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1 — 50 / 81
  1. added 2019-01-18
    Democracy as Intellectual Taste? Pluralism in Democratic Theory.Pavel Dufek - forthcoming - Critical Review:1-37.
    The normative and metanormative pluralism that figures among core self-descriptions of democratic theory, which seems incompatible with democratic theorists’ practical ambitions, may stem from the internal logic of research traditions in the social sciences and humanities and in the conceptual structure of political theory itself. One way to deal productively with intradisciplinary diversity is to appeal to the idea of a meta-consensus; another is to appeal to the argument from cognitive diversity that fuels recent debates on epistemic democracy. For different (...)
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  2. added 2018-12-15
    Conocimiento y justificación en la epistemología democrática.Marc Jiménez Rolland - 2018 - In Ana Estanny & Mario Gensollen (eds.), Democracia y conocimiento. Aguascalientes, México; Barcelona, España: Univerisdad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, IMAC. pp. 153-182.
    Una de las bifurcaciones en el debate contemporáneo sobre la legitimidad de la democracia explora si ésta ofrece ventajas distintivamente epistémicas frente a otras alternativas políticas. Quienes defienden la tesis de la democracia epistémica afirman que la democracia es instrumentalmente superior o equiparable a otras formas de organización política en lo que concierne a la obtención de varios bienes epistémicos. En este ensayo presento dos (grupos de) argumentos a favor de la democracia epistémica, que se inspiran en resultados formales: el (...)
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  3. added 2018-10-18
    Political Liberalism and Respect for Persons as Reasoners.Melissa Yates - 2012 - Review Journal of Political Philosophy 9 (1):107-130.
    My aims in this paper are twofold: (1) to develop an account of a kind of respect for persons as reasoners which is motivated by John Rawls’ defense of reasonable pluralism on epistemic grounds, and (2) to demonstrate that this kind of respect vindicates a stronger civic duty to incorporate nonpublic comprehensive doctrines in public deliberation than Rawls provides in his account of public reason. I begin with a discussion of Rawls’ account of the epistemic sources of reasonable disagreement – (...)
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  4. added 2018-09-27
    The Effects of Competence-Based Suffrage Restrictions: Toward a Full Accounting.Sean Ingham & David Wiens - manuscript
    Democratic citizens often lack rudimentary knowledge about their political institutions, elected leaders, and the policies their leaders choose. Epistemic democrats contend democracies produce reasonable decisions despite the ignorance of the typical voter; against them, epistocrats claim that non-democratic regimes in which more knowledgeable citizens are put in charge would produce better decisions. We explain the shortcomings with the arguments on both sides. Epistocrats may be right that all else being equal, a more competent electorate would produce better decisions, and epistemic (...)
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  5. added 2018-05-22
    Why the Intrinsic Value of Public Goods Matters.Avigail Ferdman - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-16.
    Existing accounts of public-goods distribution rely on the existence of solidarity for providing non-universal public goods, such as the humanities or national parks. There are three fundamental problems with these accounts: they ignore instances of social fragmentation; they treat preferences for public goods as morally benign, and they assume that these preferences are the only relevant moral consideration. However, not all citizens unanimously require public goods such as the humanities or national parks. Public-goods distribution that is based only on citizens’ (...)
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  6. added 2018-03-05
    A Critique of Pragmatism and Deliberative Democracy: TalisseRobert B.Pragmatist Philosophy of Democracy.Thom Brooks - 2009 - Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 45 (1):50-54.
    Robert B. Talisse's A Pragmatist Philosophy of Democracy is a genuine tour de force. His aim is both to defend a particular view of pragmatism originating with the work of Charles Sanders Peirce and, at the same time, argue in favour of a new view of deliberative democracy developed from Talisse's Peircean pragmatism. The result is a stunning achievement with real persuasive power. In this article, I will focus on one worry, namely, that the picture of democracy on offer is (...)
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  7. added 2018-03-05
    Intencionálně Nový Způsob Myšlení o Volbách.Thom Brooks - 2004 - Filosoficky Casopis 52:483-488.
