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  1. Introduction: Updating Mill on Free Speech.Piers Norris Turner - 2021 - Utilitas 33 (2):125-132.
    John Stuart Mill's defense of freedom of discussion in On Liberty remains a major influence on philosophical and public debates about free speech. By highlighting underappreciated textual evidence and key distinctions, this introduction attempts to show how the contributions of the symposium authors – Melina Constantine Bell, Rafael Cejudo, Christopher Macleod, and Dale E. Miller – point toward a more complete account of Mill's views.
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  2. The Separateness of Persons: Defending the Rawlsian Institutional Approach to Distributive Justice.Edward Andrew Greetis - forthcoming - Journal of Value Inquiry:1-23.
    The Rawlsian institutional approach holds that distributive principles apply to socioeconomic institutions rather than transactions within the institutional framework. Critics claim that the approach is baseless. I defend Rawls’s institutionalism by showing that it has a rational basis: Rawls “constructs” a theory of justice from considered judgments, especially ideas found in the political culture and historical conditions of democracy, including the fact of reasonable pluralism, which supports his institutionalism. I use Rawls’s “fact-sensitive constructivism” to interpret his claim that “utilitarianism does (...)
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  3. Deepfake Technology and Individual Rights.Francesco Stellin Sturino - forthcoming - Social Theory and Practice.
    Deepfake technology can be used to produce videos of real individuals, saying and doing things that they never in fact said or did, that appear highly authentic. Having accepted the premise that Deepfake content can constitute a legitimate form of expression, it is not immediately clear where the rights of content producers and distributors end, and where the rights of individuals whose likenesses are used in this content begin. This paper explores the question of whether it can be plausibly argued (...)
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  4. Listening to Black Lives Matter: Racial Capitalism and the Critique of Neoliberalism.Siddhant Issar - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):48-71.
    This article explores left critiques of neoliberalism in light of the Black Lives Matter movement’s recourse to the notion of ‘racial capitalism’ in their analyses of anti-Black oppression. Taking a cue from BLM, I argue for a critical theory of racial capitalism that historicizes neoliberalism within a longue durée framework, surfacing racialized continuities in capitalism’s violence. I begin by revealing how neo-Marxist and neo-Foucaultian approaches to neoliberalism, particularly that of David Harvey and Wendy Brown, respectively, partition race from the workings (...)
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  5. The political technology of the ‘Camp’ in historical capitalism.John Welsh - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):96-118.
    So much of what we experience in neoliberal capitalism resembles the operation of the camp. How then can we understand the camp as a political technology of labour control recurrent in historical capitalism, and why would we want to? Driven by the perennial imperatives to govern and to accumulate, the camp as a modulation of social control allows us to explore the role of ‘meta-disciplinary’ technique in the ‘real subsumption of labour’. The aims here are to question the sanguine expectations (...)
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  6. Revolution or legality? Confronting the spectre of Marx in Habermas’s legal philosophy.Igor Shoikhedbrod - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):72-95.
    As early as 1962, Jürgen Habermas was convinced that Karl Marx’s theoretical attempt to ‘turn Hegel the right side up’ had resulted in a one-sided embrace of revolution and a perilous rejection of legality and rights. Habermas would restate these remarks thirty years later in Between Facts and Norms, noting that the collapse of state socialism, with its characteristic disdain for legality and rights, culminated in the discrediting of revolutionary Marxism. This article revisits Habermas’s theoretical dichotomy between revolution and legality (...)
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  7. The political theory of neoliberalism.William Callison - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):36-40.
  8. Liberty, diversity and domination: Kant, Mill and the Government of Difference.Menaka Philips - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):13-16.
  9. The morals of the market: Human rights and the rise of neoliberalism.Ben Golder - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):32-35.
  10. Dogmatische und rationale Analyse selbsterhaltender Vernunft.Stefan Färber - 2020 - In Hannes Bajohr (ed.), Der Anthropos im Anthropozän. Die Wiederkehr des Menschen im Moment seiner vermeintlich endgültigen Verabschiedung. Berlin, Deutschland: pp. 211–232.
  11. Book Review: Montesquieu’s Liberalism & the Problem of Universal Politics, by Keegan Callanan. [REVIEW]Andrew Bibby - 2021 - Political Theory 49 (1):154-158.
  12. Introduction.Ashley Dodsworth & Iseult Honohan - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-9.
  13. Kant, Coercion, and the Legitimation of Inequality.Benjamin L. McKean - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-23.
    Immanuel Kant’s political philosophy has enjoyed renewed attention as an egalitarian alternative to contemporary inequality since it seems to uncompromisingly reassert the primacy of the state over the economy, enabling it to defend the modern welfare state against encroaching neoliberal markets. However, I argue that, when understood as a free-standing approach to politics, Kant’s doctrine of right shares essential features with the prevailing theories that legitimate really existing economic inequality. Like Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, Kant understands the state’s function (...)
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  14. The Simplicity of Toleration.Peter Königs - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-20.
