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  1. Milton Friedman on Freedom and the Negative Income Tax.Joshua Preiss - forthcoming - Basic Income Studies 10.
    In addition to his Noble Prize-winning work in economics, Milton Friedman produced some of the most influential philosophical work on the role of government in a free society. Despite his great influence, there remains a dearth of scholarship on Friedman’s social and political philosophy. This paper helps to fill this large void by providing a conceptual analysis of Friedman’s theory of freedom. In addition, I argue that a careful reading of his arguments for freedom ought to lead Friedman, and like-minded (...)
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  2. Reading Rawls Rightly: A Theory of Justice at 50.Robert S. Taylor - forthcoming - Polity.
    A half-century of Rawls interpreters have overemphasized economic equality in A Theory of Justice, slighting liberty—the central value of liberalism—in the process. From luck-egalitarian readings of Rawls to more recent claims that Rawls was a “reticent socialist,” these interpretations have obscured Rawls’s identity as a philosopher of freedom. They have also obscured the perhaps surprising fact that Rawlsian liberties (basic and non-basic) restrain and even undermine that same economic equality. As I will show in this article, such undermining occurs in (...)
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  3. Nachdenken über Corona.Romy Jaster & Geert Keil (eds.) - 2021 - Stuttgart: Reclam.
    Die Covid-19-Pandemie und der Umgang mit ihr sind eine immense Herausforderung, nicht zuletzt für das philosophische Denken. Unter dem Brennglas der Coronakrise stellen sich viele Fragen schärfer und dringlicher als zuvor: etwa über die Berechtigung von Freiheitseinschränkungen, Vertrauen als politische Kategorie, die Schutzpflichten des Staates, Freiwilligkeit und Zwang, den gerechten Umgang mit Versorgungsengpässen in der Medizin oder über verantwortungsvolle Krisenkommunikation. Die Gesellschaft für Analytische Philosophie (GAP) hat einen Essay-Wettbewerb ausgerufen: »Nachdenken über Corona«. Dieser Band versammelt die Texte der drei Preisträger (...)
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  4. The Virtues of Economic Rescue Legislation: Distributive Justice, Civil Law, and the Troubled Asset Relief Program.Henry S. Kuo - 2021 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 8 (1):aop.
    This study constitutes an ethical analysis through the lens of distributive justice in the case of the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), which was enacted in the midst of the Great Recession of 2007–2009. It begins by engaging with the visions of justice constructed by John Rawls and Robert Nozick, using their insights to locate the injustices of TARP according to their moral imaginations. However, this study argues that Rawls’ and Nozick’s theories of justice primarily envision the nature of law (...)
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  5. A Paradox for the Intrinsic Value of Freedom of Choice.Johan E. Gustafsson - 2020 - Noûs 54 (4):891-913.
    A standard liberal claim is that freedom of choice is not only instrumentally valuable but also intrinsically valuable, that is, valuable for its own sake. I argue that each one of five conditions is plausible if freedom of choice is intrinsically valuable. Yet there exists a counter-example to the conjunction of these conditions. Hence freedom of choice is not intrinsically valuable.
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  6. Freedom From Reality: The Diabolical Character of Modern Liberty. By D. C. Schindler. Pp. Ix, 486, Notre Dame, IN, University of Notre Dame Press, 2017, $55.00. [REVIEW]Patrick Madigan - 2020 - Heythrop Journal 61 (1):167-167.
  7. Political Meritocracy and its Betrayal.Franz Mang - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46 (9).
    Some Confucian scholars have recently claimed that Confucian political meritocracy is superior to Western democracy. I have great reservations about such a view. In this article, I argue that so lo...
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  8. Hayek Versus Trump: The Radical Right’s Road to Serfdom.Aris Trantidis & Nick Cowen - 2020 - Polity 52 (2):159-188.
    Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom has been interpreted as a general warning against state intervention in the economy.1 We review this argument in conjunction with Hayek’s later work and discern an institutional thesis about which forms of state intervention and economic institutions could threaten personal and political freedom. Economic institutions pose a threat if they allow for coercive interventions, as described by Hayek in The Constitution of Liberty: by giving someone the power to force others to serve one’s will by (...)
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  9. Wittgenstein and the Social Sciences: Action, Ideology and Justice.Robert Vinten - 2020 - London, UK: Anthem Press.
