Philosophical Anarchism

Defenses of political obligation—the pro tanto obligation to obey the law because the state commands it—often operate at or near the level of ideal theory. Critics, though, increasingly question that approach’s relevance for the imperfect states that exist. This article develops a lesser evil framework to evaluate political obligation with several advantages over more ideal approaches: (1) avoids the questionable assumption that some actual states are reasonably just, (2) recognizes that context matters for political obligation, (3) captures the complicity involved (...) in obeying the state, and (4) identifies a basis—varying intuitions on lesser evil justifications—to distinguish philosophical anarchism from conceptions of political obligation without the former collapsing into the latter. We remain agnostic on whether this framework establishes political obligation to any state but argue that it offers a compelling account of the moral dilemma of obeying the state under nonideal conditions. (shrink)

Michael Huemer and Daniel Layman’s book is brilliant. It is enjoyable, highly readable, and tightly argued. Their arguments address both theory and practice. I cannot say enough good things about it. Despite its brilliance, Huemer’s and Layman’s arguments fail. Layman’s argument fails because he fails to show that a democratic government is accountable, a government respects the side-constraint feature of rights, or there is a content-independent duty to obey a government’s commands. Huemer’s argument fails because it lacks a plausible foundation. (...) It fits best with a classic libertarian theory, but such a theory lacks foundation. It fits poorly with a consequentialist theory because of the way in which Huemer frames the issue of political authority and because Huemer does not argue that anarcho-capitalism is better than government rule. (shrink)

I show that conceptual philosophical anarchism, the claim that law cannot give reasons for action, is entailed by several popular theories about law. Reductionists about practical authority believe that all supposedly legitimate practical authority reduces to forms of theoretical authority. They tend to embrace anarchism, but some readers might not be clear why. Trigger theorists about reason-giving believe that all reason-giving merely activates pre-existing conditional reasons. Natural lawyers hold that all legal reasons are sourced in the natural law, which entails (...) that positive law cannot provide reasons for action. If you are attracted to any of these theories and still think that positive law creates new practical reasons, you might have to give up one or the other position. If anarchism is entailed by believing the normativity in law’s directives pre-dates the directive, only a few may be able to avoid it, Hans Kelsen, Mark Greenberg, and Joseph Raz being the most likely. (shrink)

Polarization often happens asymmetrically. One political actor radicalizes, and the results reverberate through the political system. This is how the deep divisions in contemporary American politics arose: the Republican Party radicalized. Republican officeholders began to use extreme legislative tactics. Republican voters became animated by contempt for their political rivals and by the defense of their own social superiority. The party as a whole launched a wide-ranging campaign of voter suppression and its members endorsed violence in the face of electoral defeat. (...) This paper is about how such asymmetric polarization affects everyone else’s obligations. My core claim is that two kinds of relationship – civic friendship and non-subordination – underpin critical democratic norms. Republican misbehavior has severed cross-partisan civic friendships. Their authoritarianism forfeits their claim to non-subordination. The former means that non-Republicans need not justify policy on public grounds. The latter undercuts Republicans’ claim to enjoy minority vetoes when out of power and it gives their rivals reason to disobey the laws that Republicans make when they are in power. More generally, when one political actor contravenes the proper norms of democratic politics, their opposition is not bound by those norms. (shrink)

Federica Montseny Mañé (1905-1994) fue una anarquista española nacida en Madrid en el seno de una reputada familia de librepensadores. Dirigente de la FAI (Federación Anarquista Ibérica) y de la CNT (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo), fue la primera mujer en encabezar un ministerio en Europa, concretamente el de Sanidad y Asistencia Social (1936-1937). Después de la Guerra Civil se exilió a Francia hasta su muerte. Su ideario se encuentra plasmado en más de 600 artículos, en una infinidad de mítines por (...) toda España y Europa, en casi cincuenta novelas breves y en sus novelas extensas (La Victoria de 1925, El hijo de Clara de 1927 y La Indomable de 1928) donde se propugnaba tanto el nacimiento de una “mujer nueva” como el de un “hombre nuevo”. Los valores de justicia social, libertad, individualismo, autogestión y solidaridad atraviesan toda su obra. (shrink)