  8. added 2018-03-05
    Rethinking Democracy: Freedom and Social Cooperation in Politics, Economy, and Society.Carol C. Gould - 1988 - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    In this book, Carol Gould offers a fundamental reconsideration of the theory of democracy, arguing that democratic decision-making should apply not only to politics but also to economic and social life. Professor Gould redefines traditional concepts of freedom and social equality, and proposes a principle of Equal Positive Freedom in which individual freedom and social co-operation are seen to be compatible. Reformulating basic conceptions of property, authority, economic justice and human rights, the author suggests a number of ways in which (...)
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  9. added 2018-02-19
    Plural Voting for the Twenty-First Century.Thomas Mulligan - 2018 - Philosophical Quarterly 68 (271):286-306.
    Recent political developments cast doubt on the wisdom of democratic decision-making. Brexit, the Colombian people's (initial) rejection of peace with the FARC, and the election of Donald Trump suggest that the time is right to explore alternatives to democracy. In this essay, I describe and defend the epistocratic system of government which is, given current theoretical and empirical knowledge, most likely to produce optimal political outcomes—or at least better outcomes than democracy produces. To wit, we should expand the suffrage as (...)
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  10. added 2018-02-17
    Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self-Government.Corey Brettschneider - 2007 - Princeton University Press.
    When the Supreme Court in 2003 struck down a Texas law prohibiting homosexual sodomy, it cited the right to privacy based on the guarantee of "substantive due process" embodied by the Constitution. But did the court act undemocratically by overriding the rights of the majority of voters in Texas? Scholars often point to such cases as exposing a fundamental tension between the democratic principle of majority rule and the liberal concern to protect individual rights. Democratic Rights challenges this view by (...)
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  11. added 2018-02-16
    Proceduralism and the Epistemic Dilemma of Supreme Courts.Federica Liveriero & Daniele Santoro - 2017 - Social Epistemology 31 (3):310-323.
    Proceduralists hold that democracy has a non-instrumental value consisting in the ideal of equality incorporated by fair procedures. Yet, proceduralism does not imply that every outcome of a democratic procedure is fair per se. In the non-ideal setting of constitutional democracies, government and legislative decisions may result from factional conflicts, or depend on majoritarian dictatorships. In these circumstances, Supreme Courts provide a guardianship against contested outcomes by enacting mechanisms of checks and balances, constitutional interpretation and judicial review. Yet, in virtue (...)
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  12. added 2018-01-17
    Book Review. [REVIEW]Ludwig van den Hauwe - 2006 - Journal of Libertarian Studies 20 (4):79-87.
    This article reviews Randall G. Holcombe, From Liberty to Democracy - The Transformation of American Government, The University of Michigan Press, 2002.
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  13. added 2017-09-29
    O’Hear on Popper, Criticism and the Open Society.Danny Frederick - manuscript
    Karl Popper champions an open society in which all institutions, principles and values are open to criticism. Anthony O’Hear contends that Popper’s vision is utopian because an open society can survive only if some non-liberal values are assumed, including the prohibition of criticism of fundamental liberal principles and values. I correct O’Hear’s interpretation of Popper and I rebut most of his criticisms, arguing that an open society is stronger if it permits criticism of all views. However, I accept and strengthen (...)
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  14. added 2017-07-09
    Democratisation of Democracy? On the Discontinuity Between Empirical and Normative Theories of Democracy.Pavel Dufek & Jan Holzer - 2013 - Representation 49 (2):117–131.
    The paper considers the gap that exists between between normative and empirical theories of democracy. Empirical theories usually stop in their aspirations where normative theories get off the ground, that is, they take the model of liberal democracy as their normative horizont. This is a confusing situation especially with regard to the possibilities of enhancing the quality of existing liberal democracies. We argue that a simple recalibration of democracy indexes, so as to include normatively more demanding considerations, is impossible, due (...)