    Vinten looks at the relationship between Wittgenstein’s philosophy and the social sciences as well as at the ideological implications of Wittgenstein’s philosophy and applications of Wittgenstein’s philosophy to problems in social science. He examines and assesses the work of thinkers like Richard Rorty, Perry Anderson, and Chantal Mouffe. -/- “Robert Vinten has produced an impressively meticulous and wide-ranging discussion of how Wittgenstein’s mature philosophy can revitalize the social sciences. There is insight and scholarship on every page. This important book will (...)
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  10. Identity Politics, Irrationalism, and Totalitarianism: Karl Popper and the Contemporary Malaise.Danny Frederick - 2019 - Cosmos + Taxis 6 (6-7):31-32.
    Introduction to my three essays on the relevance of Karl Popper to contemporary social, political and philosophical problems.
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  11. Why Public Reason Could Not Be Too Modest: The Case of Public Reason Confucianism.Franz Mang - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (2):163-176.
  12. The Neorepublican Challenge to Egalitarian-Liberalism: Evaluating Justifications of Redistributive Institutions.Jürgen Sirsch & Doris Unger - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-24.
    Neorepublicans like Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett claim that neorepublicanism provides a superior normative research program compared to egalitarian-liberalism. Particularly, they argue that neorepublicanism offers a better justification of redistributive policies, which are normally associated with egalitarian-liberalism. According to Lovett and Pettit, the neorepublican justification is superior because it rests on parsimonious theoretical assumptions and is more suitable to persuade people of redistributive institutions. We contest these claims on the grounds of methodological and substantive moral reasons. We argue that the (...)
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  13. A Liberal Anti-Porn Feminism?Alex Davies - 2018 - Social Theory and Practice 44 (1):21-48.
    In the 1980s and 1990s, a series of attempts were made to put into U.S. law a civil rights ordinance that would make it possible to sue the makers and distributors of pornography for doing so (under certain conditions). One defence of such legislation has come to be called "the free speech argument against pornography." Philosophers Rae Langton, Jennifer Hornsby and Caroline West have supposed that this defence of the legislation can function as a liberal defence of the legislation: in (...)
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  14. Confucianism, Perfectionism, and Liberal Society.Franz Mang - 2018 - Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 17 (1):29-49.
    Confucian scholars should satisfy two conditions insofar as they think their theories enable Confucianism to make contributions to liberal politics and social policy. The liberal accommodation condition stipulates that the theory in question should accommodate as many reasonable conceptions of the good and religious doctrines as possible while the intelligibility condition stipulates that the theory must have a recognizable Confucian character. By and large, Joseph Chan’s Confucian perfectionism is able to satisfy the above two conditions. However, contrary to Chan and (...)
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  15. No Platforming.Robert Mark Simpson & Amia Srinivasan - 2018 - In Jennifer Lackey (ed.), Academic Freedom. Oxford, UK: pp. 186-209.
    This paper explains how the practice of ‘no platforming’ can be reconciled with a liberal politics. While opponents say that no platforming flouts ideals of open public discourse, and defenders see it as a justifiable harm-prevention measure, both sides mistakenly treat the debate like a run-of-the-mill free speech conflict, rather than an issue of academic freedom specifically. Content-based restrictions on speech in universities are ubiquitous. And this is no affront to a liberal conception of academic freedom, whose purpose isn’t just (...)
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  16. On Unjust Forms of Marriage. Comments on the Discussion on Discrimination Against Same-Sex Couples.Andrzej Waleszczyński - 2018 - Diametros 56:110-130.
    This article defends the thesis that, in light of the postulates of liberal ethics, it is not possible to put forward universal arguments in support of any form of marriage. The existing forms of marriage should be either deemed unjust or founded on specific arguments recognized within a particular political community and determining the understanding of justice in a particular society. It defends the thesis that the requirement of universality, and consequently of impartiality, is not met, since behind every form (...)
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  17. “Total and Radical Liberation”: The Religious and Philosophical Background of Volodymyr Vynnychenko’s Revolutionary Ideas.Roman Bilyashevych - 2017 - Kyiv-Mohyla Humanities Journal 4:29-43.
