote the public good. To support this view I first briefly investigate several notions of the kind of public good that public policy should promote. Then I examine the probability logic of voting as embodied in two very robust versions of the Condorcet Jury Theorem and some related results. (...)
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  42. Two Epistemic Accounts of Democratic Legitimacy.David Hershenov - manuscript
    Offered are two epistemic accounts of deliberative democracy which suggest the reasonable minority has epistemically sound reasons to willingly follow a reasonable majority position. One of these accounts suggests that the truth will be on the side of an overwhelming rational majority. This is because it is less likely that there is a widespread cognitive failure that “contaminates” the moral intuitions of rational majority than a rational minority. The second account suggests that where there is a rational disagreement, instead of (...)
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  43. Any Democracy Worth its Name: Bernstein's Democratic Ethos and a Role for Representation.Brendan Hogan & Lawrence Marcelle - 2016 - In Marcia Morgan & Megan Craig (eds.), Thinking The Plural: Richard J. Bernstein and the Expansion of American Philosophy. Rowman & Littlefield.
  44. Responsive Government and Duties of Conscience.Robert C. Hughes - 2014 - Jurisprudence 5 (2):244-264.
    This paper defends a new argument for enabling citizen participation in government: individuals must have genuine opportunities to try to change the law in order to be able to satisfy duties of conscience. Without such opportunities, citizens who regard systems of related laws as partially unjust face a moral dilemma. If they comply with these laws willingly without also trying to change them, they commit a pro tanto wrong by willingly participating in injustice . If they disobey, or if they (...)
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  45. De Facto Legitimacy and Popular Will.Jonathan Waskan - 1998 - Social Theory and Practice 24 (1):25-56.
  46. Epistemic Perfectionism and Liberal Democracy.Jamie T. Kelly & Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij - 2013 - Social Philosophy Today 29:49-58.
    Robert Talisse’s recent attempt to justify liberal democracy in epistemic terms is in many ways a breath of fresh air. However, in the present paper we argue that his defense faces two inter-related problems. The first problem pertains to his defense of liberalism, and owes to the fact that a commitment to the folk-epistemological norms in terms of which he makes his case does not commit one to partaking in liberal institutions. Consequently, our (alleged) commitment to the relevant epistemic norms (...)
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  47. Kitcher on Well-Ordered Science: Should Science Be Measured Against the Outcomes of Ideal Democratic Deliberation?Arnon Keren - 2013 - Theoria. An International Journal for Theory, History and Foundations of Science 28 (2):233-244.
    What should the goals of scientific inquiry be? What questions should scientists investigate, and how should our resources be distributed between different lines of investigation? Philip Kitcher has suggested that we should answer these questions by appealing to an ideal based on the consideration of hypothetical democratic deliberations under ideal circumstances. This paper examines possible arguments that might support acceptance of this ideal for science, and argues that neither the arguments presented by Kitcher (2001, 2011b) nor traditional arguments for democracy (...)
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  48. Rule Over None I: What Justifies Democracy?Niko Kolodny - 2014 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 42 (3):195-229.
  49. Reconceiving Rawls's Arguments for Equal Political Liberty and Its Fair Value.Meena Krishnamurthy - 2012 - Social Theory and Practice 38 (2):258-278.
    Few have discussed Rawls's arguments for the value of democracy. This is because his arguments, as arguments that the principle of equal basic liberty should include democratic liberties, are incomplete. Rawls says little about the inclusion of political liberties of a democratic sort – such as the right to vote – among the basic liberties. And, at times, what he does say is unconvincing. My aim is to complete and, where they fail, to reconceive Rawls's arguments and to show that (...)
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  50. Is Compulsory Voting Justified?Annabelle Lever - 2009 - Public Reason 1 (1):57-74.
    This paper examines Jeremy Waldron’s ‘core case’ against judicial review. Waldron’s arguments, it shows, exaggerate the importance of voting to our judgements about the legitimacy and democratic credentials of a society and its government. Moreover, Waldron is insufficiently sensitive to the ways that judicial review can provide a legitimate avenue of political activity for those seeking to rectify historic injustice. While judicial review is not necessary for democratic government, the paper concludes that Waldron is wrong to believe that it is (...)
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