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  1. The Role of Consent in Locke’s Theory of State.Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2020 - Historical Inquiry, Journal of National Taiwan University 66:201-236.
    John Locke’s theory of state is heavily constructed around his doctrine of consent. The doctrine indeed signifies a critical moment in the development of liberal and democratic theories in the history of political thought. Nevertheless, the doctrine has provoked various controversies and raises doubts on whether Locke’s early and later positions are reconcilable. This paper joins the scholarly debate through investigating the role of consent in Locke’s theory of state. It rejects the ahistorical readings of the doctrine that deliberation and (...)
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  2. John Locke E o Direito de Resistência.Flávio Gabriel Capinzaiki Ottonicar - 2019 - Investigação Filosófica 10 (1):75.
    Na sua principal obra política, os _Dois Tratados Sobre o Governo_, Locke defende o direito do indivíduo de resistir ao soberano. Entretanto, segundo Locke, o ser humano abandona o estado de natureza voluntariamente para criar o Estado político com a esperança de que o poder político amenize as inconveniências do estado de natureza. Se a criação do Estado político foi voluntária, em que circunstâncias se deve resistir às determinações do soberano? Além disso, como fundamentar o direito de resistência ao soberano (...)
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  3. Consent by Residence: A Defense.Stephen Puryear - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 1:1-18.
    The traditional view according to which we adults tacitly consent to a state’s lawful actions just by living within its borders—the residence theory—is now widely rejected by political philosophers. According to the critics, this theory fails because consent must be (i) intentional, (ii) informed, and (iii) voluntary, whereas one’s continued residence within a state is typically none of these things. Few people intend to remain within the state in which they find themselves, and few realize that by remaining they are (...)
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  4. Conciencia moral y libertad de conciencia en Locke.Manfred Svensson - 2011 - Ideas Y Valores 60 (146):141-164.
    John Locke es célebre como defensor de la libertad de conciencia, pero no ofrece una concepción robusta de la conciencia moral. Se busca realizar una exposición completa de la discusión que lleva a cabo Locke sobre ambos problemas, y se plantea la necesidad de tratarlos en conjunto para evitar la ba..
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  5. John Locke : Toward a Politics of Liberty.Michael P. Zuckert, Jesse Covington & James Thompson - 2007 - In Richard L. Velkley (ed.), Freedom and the Human Person. Catholic University of America Press.
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  6. John Locke: Champion of Modern Democracy.Graham Faiella - 2006 - Rosen Pub. Group.
    Europe and England in the seventeenth century -- John Locke : his life -- Essay concerning human understanding and other works -- Influences on Locke -- The meaning of Locke's philosophy -- The influence and importance of Locke's work and ideas.
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  7. The Name and Nature of Locke's" Defence of Non-Conformity".Timothy Stanton - 2006 - Locke Studies 6:143-72.
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  8. Philosophy’s Gaudy Dress.Linda M. G. Zerilli - 2005 - European Journal of Political Theory 4 (2):146-163.
    John Locke famously sets the arts of rhetoric at odds with the pursuit of knowledge. Drawing on the work of Ernesto Grassi, this article shows that Locke’s epistemological and political arguments are parasitic on the very tropes and figures he would exclude in any serious discourse. Accordingly, Locke’s attack on the divine right of kings and his famous argument for the social contract is read as exhibiting a rhetorical structure. This structure is crucial to Locke’s critique of heteronomy and his (...)
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  9. A Review of A. John Simmons, Justification and Legitimacy: Essays on Rights and Obligations. [REVIEW]William A. Edmundson - 2003 - Law and Philosophy 22 (2):195-216.
  10. Locke's Concept of Justice.Kiyoshi Shimokawa - 2003 - In Peter R. Anstey (ed.), The Philosophy of John Locke: New Perspectives. Routledge. pp. 61--85.
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  11. Locke on Tacit and Express Consent. Ludwig - 2000 - Locke Studies 31:147-156.
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  12. Locke on Political Authority and Conjugal Authority. Sample - 2000 - Locke Studies 31:115-146.