    The article explores the religious and philosophical origins of Volodymyr Vynnychenko’s ideas of “honesty with oneself,” “omnilateral liberation,” and “concordism.” Two treatises, Vidrodzhennia natsii (Rebirth of a Nation, 1919–1920) and Konkordyzm. Systema buduvannia shchastia (Concordism. A System of Building Happiness, 1938–1945), illustrate the development of Vynnychenko’s worldview. In the first work, social revolution was considered as the answer to human problems, while, in the second, such a solution was found in becoming one with the universe. Despite his negative attitude towards (...)
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  18. Book Review: Freedom Beyond Sovereignty: Reconstructing Liberal Individualism, by Sharon Krause. [REVIEW]Thomas Fossen - 2017 - Contemporary Political Theory 16 (3):398-401.
  19. Public Reason Can Be Reasonably Rejected.Franz Mang - 2017 - Social Theory and Practice 43 (2):343-367.
    Public reason as a political ideal aims to reconcile reasonable disagreement; however, is public reason itself the object of reasonable disagreement? Jonathan Quong, David Estlund, Andrew Lister, and some other philosophers maintain that public reason is beyond reasonable disagreement. I argue this view is untenable. In addition, I consider briefly whether or not two main versions of the public reason principle, namely, the consensus version and the convergence version, need to satisfy their own requirements. My discussion has several important implications (...)
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  20. Polyamory Is to Polygamy as Queer Is to Barbaric?Shelley M. Park - 2017 - Radical Philosophy Review 20 (2):297-328.
    This paper critically examines the ways in which dominant poly discourses position polyamorists among other queer and feminist-friendly practices while setting polygamists outside of those practices as the heteronormative and hyper-patriarchal antithesis to queer kinship. I begin by examining the interlocking liberal discourses of freedom, secularism and egalitarianism that frame the putative distinction between polyamory and polygamy. I then argue that the discursive antinomies of polyamory/polygamy demarcate a distinction that has greater affective resonance than logical validity—an affective resonance, moreover, that (...)
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  21. Value Neutrality and the Ranking of Opportunity Sets.Michael Garnett - 2016 - Economics and Philosophy 32 (1):99-119.
    I defend the idea that a liberal commitment to value neutrality is best honoured by maintaining a pure cardinality component in our rankings of opportunity or liberty sets. I consider two challenges to this idea. The first holds that cardinality rankings are unnecessary for neutrality, because what is valuable about a set of liberties from a liberal point of view is not its size but rather its variety. The second holds that pure cardinality metrics are insufficient for neutrality, because liberties (...)
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  22. Freedom as Independence.Christian List & Laura Valentini - 2016 - Ethics 126 (4):1043–1074.
    Much recent philosophical work on social freedom focuses on whether freedom should be understood as non-interference, in the liberal tradition associated with Isaiah Berlin, or as non-domination, in the republican tradition revived by Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner. We defend a conception of freedom that lies between these two alternatives: freedom as independence. Like republican freedom, it demands the robust absence of relevant constraints on action. Unlike republican, and like liberal freedom, it is not moralized. We show that freedom as (...)
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  23. La démocratie en entreprise et propriété financière.Gabriel Monette - 2016 - Ithaque 19:151-168.
    Cet article se veut une exploration du concept de propriété dans la pensée républicaine. Il sera question d’aborder notre réflexion avec la définition de la propriété de John Christmann, ce qui nous permettra de faire ressortir des nuances importantes dans le concept d’autonomie, notamment la nécessité, pour son existence, d’un certain contrôle. Nous verrons que le républicanisme, en insistant sur l’importance du contrôle comme élément fondamental à la liberté, offre un outil important pour le design des institutions économiques.
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  24. Indiscriminate Mass Surveillance and the Public Sphere.Titus Stahl - 2016 - Ethics and Information Technology 18 (1):33-39.
    Recent disclosures suggest that many governments apply indiscriminate mass surveillance technologies that allow them to capture and store a massive amount of communications data belonging to citizens and non-citizens alike. This article argues that traditional liberal critiques of government surveillance that center on an individual right to privacy cannot completely capture the harm that is caused by such surveillance because they ignore its distinctive political dimension. As a complement to standard liberal approaches to privacy, the article develops a critique of (...)
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  25. Social Cooperation and Basic Economic Rights: A Rawlsian Route to Social Democracy.Jeppe von Platz - 2016 - Journal of Social Philosophy 47 (3):288-308.
