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  1. High liberalism, strikes, and direct action.Attila Tanyi & McLeod Stephen - manuscript
    Despite being a common phenomenon with significant consequences on our everyday life, strikes (and direct actions in general) are still relatively undertheorized in the philosophical literature. Our paper has a specific focus that is best encapsulated in a question: What is the relationship between liberalism and the right to strike? Liberalism’s cornerstone is the idea that rights and liberties of individuals are of supreme political importance. Rights and liberties, however, are not created equal. The basic liberties are those that are (...)
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  2. Milton Friedman on Freedom and the Negative Income Tax.Joshua Preiss - forthcoming - Basic Income Studies 10.
    In addition to his Noble Prize-winning work in economics, Milton Friedman produced some of the most influential philosophical work on the role of government in a free society. Despite his great influence, there remains a dearth of scholarship on Friedman’s social and political philosophy. This paper helps to fill this large void by providing a conceptual analysis of Friedman’s theory of freedom. In addition, I argue that a careful reading of his arguments for freedom ought to lead Friedman, and like-minded (...)
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  3. The Dworkin–Williams Debate: Liberty, Conceptual Integrity, and Tragic Conflict in Politics.Matthieu Queloz - 2024 - Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 109 (1):3-29.
    Bernard Williams articulated his later political philosophy notably in response to Ronald Dworkin, who, striving for coherence or integrity among our political concepts, sought to immunize the concepts of liberty and equality against conflict. Williams, doubtful that we either could or should eliminate the conflict, resisted the pursuit of conceptual integrity. Here, I reconstruct this Dworkin–Williams debate with an eye to drawing out ideas of ongoing philosophical and political importance. The debate not only exemplifies Williams's political realism and its connection (...)
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  4. Liberalism, Paternalism, and Autonomy.Konstantin Morozov - 2023 - Discourses of Ethics 3 (19):31-52.
    Liberalism and paternalism are often seen as incompatible on the grounds that liberalism recognizes autonomy as the highest value, while paternalism limits autonomy for the sake of more valuable goods such as health and safety. This article offers an argument for the compatibility of liberalism and paternalism. At the heart of the argument is the philosophical distinction between having autonomy and exercising autonomy. The second way of defending autonomy is indeed incompatible with paternalism, but the first justifies paternalism when its (...)
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  5. Nudging for changing selves.Richard Pettigrew - 2023 - Synthese 201 (1):1-21.
    When is it legitimate for a government to ‘nudge’ its citizens, in the sense described by Thaler and Sunstein (2008)? In their original work on the topic, Thaler and Sunstein developed the _‘as judged by themselves’ (or AJBT) test_ to answer this question (Thaler and Sunstein 2008, p. 5). In a recent paper, Paul and Sunstein (2019) raised a concern about this test: it often seems to give the wrong answer in cases in which we are nudged to make a (...)
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  6. Counterspeech.Bianca Cepollaro, Maxime Lepoutre & Robert Mark Simpson - 2022 - Philosophy Compass 18 (1):e12890.
    Counterspeech is communication that tries to counteract potential harm brought about by other speech. Theoretical interest in counterspeech partly derives from a libertarian ideal – as captured in the claim that the solution to bad speech is more speech – and partly from a recognition that well-meaning attempts to counteract harm through speech can easily misfire or backfire. Here we survey recent work on the question of what makes counterspeech effective at remedying or preventing harm, in those cases where it (...)
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  7. Liberalism.Aaron J. Ancell - 2021 - In William A. Galston & Tom G. Palmer (eds.), Truth and Governance. pp. 193-215.
    Liberalism has a complicated and sometimes uneasy relationship with truth. On one hand, liberalism requires that truth be widely valued and widely shared. It demands that governments be truthful and that citizens have ready access to numerous truths. Some liberals even take facilitating the discovery and dissemination of truth to be part of the raison d’être of liberal institutions. On the other hand, liberalism is averse to proclaiming or enforcing truth. It detaches truth from political legitimacy and deems certain truths (...)
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  8. Nachdenken über Corona.Romy Jaster & Geert Keil (eds.) - 2021 - Stuttgart: Reclam.