    Toleration is one of the core elements of a liberal polity, and yet it has come to be seen as puzzling, paradoxical and difficult. The aim of the present paper is to dispel three puzzles surrounding toleration. First, I will challenge the notion that it is difficult to see why tolerance should be a virtue given that it involves putting up with what one deems wrong. Second, I defuse the worry that the ideal of toleration is not fully realizable as (...)
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  15. What Liberals Should Tolerate Internationally.Andrew Jason Cohen - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (1):64-86.
  16. Toleration and Modus Vivendi.John Horton - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (1):45-63.
  17. The Politics and Ethics of Toleration: Introduction.Johannes Drerup & Michael Kühler - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (1):1-4.
  18. Can a Value-Neutral Liberal State Still Be Tolerant?Michael Kühler - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (1):25-44.
  19. Judith N Shklar as Theorist of Political Obligation.William E. Scheuerman - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 20 (2):366-376.
    The useful publication of Judith N Shklar's final undergraduate lectures at Harvard provides an opportunity to take a careful look at her reflections on political obligation, a matter always of gre...
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  20. The Early Modern “Creation” of Property and its Enduring Influence.Erik J. Olsen - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory.
    This article redescribes early modern European defenses of private property in terms of a theoretical project of seeking to establish the true or essential nature of property. Most of the scholarly...
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  21. Do the Reactive Attitudes Justify Public Reason?Collis Tahzib - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511988620.
    According to public reason liberalism, the laws and institutions of society must be in some sense justifiable to all reasonable citizens. But why care about justifiability to reasonable citizens? R...
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  22. Asylum, Affinity, and Cosmopolitan Solidarity with Refugees.Joshua Hobbs & James Souter - 2020 - Journal of Social Philosophy 51 (4):543-563.
  23. Authority, Legitimacy, and Democracy: Narrowing the Gap Between Normativism and Realism.Alessandro Ferrara - 2020 - Constellations 27 (4):655-669.
  24. Recognitive Arguments for Workplace Democracy.Onni Hirvonen & Keith Breen - 2020 - Constellations 27 (4):716-731.
  25. The Liberal Self: John Stuart Mill's Moral and Political Philosophy.Wendy Donner - 1991 - Cornell University Press.
  26. Service and Status Competition May Help Explain Perceived Ethical Acceptability.Hugh Desmond - 2020 - American Journal of Bioethics Neuroscience 11 (4):258-260.
    The dominant view on the ethics of cognitive enhancement (CE) is that CE is beholden to the principle of autonomy. However, this principle does not seem to reflect commonly held ethical judgments about enhancement. Is the principle of autonomy at fault, or should common judgments be adjusted? Here I argue for the first, and show how common judgments can be justified as based on a principle of service.
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  27. Political Regimes and Advanced Liberal Oligarchies.José Maurício Domingues - 2019 - Constellations 26 (1):78-93.
  28. Political Liberalism and the False Neutrality Objection.Étienne Brown - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (7):874-893.
    One central objection to philosophical defences of liberal neutrality is that many neutrally justified laws and policies are nonetheless discriminatory as they unilaterally impose costs or confer unearned privileges on the bearers of a particular conception of the good. Call this the false neutrality objection. While liberal neutralists seldom consider this objection to be a serious allegation, and often claim that it rests on a misunderstanding, I argue that it is a serious challenge for proponents of justificatory neutrality. Indeed, a (...)
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  29. On Actualist and Fundamental Public Justification in Political Liberalism.Thomas M. Besch - 2020 - Philosophia 48 (5):1777-1799.
    Public justification in political liberalism is often conceptualized in light of Rawls’s view of its role in a hypothetical well-ordered society as an ideal or idealizing form of justification that applies a putatively reasonable conception of political justice to political matters. But Rawls implicates a different idea of public justification in his doctrine of general reflective equilibrium. The paper engages this second, more fundamental idea. Public justification in this second sense is actualist and fundamental. It is actualist in that it (...)
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  30. Book Review: Chains of Persuasion: A Framework for Religion in Democracy, by Benjamin R. Hertzberg. [REVIEW]William P. Umphres - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (6):828-835.
  31. Book Review: The Habermas-Rawls Debate, by James Gordon Finlayson. [REVIEW]Todd Hedrick - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (6):835-839.
  32. “Properly a Subject of Contempt”: The Role of Natural Penalties in Mill's Liberal Thought.Thomas Schramme - 2020 - Journal of Social Philosophy 51 (3):391-409.
  33. The government of desire: A genealogy of the liberal subject.Anne-Marie D’Aoust - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (3):197-201.
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  34. Kant's Popular Sovereignty and Cosmopolitanism.Macarena Marey - 2020 - Constellations 27 (3):361-374.
  35. The Politics of Hypocrisy: Baruch Spinoza and Pierre Bayle on Hypocritical Conformity.Amy Gais - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (5):588-614.
    Contemporary political theory has increasingly attended to the inevitability, and even advantage, of hypocrisy in liberal democratic politics, but less consideration has been given to the social and psychological repercussions of this ubiquitous phenomenon. This article recovers Baruch Spinoza and Pierre Bayle’s critiques of hypocritical conformity to demonstrate that their influential theories of toleration and freedom were shaped considerably by concerns with enforced conformity. Reframing Spinoza and Bayle as theorists of hypocrisy, moreover, suggests that recent redemptive accounts of hypocrisy in (...)