    The central idea of Rawls’s theory of justice is the idea of democratic society as a fair system of cooperation between free and equal citizens. The moral powers of democratic citizens are the capacities presupposed by this idea. Rawls identifies two such powers, the capacity for a conception of the good and the capacity for a sense of justice. I argue that the idea of democratic citizenship presupposes also a third moral power: the capacity for working. Since the basic rights (...)
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  26. Contemporary Liberalism and Toleration.Andrew Jason Cohen - 2015 - In Steven Wall (ed.), Cambridge Companion to Liberalism. Cambridge: pp. 189-211.
    Liberalism, historically, is closely associated with increased toleration, so it is unsurprising that a variety of contemporary authors (Hampton, Kukathas, Barry, Ten) consider toleration to be “the substantive heart of liberalism” (Hampton 1989, 802). The precise role of toleration in liberalism, though, is unclear; different liberals have different views. In this essay, I will discuss three sorts of liberal theories and indicate how they approach questions of toleration, arguing that one of them supports toleration of more sorts of activities (including (...)
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  27. A Critique of Michael Huemer’s 'The Problem of Political Authority'.Danny Frederick - 2015 - Reason Papers 37 (2):178-97.
    How could a state have the moral authority to promulgate and enforce laws that citizens are thereby obliged to obey? That is the problem of political authority. The Consequentialist Explanation of Political Authority contends that great social benefits depend upon there being a state with political authority. In his book, The Problem of Political Authority, Michael Huemer considers different types of explanation of political authority and he rejects them all. I show that the objections he raises to consequentialist accounts are (...)
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  28. Lob der Untätigkeit.Michael Huemer - 2015 - In Thomas Leske (ed.), Wider die Anmaßung der Politik. Gäufelden, Germany: Thomas Leske. pp. 11–44.
    Den Beteiligten des Politikbetriebs einschließlich Wählern, Aktivisten und Spitzenpolitikern fehlt häufig der grundlegende Sachverstand für die jeweiligen politischen Entscheidungen. Selbst Experten verstehen gesellschaftliche Mechanismen kaum und können deren Auswirkung kaum vorhersagen. Nur auf einfachste und unstrittige politische Behauptungen ist Verlass. Teilweise rührt das daher, dass politisches Wissen schwer zu erlangen ist, und teilweise daher, dass der Einzelne keinen ausreichenden Ansporn hat, es zu erlangen. Demzufolge besteht der beste Ratschlag an die politischen Akteure sehr häufig schlicht darin, gesellschaftliche Probleme nicht anzugehen, (...)
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  29. Mill’s Progressive Principles Brink David O. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013; XIX + 307 Pp.; £35.00. [REVIEW]Corrado Morricone - 2014 - Dialogue 53 (2):349-350.
  30. Global Labor Justice and the Limits of Economic Analysis in Advance.Joshua Preiss - 2014 - Business Ethics Quarterly 24 (1):55-83.
    ABSTRACT:This article considers the economic case for so-called sweatshop wages and working conditions. My goal is not to defend or reject the economic case for sweatshops. Instead, proceeding from a broadly pluralist understanding of value, I make and defend a number of claims concerning the ethical relevance of economic analysis for values that different agents utilize to evaluate sweatshops. My arguments give special attention to a series of recent articles by Benjamin Powell and Matt Zwolinski, which represent the latest and (...)
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  31. Milton Friedman, Amartya Sen, and Left and Right in American Politics.Joshua Preiss - 2013 - In Left and Right: The Great Dichotomy Revisited. pp. 364-376.
    Milton Friedman and Amartya Sen have a lot in common. Both are Nobel Prize-winning economists who venture beyond the more technical questions of positive economics to demonstrate the relevance of their expertise to philosophy and public policy. Their social and political philosophy, including normative theorizing from their work and the work of other economists, comprises arguably the most influential part of their corpus. Like most Americans, both Friedman and Sen are liberals, in the sense that they argue that social arrangements (...)
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  32. Abortion, Libertarianism, and Evictionism: A Last Word.Jakub Wiśniewski - 2013 - Libertarian Papers 5:153-162.