    Die Covid-19-Pandemie und der Umgang mit ihr sind eine immense Herausforderung, nicht zuletzt für das philosophische Denken. Unter dem Brennglas der Coronakrise stellen sich viele Fragen schärfer und dringlicher als zuvor: etwa über die Berechtigung von Freiheitseinschränkungen, Vertrauen als politische Kategorie, die Schutzpflichten des Staates, Freiwilligkeit und Zwang, den gerechten Umgang mit Versorgungsengpässen in der Medizin oder über verantwortungsvolle Krisenkommunikation. Die Gesellschaft für Analytische Philosophie (GAP) hat einen Essay-Wettbewerb ausgerufen: »Nachdenken über Corona«. Dieser Band versammelt die Texte der drei Preisträger (...)
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  9. The Virtues of Economic Rescue Legislation: Distributive Justice, Civil Law, and the Troubled Asset Relief Program.Henry S. Kuo - 2021 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 8 (1):305-329.
    This study constitutes an ethical analysis through the lens of distributive justice in the case of the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), which was enacted in the midst of the Great Recession of 2007–2009. It begins by engaging with the visions of justice constructed by John Rawls and Robert Nozick, using their insights to locate the injustices of TARP according to their moral imaginations. However, this study argues that Rawls’ and Nozick’s theories of justice primarily envision the nature of law (...)
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  10. The Enlightenment and the Power of Rational Argument.Ray Scott Percival - 2021 - Conjecture Magazine.
    How poor are they that have not patience! What wound did ever heal but by degrees? Thou knowest we work by wit and not by witchcraft, And wit depends on dilatory time. —Othello II: iii. Have you abandoned your engagement with the project of enlightenment, liberty, and progress because you have grown cynical about the effectiveness of sound argument? When someone tells you you’re wasting your time arguing with them because argument is an illusion, do you have an answer? Today, (...)
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  11. Reading Rawls Rightly: A Theory of Justice at 50.Robert S. Taylor - 2021 - Polity 53 (4):564-71.
    A half-century of Rawls interpreters have overemphasized economic equality in A Theory of Justice, slighting liberty—the central value of liberalism—in the process. From luck-egalitarian readings of Rawls to more recent claims that Rawls was a “reticent socialist,” these interpretations have obscured Rawls’s identity as a philosopher of freedom. They have also obscured the perhaps surprising fact that Rawlsian liberties (basic and non-basic) restrain and even undermine that same economic equality. As I will show in this article, such undermining occurs in (...)
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  12. Freedom from Reality: The Diabolical Character of Modern Liberty. By D. C.Schindler. Pp. ix, 486, Notre Dame, IN, University of Notre Dame Press, 2017, $55.00. [REVIEW]Patrick Madigan - 2020 - Heythrop Journal 61 (1):167-167.
  13. Political meritocracy and its betrayal.Franz Mang - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46 (9).
    Some Confucian scholars have recently claimed that Confucian political meritocracy is superior to Western democracy. I have great reservations about such a view. . . .
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  14. Hayek versus Trump: The Radical Right’s Road to Serfdom.Aris Trantidis & Nick Cowen - 2020 - Polity 52 (2):159-188.
    Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom has been interpreted as a general warning against state intervention in the economy.1 We review this argument in conjunction with Hayek’s later work and discern an institutional thesis about which forms of state intervention and economic institutions could threaten personal and political freedom. Economic institutions pose a threat if they allow for coercive interventions, as described by Hayek in The Constitution of Liberty: by giving someone the power to force others to serve one’s will by (...)
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  15. Wittgenstein and the Social Sciences: Action, Ideology, and Justice.Robert Vinten - 2020 - London, UK: Anthem Press.
    Vinten looks at the relationship between Wittgenstein’s philosophy and the social sciences as well as at the ideological implications of Wittgenstein’s philosophy and applications of Wittgenstein’s philosophy to problems in social science. He examines and assesses the work of thinkers like Richard Rorty, Perry Anderson, and Chantal Mouffe. -/- “Robert Vinten has produced an impressively meticulous and wide-ranging discussion of how Wittgenstein’s mature philosophy can revitalize the social sciences. There is insight and scholarship on every page. This important book will (...)
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  16. Equality, Liberty and the Limits of Person-centred Care’s Principle of Co-production.Gabriele Badano - 2019 - Public Health Ethics 12 (2):176-187.
    The idea that healthcare should become more person-centred is extremely influential. By using recent English policy developments as a case study, this article aims to critically analyse an important element of person-centred care, namely, the belief that to treat patients as persons is to think that care should be ‘co-produced’ by formal healthcare providers and patients together with unpaid carers and voluntary organizations. I draw on insights from political philosophy to highlight overlooked tensions between co-production and values like equality and (...)
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  17. Identity Politics, Irrationalism, and Totalitarianism: Karl Popper and the Contemporary Malaise.Danny Frederick - 2019 - Cosmos + Taxis 6 (6-7):31-32.