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  36. Liberal Democracy, National Identity Boundaries, and Populist Entry Points.Sara Wallace Goodman - 2019 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 31 (3-4):377-388.
    ABSTRACT The politics of populism is the politics of belonging. It reflects a deep challenge to the liberal democratic state, which attempts to maintain social boundaries but also allow immigration. Boundaries—established through citizenship and norms of belonging—must be both coherent and malleable. Changes to boundaries become sites of contestation for exclusionary populists in the putative interest of “legitimate” citizens. Populism is an inevitable response to liberal democratic adjustment; any liberal democracy that redefines citizenship opens itself to populist challenge.
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  37. An Interpretation of Political Argument.William Bosworth - 2020 - European Journal of Political Theory 19 (3):293-313.
    How do we determine whether individuals accept the actual consistency of a political argument instead of just its rhetorical good looks? This article answers this question by proposing an interpretation of political argument within the constraints of political liberalism. It utilises modern developments in the philosophy of logic and language to reclaim ‘meaningless nonsense’ from use as a partisan war cry and to build up political argument as something more than a power struggle between competing conceptions of the good. Standard (...)
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  38. Liberal Multiculturalism, Group Membership, and Distribution of Cultural Policies.Annamari Vitikainen - 2009 - Ethnicities 1 (9):53-74.
  39. On the Value of Economic Growth.Julie L. Rose - 2019 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 19 (2):128-153.
    Must a society aim indefinitely for continued economic growth? Proponents of economic growth advance three central challenges to the idea that a society, having attained high levels of income and wealth, may justly cease to pursue further economic growth: if environmentally sustainable and the gains fairly distributed, first, continued economic growth could make everyone within a society and globally, and especially the worst off, progressively better off; second, the pursuit of economic growth spurs ongoing innovation, which enhances people’s opportunities and (...)
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  40. Lack of Pluralism and Post‐Secularism in Catholic Countries.Sebastián Rudas - 2020 - Constellations 27 (2):258-272.
  41. Citizens' Autonomy and Corporate Cultural Power.Lisa Herzog - 2020 - Journal of Social Philosophy 51 (2):205-230.
  42. Markets as Mere Means.Rutger Claassen - 2017 - British Journal of Political Science 47 (2):263-281.
    There has been a remarkable shift in the relation between market and state responsibilities for public services like health care and education. While these services continue to be financed publicly, they are now often provided through the market. The main argument for this new institutional division of labor is economic: while (public) ends stay the same, (private) means are more efficient. Markets function as ‘mere means’ under the continued responsibility of the state. This paper investigates and rejects currently existing egalitarian (...)
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  43. An Agency-Based Capability Theory of Justice.Rutger Claassen - 2017 - European Journal of Philosophy 25 (4):1279-1304.
    The capability approach is one of the main contenders in the field of theorizing social justice. Each citizen is entitled to a set of basic capabilities. But which are these? Martha Nussbaum formulated a set of ten central capabilities. Amartya Sen argued they should be selected in a process of public reasoning. Critics object that the Nussbaum‐approach is too perfectionist and the Sen‐approach is too proceduralist. This paper presents a third alternative: a substantive but non‐perfectionist capability theory of justice. It (...)
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  44. Liberal Nationalism, Immigration, and the Problem of Multiple National Identities.Lior Erez - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (4):495-517.
  45. Conservative Libertarianism and Ethics of Borders.Enrique Camacho Beltran - 2015 - Tópicos: Revista de Filosofía 48 (1):227-261.
    Many conservatives endorse a defence of closed borders grounded in basic liberal rights such as the basic right of association. Some conservatives also endorse libertarian principles of legitimacy. It is not clear though that this sort of defence of closed borders is somehow coherent with these libertarian ideals. I argue that conservative libertarians of this kind must reject this defence of closed borders because either it collapses into a form of statism incoherent with libertarian principles of legitimacy, or into an (...)
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  46. Reclaiming populism.Lisa Disch - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (2):100-107.
  47. Has liberalism ruined everything?Cass R. Sunstein - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (2):175-187.
    There has been considerable recent discussion of the social effects of “liberalism,” which are said to include a growth in out-of-wedlock childbirth, repudiation of traditions, a rise in populism, increased reliance on technocracy, inequality, environmental degradation, sexual promiscuity, deterioration of civic associations, a diminution of civic virtue, political correctness on university campuses, and a general sense of alienation. There is good reason for skepticism about these claims. Liberalism is not a person, and it is not an agent in history. Claims (...)
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  48. Capitalism: A conversation in critical theory.James A. Chamberlain - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (2):153-156.
  49. Plato as Critical Theorist.Tristan Bradshaw - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (2):108-111.
  50. Book Review: Montaigne and the Tolerance of Politics, by Douglas I. Thompson. [REVIEW]Ingrid Creppell - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (3):405-410.
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