Chris Ealham's book reveals a fascinating dialogue between a prominent individual figure (José Peirats, 1908–1989) and the anonymous masses in the history of Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, and vice versa. Peirats would hardly be known without Spanish anarcho-syndicalism, while Spanish anarcho-syndicalism would have been less relevant if José Peirats had not been included in its ranks. -/- What is remarkable is that, despite Ealham's honest confession of his sympathy for some of the working-class movements in general and for anarcho-syndicalism in particular (3), (...) his research is highly critical of both anarcho-syndicalism and Peirats's numerous personal and ideological errors and contradictions. We need not go far to find examples: in his book, Ealham makes no effort to conceal that Peirats can be described at times using adjectives such as homophobic, sexist (or rather, antifeminist), anti-intellectual, antinationalist, and anticommunist (226). Nevertheless, his negative elements paled in comparison with his achievements. -/- Peirats was born in La Vall d'Uixó (Castellón); he was a brick-maker, anarchist militant, and later a noted writer and historian. The moral influence [End Page 188] coming from his mother and maternal uncles was decisive in the young Peirats's character and training. His informal education, together with his move to Barcelona, awakened his early militancy. In spite of having to work very hard from a young age, he was lucky enough to be educated later at the Ateneo Obrero Racionalista in Sants (a neighborhood in the southern part of Barcelona). There, he started having contact with the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), joining the union when he was just fourteen years old. During Primo de Rivera's dictatorship (1927–1930) Peirats was devoted to avoiding—sometimes fighting back against—State repression of syndicalists. He also continued doing manual work while cultivating his intellectual training and techniques as a working-class writer. -/- With the coming of the Second Republic (1931), the general attitude within the CNT was that nothing revolutionary would be achieved by collaborating with professional or parliamentary politics: "radicals like Peirats gave no quarter to the new regime. After the enforced interregnum of the dictatorship, they were primed and ready for direct action" (47). Nonetheless, the CNT was not united on this issue and the disputes over ideological tactics came swiftly. At this point, Ealham pinpoints a three-fold division within the CNT: one revolutionary, one syndicalist, and another anarcho-syndicalist (55–56). The divisions and differences would become even more marked when the CNT took part in the Frente Popular with four anarchist ministers (Federica Montseny, Joan Peiró, Juan García Oliver, and Juan López Sánchez): "the anarchist leaders opted simply to ignore what remained of the old state and accept a policy of 'democratic collaboration' with the other anti-fascist forces on behalf of unity in the fight against authoritarianism" (90). Peirats vehemently opposed this strategy that placed the CNT inside a republican state, and from this time on, including during the Spanish Civil War "conferences, meetings, and plenums were organized like witch-hunts" (104). -/- After Franco's triumph, Peirats did not follow in Montseny's or Germinal Esgleas's footsteps—that is, he opted against a diplomatic passport or any special safe conduct, but joined the multitudes of Republican soldiers and civilians who escaped in their retirada (retreat) towards France (119). In fact, after going through a French internment camp, he asked himself whether the best option was to return to Franco's Spain or try his luck abroad. Without any hint of cowardice, he knew that in Spain he could only expect his death... (shrink)

This essay explores the portrayal of Catholicism in eight Spanish anarchist-themed films. The first part discusses negative representations of the Catholic religion rehearsed in these films, set as they are mainly in the context of the Spanish Civil War. Among those representations are: the political and economic purpose of the Catholic Church’s control of education in Spain; the breaking of the religious vows of poverty and chastity, and the recourse to praising the vow of obedience when under scrutiny; and the (...) breaking of the seal of the confessional. In the second part, the essay shows that those films also portray a Christianity which can be more solidary, revolutionary and attached to a different idealization of Christ, unlike the Church consisting of high-ranking members of the clergy. This second part also considers the notion of “secularization” and the extent to which anarchism has become an alternative religion in these films. The essay also reflects on the reliability of films as historical sources. (shrink)

In this essay I argue that what has been called “philosophical anarchism” in the academic literature bears little to no relationship with the historical anarchist tradition and, for this reason, ought not to be considered a genuine form of anarchism. As I will demonstrate, the classical anarchism of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is to be distinguished from other political theories in regarding all hierarchical institutions and relationships—including, but not limited to, the state—as incorrigibly dominative or oppressive and, for (...) this reason, immoral. Lastly, I argue that defenders of such institutions and relationships must take the challenge posed by classical anarchism seriously by engaging substantively with actual anarchist positions. (shrink)

Anna Ribera Carbó es investigadora titular de tiempo completo en la Dirección de Estudios Históricos del Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) desde 1992. Licenciada, Maestra y Doctora en Historia por la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Miembro del Sistema Nacional de Investigadores. Imparte clases de Historia de México e Historia de las Culturas en preparatoria desde 1987. Se ha especializado en la historia política y social mexicana de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Ha publicado artículos en revistas (...) nacionales y extranjeras, así como capítulos en libros colectivos. Editora de los apuntes personales del general Francisco J. Múgica, publicados en la colección “Memorias Mexicanas” del Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes y autora de los libros La patria ha podido ser flor. Francisco J. Múgica, una biografía política (1999) y La Casa del Obrero Mundial. Anarcosindicalismo y revolución en México (2010) publicados por el INAH. (shrink)

De origen francés y griego, el Dr. Alexandre Christoyanno-poulos creció en Bruselas aunque lleva viviendo en Reino Unido casi desde 1997. En University of Kent estudióEconomía, Relaciones Internacionales y Estudios Europeos, y por último, Ciencias Políticas y Religión. Comenzó a trabajar en University of Kent y en Canterbury Christ Church University. Desde septiembre de 2010 es profesor de Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales en la Loughborough University. Ha publicado Christian Anarchism: A Political Commentary on the Gospel (2010); en 2014 aparecerá (...) su Leo Tolstoy’s Political Thought. Y ha editado un tercero: Religious Anarchism: New Perspectives (2009).Entre sus artículos destacan: “Jesus Christ against the Westphalian Leviathans:A Christian Anarchist Critique of Our Coercive, Idolatrous and Unchristian International Order”; “Leo Tolstoy on the State: A Detailed Picture of Tolstoy’s Denunciation of State Violence and Deception”; “Turning the Other Cheek to Terrorism: Reflections on the Contemporary Significance of Leo Tolstoy’s Exegesis of the Sermon on the Mount” y “Love, Justice, and Social Eschatology.”Si deseas conocer más acerca del trabajo del Dr. Alexandre Christoyannopoulos puede visitarse su página web. (shrink)

El artículo examina la contribución de Francisco Ferrer Guardia al movimiento anarquista español, centrándose en su labor educativa y en las misiones pedagógicas que promovió. Se analiza cómo sus propuestas de una educación racionalista y secular buscaban emancipar a las clases trabajadoras y combatir el analfabetismo en España a finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX. Además, se exploran las influencias filosóficas y pedagógicas que moldearon su enfoque educativo, así como el impacto y legado de sus iniciativas en el (...) contexto del anarquismo español. (shrink)