    Introduction to my three essays on the relevance of Karl Popper to contemporary social, political and philosophical problems.
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  18. A Paradox for the Intrinsic Value of Freedom of Choice.Johan E. Gustafsson - 2019 - Noûs 54 (4):891-913.
    A standard liberal claim is that freedom of choice is not only instrumentally valuable but also intrinsically valuable, that is, valuable for its own sake. I argue that each one of five conditions is plausible if freedom of choice is intrinsically valuable. Yet there exists a counter-example to the conjunction of these conditions. Hence freedom of choice is not intrinsically valuable.
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  19. Hannah Arendt, Liberalism, and Freedom from Politics.Kei Hiruta - 2019 - In Arendt on Freedom, Liberation, and Revolution. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 17-45.
    Arendt presents her defense of political freedom as a challenge to the liberal convention, which allegedly conceptualizes freedom as “freedom from politics.” But her comments on liberal theories of freedom are scattered and unsystematic, and they raise a series of questions. Is her understanding of liberal freedom accurate? If it is not, why does she misconstrue liberal freedom as she does? And does her limited understanding of liberalism undermine her defense of political freedom? This chapter aims to answer these questions. (...)
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  20. Why Public Reason Could Not Be Too Modest: The Case of Public Reason Confucianism.Franz Mang - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (2):163-176.
    In Public Reason Confucianism, Sungmoon Kim presents an important Confucian political theory that seeks to combine a specific conception of Confucianism and the ideal of public reason. My article examines this theory and identifies some of the theoretical complications with Rawlsian public reason.
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  21. (1 other version)The neorepublican challenge to egalitarian-liberalism: evaluating justifications of redistributive institutions.Jürgen Sirsch & Doris Unger - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (7):1000-1023.
    Neorepublicans like Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett claim that neorepublicanism provides a superior normative research program compared to egalitarian-liberalism. Particularly, they argue that neorepublicanism offers a better justification of redistributive policies, which are normally associated with egalitarian-liberalism. According to Lovett and Pettit, the neorepublican justification is superior because it rests on parsimonious theoretical assumptions and is more suitable to persuade people of redistributive institutions. We contest these claims on the grounds of methodological and substantive moral reasons. We argue that the (...)
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  22. A Liberal Anti-Porn Feminism?Alex Davies - 2018 - Social Theory and Practice 44 (1):21-48.
    In the 1980s and 1990s, a series of attempts were made to put into U.S. law a civil rights ordinance that would make it possible to sue the makers and distributors of pornography for doing so (under certain conditions). One defence of such legislation has come to be called "the free speech argument against pornography." Philosophers Rae Langton, Jennifer Hornsby and Caroline West have supposed that this defence of the legislation can function as a liberal defence of the legislation: in (...)
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  23. Coercion: The Wrong and the Bad.Michael Garnett - 2018 - Ethics 128 (3):545-573.
    The idea of coercion is one that has played, and continues to play, at least two importantly distinct moral-theoretic roles in our thinking. One, which has been the focus of a number of recent influential treatments, is a primarily deontic role in which claims of coercion serve to indicate relatively weighty prima facie wrongs and excuses. The other, by contrast, is a primarily axiological or eudaimonic role in which claims of coercion serve to pick out instances of some distinctive kind (...)
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  24. Confucianism, Perfectionism, and Liberal Society.Franz Mang - 2018 - Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 17 (1):29-49.
    Confucian scholars should satisfy two conditions insofar as they think their theories enable Confucianism to make contributions to liberal politics and social policy. The liberal accommodation condition stipulates that the theory in question should accommodate as many reasonable conceptions of the good and religious doctrines as possible while the intelligibility condition stipulates that the theory must have a recognizable Confucian character. By and large, Joseph Chan’s Confucian perfectionism is able to satisfy the above two conditions. However, contrary to Chan and (...)
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  25. No Platforming.Robert Mark Simpson & Amia Srinivasan - 2018 - In Jennifer Lackey (ed.), Academic Freedom. Oxford University Press. pp. 186-209.
    This paper explains how the practice of ‘no platforming’ can be reconciled with a liberal politics. While opponents say that no platforming flouts ideals of open public discourse, and defenders see it as a justifiable harm-prevention measure, both sides mistakenly treat the debate like a run-of-the-mill free speech conflict, rather than an issue of academic freedom specifically. Content-based restrictions on speech in universities are ubiquitous. And this is no affront to a liberal conception of academic freedom, whose purpose isn’t just (...)