  13. Book Reviews : A Kind of Life Imposed on Man: Vocation and Social Order From Tyndale to Locke, by Paul Marshall. University of Toronto Press, 1996. 163 Pp. Hb. £32.50. ISBN 0-8020-0784-8. [REVIEW]J. C. D. Clark - 1998 - Studies in Christian Ethics 11 (1):99-102.
  14. Consensual Foundations and Resistance in Locke's `Second Treatise'.Rory J. Conces - 1998 - Theoria 45 (91):19-33.
  15. Citizenship, Political Obligation, and the Right-Based Social Contract.Simon Cushing - 1998 - Dissertation, University of Southern California
    The contemporary political philosopher John Rawls considers himself to be part of the social contract tradition of John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Immanuel Kant, but not of the tradition of Locke's predecessor, Thomas Hobbes. Call the Hobbesian tradition interest-based, and the Lockean tradition right-based, because it assumes that there are irreducible moral facts which the social contract can assume. The primary purpose of Locke's social contract is to justify the authority of the state over its citizens despite the fact that (...)
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  16. Poder político e liberdade.J. F. Pereira Borges - 1997 - Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 53 (1):63 - 70.
    Até que ponto o Poder Político é condição de Liberdade, e até que ponto a liberdade do cidadão contradiz o Poder Político? Dois autores entre os principais merecem especial acolhimento nas correntes políticas dos últimos séculos: John Locke e J. J. Rousseau. John Locke propôs a teoria da separação dos poderes, e a fundamentação da sociedade política no consenso da maioria. A maioria manda e é livre; a minoria obedece e é escrava. Obediência sem assentimento justificado é uma certa forma (...)
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  17. Contract, Trust, and Resistance in the Second Treatise. Conces - 1997 - Locke Studies 28:117-134.
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  18. Contract, Trust, and Resistance in the 'Second Treatise'.Rory J. Conces - 1997 - The Locke Newsletter (28):117-33.
  19. Locke on Government.Christopher Bertram - 1996 - Cogito 10 (2):161-162.
  20. By Any Means Necessary: John Locke and Malcolm X on the Right to Revolution.Jill Gordon - 1995 - Journal of Social Philosophy 26 (1):53-85.
  21. Locke, John and the Monarcomachs-Historiographical Problems with the Right to Resistance.Jf Spitz - 1995 - Rivista di Storia Della Filosofia 50 (3):557-574.
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  22. Political Obligation and the Strict Settlement.A. Reeve - 1994 - Locke Studies 25.
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  23. On the Edge of Anarchy: Locke, Consent, and the Limits of Society.Christopher W. Morris - 1993 - Ethics 106 (1):197-199.
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  24. Locke on Express and Tacit Consent.Paul Russell - 1986 - Political Theory 14 (2):291-306.
    THE SUBJECT MATTER of this essay is Locke's well-known discussion of consent in sections 116-122 of the Second Treatise of Government.' I will not be concerned to discuss the place of consent in Locke's political philosophy 2 My concerns are somewhat narrower than this. I will simply be concerned to show that in important respects several recent discussions of Locke's political philosophy have misrepresented Locke's views on the subject of express and tacit consent. At theheart of these misinterpretations lie misunderstandings (...)
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  25. A Note on Locke's Theory of Tacit Consent.John G. Bennett - 1979 - Philosophical Review 88 (2):224-234.
  26. The Liberal Politics of John Locke.Martin Seliger - 1968 - New York: Praeger.
  27. The Notion of Civil Disobedience According To Locke.Louis Arénilla & H. Kaal - 1961 - Diogenes 9 (35):109-135.
  28. Locke on Political Obligation.John Kilcullen - unknown
    Much has been written about Locke 's Second Treatise,[Note 1] but still, I believe, the book's main line of argument has been left unclear. Some concepts need more prominence---the duty to preserve mankind, the right of war, and private judgment; others need less---consent, majority rule, and property. Locke 's aim was not to show that political obligation rests upon consent: that is assumed without argument.[Note 2] What he set out to prove is that there are certain limits to political obligation (...)
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