    This paper is my last word, in the present journal, in the debate I have been having with Walter Block on the subject of evictionism as an alleged libertarian “third way,” capable of transcending the familiar “pro-life” and “pro-choice” dichotomy. In this debate, I myself defended what might be regarded as a qualified “pro-life” position, while Block consistently argued that the mother is morally allowed to expel the fetus from her womb provided that no non-lethal methods of its eviction are (...)
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  33. The Economics of Freedom: Theory, Measurement, and Policy Implications.Sebastiano Bavetta & Pietro Navarra - 2012 - Cambridge University Press.
    What is freedom? Can we measure it? Does it affect policy? This book develops an original measure of freedom called 'Autonomy Freedom', consistent with J. S. Mill's view of autonomy, and applies it to issues in policy and political design. The work pursues three aims. First, it extends classical liberalism beyond exclusive reliance on negative freedom so as to take autonomous behavior explicitly into account. Second, it grounds on firm conceptual foundations a new standard in the measurement of freedom that (...)
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  34. L’umanesimo di Bernard Williams tra filosofia morale e filosofia politica.Lorenzo Greco - 2012 - Ragion Pratica: Rivista semestrale 39:543-61.
  35. Vertrag und Vertrauen: Lockes Legitimation von Herrschaft.Michaela Rehm - 2012 - In Michaela Rehm & Bernd Ludwig (eds.), John Locke: „Zwei Abhandlungen über die Regierung“. Akademie Verlag. pp. 95-114.
    The paper discusses the foundation and genesis of the political society according to Locke, elaborating why the relationship between the civil society and the government is not defined in contractual terms, but by the notion of “trust”. Rehm argues against the view that Locke supports a liberal proceduralism, stressing that consent for him is indeed the necessary, but not the sufficient condition of legitimate political power: what needs to be added is action in accordance with the law of nature.
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  36. A Kantian Critique Of The Care Tradition: Family Law And Systemic Justice.Helga Varden - 2012 - Kantian Review 17 (2):327-356.
    Liberal theories of justice have been rightly criticized for two things by care theorists. First, they have failed to deal with private care relations’ inherent dependency, asymmetry and particularity. Second, they have been shown unable properly to address the asymmetry and dependency constitutive of care workers’ and care-receivers’ systemic conditions. I apply Kant’s theory of right to show that current care theories unfortunately reproduce similar problems because they also argue on the assumption that good care requires only virtuous private individuals. (...)
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  37. A Feminist, Kantian Conception of the Right to Bodily Integrity: The Cases of Abortion and Homosexuality.Helga Varden - 2012 - In Sharon Crasnow & Anita Superson (eds.), Out of the Shadows: Analytical Feminist Contributions to Traditional Philosophy. Oxford University Press.
    Pregnant women and persons engaging in homosexual practices compose two groups that have been and still are amongst those most severely subjected to coercive restrictions regarding their own bodies. From an historical point of view, it is a recent and rare phenomenon that a woman’s right to abortion and a person’s right to engage in homosexual interactions are recognized. Although most Western liberal states currently do recognize these rights, they are under continuous assault from various political and religious movements. Moreover, (...)
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  38. Individual Liberty in Public Health – No Trumping Value.Kalle Grill - 2011 - In Sirpa Soini (ed.), Public Health – ethical issues.
    Public health policy often limits people’s liberty for their own good. The very point of many types of public health measures is to restrict people’s options in order to stop them from doing unhealthy things, for example use harmful recreational drugs or drive without a seatbelt. While such restrictive public health policies enjoy widespread support, so does the traditional liberal idea that liberty (or autonomy) is a higher value, to be given priority in most, if not all, circumstances. In this (...)
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  39. Seperation of Church and State.Lawrence Torcello - 2011 - In Deen Chatterjee (ed.), Encyclopedia of Global Justice Vol. 2. Springer. pp. 995-999.
  40. Liberal Citizenship: Medieval Cities as Model and Metaphor.Loren King - 2010 - Space and Polity 14 (2):123-142.
    In a recent article in Space & Polity, Nezar AlSayyad and Ananya Roy draw suggestive analogies between medieval urban forms and troubling contemporary realities, such as gated urban enclaves and impoverished squatter settlements. Invoking the medieval city as an analytical device, they show how several prevalent urban practices of citizenship are in tension with, and sometimes flatly contradict, liberal complacencies and democratic hopes. However, this article suggests that there is another story to be told, using some of the medieval cities (...)