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  15. added 2017-06-15
    Democracy Disfigured. By Nadia Urbinati. [REVIEW]Daniel Jacob - 2016 - Global Discourse 6 (1-2):206-209.
  16. added 2017-06-02
    Democracia y sociedad civil en tiempos postmetafísicos.Miguel Angel Quintana Paz - 2006 - In Llamados a la libertad, vol. II. Madrid: CEU Ediciones. pp. 569-586.
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  17. added 2017-03-15
    Del procedimentalismo al experimentalismo. Una concepción pragmatista de la legitimidad política.Luis Leandro García Valiña - forthcoming - Buenos Aires:
    La tesis central de este trabajo es que la tradicional tensión entre substancia y procedimiento socava las estabilidad de la justificación de la concepción liberal más extendida de la legitimidad (la Democracia Deliberativa). Dicha concepciones enfrentan problemas serios a la hora de articular de manera consistente dos dimensiones que parecen ir naturalmente asociadas a la idea de legitimidad: la dimensión procedimental, vinculada a la equidad del procedimiento, y la dimensión epistémica, asociada a la corrección de los resultados. En este trabajo (...)
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  18. added 2017-03-13
    Epistemic Political Egalitarianism, Political Parties, and Conciliatory Democracy.Martin Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):629-656.
    This article presents two interlocking arguments for epistemic political egalitarianism. I argue, first, that coping with multidimensional social complexity requires the integration of expertise. This is the task of political parties as collective epistemic agents who transform abstract value judgments into sufficiently coherent and specific conceptions of justice for their society. Because parties thus severely lower the relevant threshold of comparison of political competence, citizens have reason to regard each other as epistemic equals. Drawing on the virulent “peer disagreement debate,” (...)
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  19. added 2017-03-13
    Epistemic Political Egalitarianism and Conciliatory Democracy: A Defense.Martin Ebeling - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):664-668.
  20. added 2017-03-13
    Mouffes Wittgensteinianische Analyse radikalen Dissenses und darüber hinaus.Ebeling Martin - 2014 - Zeitschrift Für Politische Theorie 5 (2):234–251.
    In this article, I discuss the epistemological aspects of ‘radical disagreement’ with reference to Chantal Mouffe’s theory of democracy and Ludwig Wittgenstein’s late philosophy. Mouffe builds on the latter to provide the necessary epistemological foundation to her critique of ‘rationalistic’ political philosophy and to continue this critique on the epistemological register. I argue, however, that her reading of Wittgenstein misses aspects vital to his ‘deep contextualism’. If we remain faithful to his project, the existence of a plurality of forms of (...)
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  21. added 2017-01-20
    Stanley on Ideology, or How to De-Moralise Democracy.Rossi Enzo - forthcoming - Global Discourse.
    In *How Propaganda Works* Jason Stanley argues that democratic societies require substantial material equality because inequality causes ideologically flawed belief, which, in turn, make demagogic propaganda more effective. And that is problematic for the quality of democracy. In this brief paper I unpack that argument, in order to make two points: (a) the non-moral argument for equality is promising, but weakened by its reliance on a heavily moralised conception of democracy; (b) that problem may be remedied by whole-heartedly embracing a (...)
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  22. added 2016-12-08
    Democratic Answers to Complex Questions – An Epistemic Perspective.Luc Bovens & Wlodek Rabinowicz - 2006 - Synthese 150 (1):131-153.
    This paper addresses a problem for theories of epistemic democracy. In a decision on a complex issue which can be decomposed into several parts, a collective can use different voting procedures: Either its members vote on each sub-question and the answers that gain majority support are used as premises for the conclusion on the main issue, or the vote is conducted on the main issue itself. The two procedures can lead to different results. We investigate which of these procedures is (...)
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  23. added 2016-12-08
    De Facto Legitimacy and Popular Will.Waskan Jonathan - 1998 - Social Theory and Practice 24 (1):25-56.