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  26. On Unjust Forms of Marriage. Comments on the Discussion on Discrimination Against Same-Sex Couples.Andrzej Waleszczyński - 2018 - Diametros 56:110-130.
    This article defends the thesis that, in light of the postulates of liberal ethics, it is not possible to put forward universal arguments in support of any form of marriage. The existing forms of marriage should be either deemed unjust or founded on specific arguments recognized within a particular political community and determining the understanding of justice in a particular society. It defends the thesis that the requirement of universality, and consequently of impartiality, is not met, since behind every form (...)
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  27. Book Review: Freedom beyond sovereignty: Reconstructing liberal individualism, by Sharon Krause. [REVIEW]Thomas Fossen - 2017 - Contemporary Political Theory 16 (3):398-401.
  28. Public Reason Can Be Reasonably Rejected.Franz Mang - 2017 - Social Theory and Practice 43 (2):343-367.
    Public reason as a political ideal aims to reconcile reasonable disagreement; however, is public reason itself the object of reasonable disagreement? Jonathan Quong, David Estlund, Andrew Lister, and some other philosophers maintain that public reason is beyond reasonable disagreement. I argue this view is untenable. In addition, I consider briefly whether or not two main versions of the public reason principle, namely, the consensus version and the convergence version, need to satisfy their own requirements. My discussion has several important implications (...)
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  29. Polyamory Is to Polygamy as Queer Is to Barbaric?Shelley M. Park - 2017 - Radical Philosophy Review 20 (2):297-328.
    This paper critically examines the ways in which dominant poly discourses position polyamorists among other queer and feminist-friendly practices while setting polygamists outside of those practices as the heteronormative and hyper-patriarchal antithesis to queer kinship. I begin by examining the interlocking liberal discourses of freedom, secularism and egalitarianism that frame the putative distinction between polyamory and polygamy. I then argue that the discursive antinomies of polyamory/polygamy demarcate a distinction that has greater affective resonance than logical validity—an affective resonance, moreover, that (...)
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  30. Value neutrality and the ranking of opportunity sets.Michael Garnett - 2016 - Economics and Philosophy 32 (1):99-119.
    I defend the idea that a liberal commitment to value neutrality is best honoured by maintaining a pure cardinality component in our rankings of opportunity or liberty sets. I consider two challenges to this idea. The first holds that cardinality rankings are unnecessary for neutrality, because what is valuable about a set of liberties from a liberal point of view is not its size but rather its variety. The second holds that pure cardinality metrics are insufficient for neutrality, because liberties (...)
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  31. Freedom as Independence.Christian List & Laura Valentini - 2016 - Ethics 126 (4):1043–1074.
    Much recent philosophical work on social freedom focuses on whether freedom should be understood as non-interference, in the liberal tradition associated with Isaiah Berlin, or as non-domination, in the republican tradition revived by Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner. We defend a conception of freedom that lies between these two alternatives: freedom as independence. Like republican freedom, it demands the robust absence of relevant constraints on action. Unlike republican, and like liberal freedom, it is not moralized. We show that freedom as (...)
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  32. La démocratie en entreprise et propriété financière.Gabriel Monette - 2016 - Ithaque 19:151-168.
    Cet article se veut une exploration du concept de propriété dans la pensée républicaine. Il sera question d’aborder notre réflexion avec la définition de la propriété de John Christmann, ce qui nous permettra de faire ressortir des nuances importantes dans le concept d’autonomie, notamment la nécessité, pour son existence, d’un certain contrôle. Nous verrons que le républicanisme, en insistant sur l’importance du contrôle comme élément fondamental à la liberté, offre un outil important pour le design des institutions économiques.
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  33. Indiscriminate mass surveillance and the public sphere.Titus Stahl - 2016 - Ethics and Information Technology 18 (1):33-39.
    Recent disclosures suggest that many governments apply indiscriminate mass surveillance technologies that allow them to capture and store a massive amount of communications data belonging to citizens and non-citizens alike. This article argues that traditional liberal critiques of government surveillance that center on an individual right to privacy cannot completely capture the harm that is caused by such surveillance because they ignore its distinctive political dimension. As a complement to standard liberal approaches to privacy, the article develops a critique of (...)
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  34. Social Cooperation and Basic Economic Rights: A Rawlsian Route to Social Democracy.Jeppe von Platz - 2016 - Journal of Social Philosophy 47 (3):288-308.