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  41. ¿Cabe enseñar a ser libres? Para repensar la polémica en torno a la Educación para la Ciudadanía.Miguel Ángel Quintana Paz - 2010 - In Manuel Hernandez Iglesias & Miguel Ángel Quintana Paz (eds.), Acerca de la educación en España. Reflexiones y propuestas. Madrid: Fundación Progreso y Democracia. pp. 139-167.
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  42. A Kantian Conception of Free Speech.Helga Varden - 2010 - In Deidre Golash (ed.), Free Speech in a Diverse World. Springer.
    In this paper I provide an interpretation of Kant’s conception of free speech. Free speech is understood as the kind of speech that is constitutive of interaction respectful of everybody’s right to freedom, and it requires what we with John Rawls may call ‘public reason’. Public reason so understood refers to how the public authority must reason in order to properly specify the political relation between citizens. My main aim is to give us some reasons for taking a renewed interest (...)
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  43. Liberalism and Prostitution.Peter de Marneffe - 2009 - Oup Usa.
    Civil libertarians characterize prostitution as a "victimless crime," and argue that it ought to be legalized. Feminist critics counter that prostitution is not victimless, since it harms the people who do it. Civil libertarians respond that most women freely choose to do this work, and that it is paternalistic for the government to limit a person's liberty for her own good. In this book Peter de Marneffe argues that although most prostitution is voluntary, paternalistic prostitution laws in some form are (...)
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  44. Children as Projects and Persons: A Liberal Antinomy.Robert S. Taylor - 2009 - Social Theory and Practice 35 (4):555-576.
    A liberal antinomy of parenting exists: strong liberal intuitions militate in favor of both denying special resources to parenting projects (on grounds of project-neutrality) and granting them (on grounds of respect for personhood). I show that we can reconcile these two claims by rejecting a premise common to both--viz. that liberalism is necessarily committed to extensive procreative liberties--and limiting procreation and subsequent parenting to adults who meet certain psychological and especially financial criteria. I also defend this argument, which provides a (...)
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  45. Sobre la tolerancia (hermenéutica y liberal).Miguel Ángel Quintana Paz - 2008 - In Joaquín Esteban Ortega (ed.), Hermenéutica analógica en España. Valladolid: Universidad Europea Miguel de Cervantes. pp. 123-146.
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  46. After the Open Society: Selected Social and Political Writings.Karl Popper, Jeremy Shearmur & Piers Norris Turner - 2008 - Routledge.
    In this long-awaited volume, Jeremy Shearmur and Piers Norris Turner bring to light Popper's most important unpublished and uncollected writings from the time of The Open Society until his death in 1994. After The Open Society: Selected Social and Political Writings reveals the development of Popper's political and philosophical thought during and after the Second World War, from his early socialism through to the radical humanitarianism of The Open Society. The papers in this collection, many of which are available here (...)
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  47. J.S. Mill Revisited: Biographical and Political Explorations.Bruce L. Kinzer - 2007 - Palgrave-Macmillan.
    Bruce Kinzer offers a rich examination of personal and political themes in the life of the most influential liberal thinker of the nineteenth century. He investigates young Mill’s formative period and his relations with his father, Harriet Taylor, and Thomas Carlyle. He explore issues that bear upon our understanding of Mill as an engaged political thinker and actor. Kinzer offers a complex portrait of Mill's life and politics.
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  48. Liberty After Liberalism: Civic Republicanism in a Global Age.Lawrence Quill - 2006 - Palgrave-Macmillan.
    Liberty after Liberalism frees the concept of the active citizen from both the territorial confines of the nation-state and the limits imposed by republican, city-state models. Lawrence Quill advances a theory of global republicanism, one that is able to respond directly to the changing realities of political life. By adopting a "publicly ironic" approach to politics, Quill revives the idea of public freedom within a global context thereby providing an important supplement to contemporary theories of cosmopolitan democracy.
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  49. Hrestomatija liberalnih ideja u Hrvatskoj. [REVIEW]Tvrtko Jolić - 2005 - Prolegomena 4 (2):249-251.
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  50. Utilitarian Topographies of the Public.Chad Kautzer - 2005 - In Gary Backhaus (ed.), Lived Topographies. Lexington Books. pp. 163-82.
1 — 50 / 63