  24. added 2016-11-01
    Any Democracy Worth its Name: Bernstein's Democratic Ethos and a Role for Representation.Brendan Hogan & Lawrence Marcelle - 2016 - In Marcia Morgan & Megan Craig (eds.), Thinking The Plural: Richard J. Bernstein and the Expansion of American Philosophy. Rowman & Littlefield.
  25. added 2016-09-05
    Public Justification Versus Public Deliberation: The Case for Divorce.Kevin Vallier - 2015 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 45 (2):139-158.
    I drive a wedge between public deliberation and public justification, concepts tightly associated in public reason liberalism. Properly understood, the ideal of public justification imposes no restraint on citizen deliberation but requires that those who have a substantial impact on the use of coercive power, political officials, advance proposals each person has sufficient reason to accept. I formulate this idea as the Principle of Convergent Restraint and apply it to legislators to illustrate the general reorientation I propose for the public (...)
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  26. added 2016-08-30
    Patriotic Elaborations: Essays in Practical Philosophy.Charles Blattberg - 2009 - McGill-Queen's University Press.
    How might we mend the world? Charles Blattberg suggests a "new patriotism," one that reconciles conflict through a form of dialogue that prioritizes conversation over negotiation and the common good over victory. This patriotism can be global as well as local, left as well as right. Blattberg's is a genuinely original philosophical voice. The essays collected here discuss how to re-conceive the political spectrum, where "deliberative deomocrats" go wrong, why human rights language is tragically counterproductive, how nationalism is not really (...)
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  27. added 2016-06-13
    Pourquoi délibérer ? Du potentiel épistémique à la justification publique.Marc-Kevin Daoust - 2016 - Philosophiques 43 (1):23-48.
    Cet article a deux objectifs. Le premier est de montrer pourquoi l’argument instrumental en faveur de la démocratie est insuffisant pour justifier la délibération politique. Si notre but est l’optimisation du potentiel épistémique d’un régime politique, et que des approches agrégatives et inférentielles (sans délibération) atteignent cet objectif, alors nous ne pouvons plus justifier la délibération sur cette base. Ce problème peut être contourné en reprenant une distinction de Daniel Andler. Pour ce dernier, le groupe délibératif se distingue du groupe (...)
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  28. added 2016-02-25
    Kitcher on Well-Ordered Science: Should Science Be Measured Against the Outcomes of Ideal Democratic Deliberation?Arnon Keren - 2013 - Theoria: Revista de Teoría, Historia y Fundamentos de la Ciencia 28 (2):233-244.
    What should the goals of scientific inquiry be? What questions should scientists investigate, and how should our resources be distributed between different lines of investigation? Philip Kitcher has suggested that we should answer these questions by appealing to an ideal based on the consideration of hypothetical democratic deliberations under ideal circumstances. This paper examines possible arguments that might support acceptance of this ideal for science, and argues that neither the arguments presented by Kitcher (2001, 2011b) nor traditional arguments for democracy (...)
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  29. added 2016-02-08
    Democracy Isn't That Smart : On Landemore's Democratic Reason.Aaron Ancell - 2017 - Episteme 14 (2):161-175.
    In her recent book, Democratic Reason, Hélène Landemore argues that, when evaluated epistemically, “a democratic decision procedure is likely to be a better decision procedure than any non-democratic decision procedures, such as a council of experts or a benevolent dictator” (p. 3). Landemore's argument rests heavily on studies of collective intelligence done by Lu Hong and Scott Page. These studies purport to show that cognitive diversity – differences in how people solve problems – is actually more important to overall group (...)
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  30. added 2016-02-03
    Firms, States and Democracy: A Qualified Defense of the Parallel Case Argument.Iñigo González Ricoy - 2014 - Law, Ethics and Philosophy 2.
    The paper discusses the structure, applications, and plausibility of the much-used parallel-case argument for workplace democracy. The argument rests on an analogy between firms and states according to which the justification of democracy in the state implies its justification in the workplace. The contribution of the paper is threefold. First, the argument is illustrated by applying it to two usual objections to workplace democracy, namely, that employees lack the expertise required to run a firm and that only capital suppliers should (...)