    The central idea of Rawls’s theory of justice is the idea of democratic society as a fair system of cooperation between free and equal citizens. The moral powers of democratic citizens are the capacities presupposed by this idea. Rawls identifies two such powers, the capacity for a conception of the good and the capacity for a sense of justice. I argue that the idea of democratic citizenship presupposes also a third moral power: the capacity for working. Since the basic rights (...)
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  35. Contemporary Liberalism and Toleration.Andrew Jason Cohen - 2015 - In Philip Cook (ed.), Liberalism, Contractarianism, and the Problem of Exclusion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 189-211.
    Liberalism, historically, is closely associated with increased toleration, so it is unsurprising that a variety of contemporary authors (Hampton, Kukathas, Barry, Ten) consider toleration to be “the substantive heart of liberalism” (Hampton 1989, 802). The precise role of toleration in liberalism, though, is unclear; different liberals have different views. In this essay, I will discuss three sorts of liberal theories and indicate how they approach questions of toleration, arguing that one of them supports toleration of more sorts of activities (including (...)
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  36. A Critique of Michael Huemer’s 'The Problem of Political Authority'.Danny Frederick - 2015 - Reason Papers 37 (2):178-97.
    How could a state have the moral authority to promulgate and enforce laws that citizens are thereby obliged to obey? That is the problem of political authority. The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority contends that great social benefits depend upon there being a state with political authority. In his book, The Problem of Political Authority, Michael Huemer considers different types of explanation of political authority and he rejects them all. I show that the objections he raises to consequentialist accounts are (...)
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  37. Lob der Untätigkeit.Michael Huemer - 2015 - In Thomas Leske (ed.), Wider Die Anmaßung der Politik: Über Das Unrecht der Drogen-, Einwanderungs- Und Waffengesetze Und Die Tugend der Politikverdrossenheit. Thomas Leske. pp. 11–44.
    Den Beteiligten des Politikbetriebs einschließlich Wählern, Aktivisten und Spitzenpolitikern fehlt häufig der grundlegende Sachverstand für die jeweiligen politischen Entscheidungen. Selbst Experten verstehen gesellschaftliche Mechanismen kaum und können deren Auswirkung kaum vorhersagen. Nur auf einfachste und unstrittige politische Behauptungen ist Verlass. Teilweise rührt das daher, dass politisches Wissen schwer zu erlangen ist, und teilweise daher, dass der Einzelne keinen ausreichenden Ansporn hat, es zu erlangen. Demzufolge besteht der beste Ratschlag an die politischen Akteure sehr häufig schlicht darin, gesellschaftliche Probleme nicht anzugehen, (...)
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  38. Mill’s Progressive PrinciplesDAVID O. BRINK Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013; xix + 307 pp.; £35.00. [REVIEW]Corrado Morricone - 2014 - Dialogue 53 (2):349-350.
  39. (1 other version)Global Labor Justice and the Limits of Economic Analysis in advance.Joshua Preiss - 2014 - Business Ethics Quarterly 24 (1):55-83.
    ABSTRACT:This article considers the economic case for so-called sweatshop wages and working conditions. My goal is not to defend or reject the economic case for sweatshops. Instead, proceeding from a broadly pluralist understanding of value, I make and defend a number of claims concerning the ethical relevance of economic analysis for values that different agents utilize to evaluate sweatshops. My arguments give special attention to a series of recent articles by Benjamin Powell and Matt Zwolinski, which represent the latest and (...)
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  40. Milton Friedman, Amartya Sen, and Left and Right in American Politics.Joshua Preiss - 2013 - In Left and Right: The Great Dichotomy Revisited. pp. 364-376.
    Milton Friedman and Amartya Sen have a lot in common. Both are Nobel Prize-winning economists who venture beyond the more technical questions of positive economics to demonstrate the relevance of their expertise to philosophy and public policy. Their social and political philosophy, including normative theorizing from their work and the work of other economists, comprises arguably the most influential part of their corpus. Like most Americans, both Friedman and Sen are liberals, in the sense that they argue that social arrangements (...)
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  41. Abortion, Libertarianism, and Evictionism: A Last Word.Jakub Wiśniewski - 2013 - Libertarian Papers 5:153-162.
    This paper is my last word, in the present journal, in the debate I have been having with Walter Block on the subject of evictionism as an alleged libertarian “third way,” capable of transcending the familiar “pro-life” and “pro-choice” dichotomy. In this debate, I myself defended what might be regarded as a qualified “pro-life” position, while Block consistently argued that the mother is morally allowed to expel the fetus from her womb provided that no non-lethal methods of its eviction are (...)