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  31. added 2015-12-23
    The Threat of Algocracy: Reality, Resistance and Accommodation.John Danaher - 2016 - Philosophy and Technology 29 (3):245-268.
    One of the most noticeable trends in recent years has been the increasing reliance of public decision-making processes on algorithms, i.e. computer-programmed step-by-step instructions for taking a given set of inputs and producing an output. The question raised by this article is whether the rise of such algorithmic governance creates problems for the moral or political legitimacy of our public decision-making processes. Ignoring common concerns with data protection and privacy, it is argued that algorithmic governance does pose a significant threat (...)
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  32. added 2015-12-03
    "Democracy Is So Overrated": The Shortcomings of Popular Rule.Brendan Shea - 2016 - In J. Edward Hackett (ed.), House of Cards and Philosophy: Underwood's Republic. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 141-152.
    As modern viewers, it is tempting to interpret Frank and Claire’s manipulations of democratic institutions as representing perversions or distortions of democratic ideals. After all, most of us think (or at least hope!) that real-world democracies we actually live in aren’t quite that badly governed. Whatever the moral faults of our leaders are, they don’t (as a rule) murder journalists, crudely provoke international crises for political gain, or cleverly set up their political adversaries with Bond-villain-like cunning. Real politicians, so the (...)
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  33. added 2015-09-14
    Responsive Government and Duties of Conscience.Robert C. Hughes - 2014 - Jurisprudence 5 (2):244-264.
    This paper defends a new argument for enabling citizen participation in government: individuals must have genuine opportunities to try to change the law in order to be able to satisfy duties of conscience. Without such opportunities, citizens who regard systems of related laws as partially unjust face a moral dilemma. If they comply with these laws willingly without also trying to change them, they commit a pro tanto wrong by willingly participating in injustice . If they disobey, or if they (...)
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  34. added 2015-09-05
    Understanding Liberal Democracy: Essays in Political Philosophy, by Nicholas Wolterstorff.Kevin Vallier - 2014 - Faith and Philosophy 31 (3):345-348.
  35. added 2015-09-01
    The Ethics of Climate Governance.Aaron Maltais & Catriona McKinnon (eds.) - 2015 - Rowman & Littlefield International.
    The ethics of climate governance is of critical importance to current debates in climate justice, yet until now it has been largely neglected. This book explores the ethical dimensions of bringing the threat of global warming under effective political control. It addresses problems of domination and vulnerability in international climate negotiations, democratic legitimacy and equity in climate governance, strategies for dealing with gridlock in climate governance, and new problems of governance raised by the technologies of geoengineering and biomass incineration. This (...)
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  36. added 2015-06-18
    Consensuar y disentir en un modelo de democracia contestataria.María G. Navarro - 2016 - Revista de Filosofía Conceptos 8:110-127.
    The relationship between the necessity to ensure that information is shared in the stages of deliberation and the overcoming of what Dryzek (2001) called constriction of deliberative economy is directly related to the proponents and opponents’ propensity to submit and add information differently, in a plural manner. This article describes the salient features of the deliberative turn in order to defend that this propensity is not individual. The evolution of the public space in science and in politics are both paradigmatic (...)
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  37. added 2015-05-06
    The Human Right to Democracy and the Pursuit of Global Justice.Pablo Gilabert - forthcoming - In Thom Brooks (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Global Justice. Oxford University Press.
  38. added 2015-03-14
    Elster on Self-Realization in Politics: A Critical Note.Joseph Chan & David Miller - 1991 - Ethics 102 (1):96-102.
  39. added 2015-03-11
    Truth, Inquiry and Democratic Authority in the Climate Debate.Phillip Deen - 2014 - Public Affairs Quarterly 28 (4):375-394.
    Recent attempts to legislate climate science out of existence raises the question of whether citizens are obliged to obey such laws. The authority of democratic law is rooted in both truth and popular consent, but neither is sufficient and they may conflict. These are reconciled in theory and, more importantly, in practice once we incorporate insights from the pragmatist theory of inquiry.
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  40. added 2015-02-09
    Rule Over None I: What Justifies Democracy?Niko Kolodny - 2014 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 42 (3):195-229.
  41. added 2015-01-14
    Epistemic Perfectionism and Liberal Democracy.Jamie T. Kelly & Kristoffer Ahlstrom-Vij - 2013 - Social Philosophy Today 29:49-58.
    Robert Talisse’s recent attempt to justify liberal democracy in epistemic terms is in many ways a breath of fresh air. However, in the present paper we argue that his defense faces two inter-related problems. The first problem pertains to his defense of liberalism, and owes to the fact that a commitment to the folk-epistemological norms in terms of which he makes his case does not commit one to partaking in liberal institutions. Consequently, our (alleged) commitment to the relevant epistemic norms (...)
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  42. added 2014-10-16
    Does Classical Liberalism Imply Democracy?David Ellerman - 2015 - Ethics and Global Politics 8 (1).
    There is a fault line running through classical liberalism as to whether or not democratic self-governance is a necessary part of a liberal social order. The democratic and non-democratic strains of classical liberalism are both present today—particularly in America. Many contemporary libertarians and neo-Austrian economists represent the non-democratic strain in their promotion of non-democratic sovereign city-states (startup cities or charter cities). We will take the late James M. Buchanan as a representative of the democratic strain of classical liberalism. Since the (...)
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  43. added 2014-04-02
    Reconceiving Rawls's Arguments for Equal Political Liberty and Its Fair Value.Meena Krishnamurthy - 2012 - Social Theory and Practice 38 (2):258-278.
    Few have discussed Rawls's arguments for the value of democracy. This is because his arguments, as arguments that the principle of equal basic liberty should include democratic liberties, are incomplete. Rawls says little about the inclusion of political liberties of a democratic sort – such as the right to vote – among the basic liberties. And, at times, what he does say is unconvincing. My aim is to complete and, where they fail, to reconceive Rawls's arguments and to show that (...)
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  44. added 2014-03-28
    Democratic Values Education Revisited—Moral Realism or Pragmatism?Gary Dann - 1999 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 33 (2):187–199.
  45. added 2014-03-24
    Street-Level Epistemology and Democratic Participation.Russell Hardin - 2002 - Journal of Political Philosophy 10 (2):212–229.
  46. added 2014-03-23
    Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy.Richard J. Arneson - 2003 - Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):122–132.
  47. added 2014-03-23
    Review: Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. [REVIEW]Fred D'Agostino - 2003 - Mind 112 (447):499-502.
  48. added 2014-03-22
    The Persuasiveness of Democratic Majorities.Robert E. Goodin & David Estlund - 2004 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 3 (2):131-142.
    Under the assumptions of the standard Condorcet Jury Theorem, majority verdicts are virtually certain to be correct if the competence of voters is greater than one-half, and virtually certain to be incorrect if voter competence is less than one-half. But which is the case? Here we turn the Jury Theorem on its head, to provide one way of addressing that question. The same logic implies that, if the outcome saw 60 percent of voters supporting one proposition and 40 percent the (...)
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  49. added 2014-03-19
    The Discursive Dilemma and Public Reason.Christian List - 2006 - Ethics 116 (2):362-402.
    Political theorists have offered many accounts of collective decision-making under pluralism. I discuss a key dimension on which such accounts differ: the importance assigned not only to the choices made but also to the reasons underlying those choices. On that dimension, different accounts lie in between two extremes. The ‘minimal liberal account’ holds that collective decisions should be made only on practical actions or policies and that underlying reasons should be kept private. The ‘comprehensive deliberative account’ stresses the importance of (...)
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  50. added 2014-03-19
    Does the Extension of Democratic Decision-Making Imply Social Justice?Gerald Doppelt - 2001 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 44 (3):359 – 383.
1 — 50 / 81