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  42. The Economics of Freedom: Theory, Measurement, and Policy Implications.Sebastiano Bavetta & Pietro Navarra - 2012 - Cambridge University Press.
    What is freedom? Can we measure it? Does it affect policy? This book develops an original measure of freedom called 'Autonomy Freedom', consistent with J. S. Mill's view of autonomy, and applies it to issues in policy and political design. The work pursues three aims. First, it extends classical liberalism beyond exclusive reliance on negative freedom so as to take autonomous behavior explicitly into account. Second, it grounds on firm conceptual foundations a new standard in the measurement of freedom that (...)
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  43. L’umanesimo di Bernard Williams tra filosofia morale e filosofia politica.Lorenzo Greco - 2012 - Ragion Pratica: Rivista semestrale 39:543-61.
  44. Vertrag und Vertrauen: Lockes Legitimation von Herrschaft.Michaela Rehm - 2012 - In Michaela Rehm & Bernd Ludwig (eds.), John Locke, „Zwei Abhandlungen über die Regierung“. Akademie Verlag. pp. 95-114.
    The paper discusses the foundation and genesis of the political society according to Locke, elaborating why the relationship between the civil society and the government is not defined in contractual terms, but by the notion of “trust”. Rehm argues against the view that Locke supports a liberal proceduralism, stressing that consent for him is indeed the necessary, but not the sufficient condition of legitimate political power: what needs to be added is action in accordance with the law of nature.
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  45. A Feminist, Kantian Conception of the Right to Bodily Integrity: the Cases of Abortion and Homosexuality.Helga Varden - 2012 - In Anita M. Superson & Sharon L. Crasnow (eds.), Out from the Shadows: Analytical Feminist Contributions to Traditional Philosophy. New York, US: Oxford University Press.
    Pregnant women and persons engaging in homosexual practices compose two groups that have been and still are amongst those most severely subjected to coercive restrictions regarding their own bodies. From an historical point of view, it is a recent and rare phenomenon that a woman’s right to abortion and a person’s right to engage in homosexual interactions are recognized. Although most Western liberal states currently do recognize these rights, they are under continuous assault from various political and religious movements. Moreover, (...)
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  46. A Kantian Critique of the Care Tradition: Family Law and Systemic Justice.Helga Varden - 2012 - Kantian Review 17 (2):327-356.
    Liberal theories of justice have been rightly criticized for two things by care theorists. First, they have failed to deal with private care relations’ inherent (inter)dependency, asymmetry and particularity. Second, they have been shown unable properly to address the asymmetry and dependency constitutive of care workers’ and care-receivers’ systemic conditions. I apply Kant’s theory of right to show that current care theories unfortunately reproduce similar problems because they also argue on the assumption that good care requires only virtuous private individuals. (...)
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  47. Individual liberty in public health – no trumping value.Kalle Grill - 2011 - In Sirpa Soini (ed.), Public Health – ethical issues.
    Public health policy often limits people’s liberty for their own good. The very point of many types of public health measures is to restrict people’s options in order to stop them from doing unhealthy things, for example use harmful recreational drugs or drive without a seatbelt. While such restrictive public health policies enjoy widespread support, so does the traditional liberal idea that liberty (or autonomy) is a higher value, to be given priority in most, if not all, circumstances. In this (...)
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  48. Seperation of Church and State.Lawrence Torcello - 2011 - In Deen Chatterjee (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Global Justice Vol. 2. pp. 995-999.
  49. Liberal Citizenship: Medieval Cities as Model and Metaphor.Loren King - 2010 - Space and Polity 14 (2):123-142.
    In a recent article in Space & Polity, Nezar AlSayyad and Ananya Roy draw suggestive analogies between medieval urban forms and troubling contemporary realities, such as gated urban enclaves and impoverished squatter settlements. Invoking the medieval city as an analytical device, they show how several prevalent urban practices of citizenship are in tension with, and sometimes flatly contradict, liberal complacencies and democratic hopes. However, this article suggests that there is another story to be told, using some of the medieval cities (...)
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  50. (1 other version)¿Cabe enseñar a ser libres? Para repensar la polémica en torno a la Educación para la Ciudadanía.Miguel Ángel Quintana Paz - 2010 - In Miguel Angel Quintana Paz & Manuel Hernández Iglesias (eds.), Acerca de la educación en España. Reflexiones y propuestas. Madrid: Fundación Progreso y Democracia. pp. 139-167.
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