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  1. Hume’s Dynamic Coordination and International Law.Carmen E. Pavel - 2021 - Political Theory 49 (2):215-242.
    At the heart of the tension between state autonomy and international law is the question of whether states should willingly restrict their freedom of action for the sake of international security, human rights, trade, communication, and the environment. David Hume offers surprising insights to answer this question. He argues that the same interests in cooperation arise among individuals as well as states and that their interactions should be regulated by the same principles. Drawing on his model of dynamic coordination, I (...)
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  2. Protecting Democracy by Commingling Polities: The Case for Accepting Foreign Influence and Interference in Democratic Processes.Duncan MacIntosh - 2021 - In Duncan B. Hollis & Jens David Ohlin (eds.), Defending Democracies: Combating Foreign Election Interference in a Digital Age. Oxford University Press. pp. 93-114.
    This chapter criticizes several methods of responding to the techniques foreign powers are widely acknowledged to be using to subvert U.S. elections. It suggests that countries do this when they have a legitimate stake in each other’s political deliberations, but no formal voice in them. It also suggests that if they accord each other such a voice, they will engage as co-deliberators with arguments, rather than trying to undermine each other’s deliberative processes; and that this will be salutary for all (...)
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  3. Pluralism and the Authority of Groups to Discriminate.Avigail Eisenberg - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-22.
  4. Inverted Founding: Emperor Organ Theory, Constitutionalism, and Koku-Min.Chungjae Lee & Stacey Liou - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory.
    This article presents Minobe Tatsukichi’s emperor organ theory as a novel understanding of the temporality of founding. In contrast to a conventional framework of founding which legitimizes the con...
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  5. Authority, Legitimacy, and Democracy: Narrowing the Gap Between Normativism and Realism.Alessandro Ferrara - 2020 - Constellations 27 (4):655-669.
  6. Stasis: Beyond Political Theology?Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2009 - Cultural Critique 73:125-47.
    Vardoulakis examines the concept of political theology in terms of the ancient greek term "stasis." The term "stasis" means both mobility and immobility. Vardoulakis explores these seemingly contradictory meanings generate a notion of agonistic politics that challenges perceived ideas about political theology.
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  7. Fictional Expectations and the Ontology of Power.Torsten Menge - 2020 - Philosophers' Imprint 20 (29):1-22.
    What kind of thing, as it were, is power and how does it fit into our understanding of the social world? I approach this question by exploring the pragmatic character of power ascriptions, arguing that they involve fictional expectations directed at an open future. When we take an agent to be powerful, we act as if that agent had a robust capacity to make a difference to the actions of others. While this pretense can never fully live up to a (...)
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  8. Il ruolo dell’aristocrazia naturale nell’elaborazione teorica di Edmund Burke.Giacomo Maria Arrigo - 2020 - Comunicazione Filosofica 1 (45):154-162.
    Edmund Burke’s political philosophy is generally known as the theoretical foundation of Western conservatism. In his intellectual elaboration, society is an organic complex organized in many stratified social classes. But who has the right to lead the community towards the common good? Burke’s answer to that question is: the natural aristocracy. Being the society «a clause in the great primeval contract of eternal society» – so writes Burke –, all creatures are «each in their appointed place». And the group destined (...)
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  9. The Figure of Moses: The Origins of Authority in Spinoza.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2019 - Textual Practice 33 (5):771–85.
    How baroque was Spinoza in his treatment of the prophets? I examine this question by comparing the pictorial treatments of Moses from the Netherlands to Spinoza’s treatment of Moses at the beginning of the Theological Political Treatise. I concentrate on two representations of Moses descending from mount Sinai, one by Ferdinand Bol and the other by Rembrandt. Of particular importance is the idea of hierarchy. I will argue that Spinoza takes an ambiguous position in relation to baroque, on the one (...)
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  10. The Antinomy of Frictionless Sovereignty: Inverse Relations of Authority and Authoritarianism.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2020 - Boundary 2 10.
    The article explores the distinction between authority and authoritarianism from the perspective of the concept of sovereignty.
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  11. The Grounds of Political Legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2020 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 6 (3):372-390.
    The debate over rival conceptions of political legitimacy tends to focus on first-order considerations—for example, on the relative importance of procedural and substantive values. In this essay, I argue that there is an important, but often overlooked, distinction among rival conceptions of political legitimacy that originates at the meta-normative level. This distinction, which cuts across the distinctions drawn at the first-order level, concerns the source of the normativity of political legitimacy, or, as I refer to it here, the grounds of (...)
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  12. Book Review: The Claims of Experience: Autobiography and American Democracy, by Nolan Bennett. [REVIEW]Adam Dahl - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (4):533-538.
  13. Pluralising Political Legitimacy.Duncan Ivison - 2018 - Postcolonial Studies 20 (1):118-130.
    Does the Australian state exercise legitimate power over the indigenous peoples within its borders? To say that the state’s political decisions are legitimate is to say that it has the right to impose those decisions on indigenous peoples and that they have a (at least a prima facie) duty to obey. In this paper, I consider the general normative frameworks within which these questions are often grasped in contemporary political theory. Two dominant modes of dealing with political legitimacy are through (...)
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  14. Justification Not Recognition.Duncan Ivison - 2016 - Indigenous Law Bulletin 24 (8):12-18.
    The debate over the constitutional recognition of Indigenous peoples is a deeply political one. That might appear to be a controversial claim. After all, there has been much talk about minimising the scope for disagreement between ‘constitutional conservatives’ and supporters of more expansive constitutional recognition. And there is concern to ensure that any potential referendum enjoys the maximum conditions and opportunity for success. However, my argument shall be that any form of constitutional recognition of Australia’s First Peoples needs to be (...)
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  15. Lack of Pluralism and Post‐Secularism in Catholic Countries.Sebastián Rudas - 2020 - Constellations 27 (2):258-272.
  16. Kilka uwag wprowadzających do badań nad współczesną rolą władzy tradycyjnej w państwach Afryki Subsaharyjskiej.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2017 - In A. Żukowski (ed.), Tradycja i nowoczesność w Afryce Społeczeństwo - polityka - gospodarka. Olsztyn: pp. 11-30.
  17. Claude Ake o rozwoju i demokracji w Afryce.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2012 - In R. Vorbrich (ed.), Rozwój a kultura. Perspektywy poznawcze i praktyczne. Wrocław: pp. 89-107.
    W artykule tym przedstawiam koncepcję rozwoju autorstwa wybitnego nigeryjskiego myśliciela i demokraty Claude’a Akego. Ake zaproponował abstrakcyjny paradygmat rozwoju społeczeństw afrykańskich w warunkach demokracji. Paradygmat ten opiera się na rolnej strategii rozwoju, zgodnie z którą powinien być on uzyskiwany małymi krokami i pierwotnie generowany na wsi. Ake zdefiniował rozwój jako proces, „poprzez który ludzie kształtują i zmieniają siebie oraz swoją sytuację życiową, by osiągać wyższe poziomy cywilizacyjne, zgodnie z własnymi wyborami i wartościami”. Zdaniem nigeryjskiego myśliciela, rozwój jako proces zbiorowy powinien (...)
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  18. Intercivilizational Dialogue on Peace by Madhuri Santanam Sondhi.Vincent Hope - 2010 - Forum Philosophicum: International Journal for Philosophy 15 (1):233-235.
  19. Ograniczanie konfliktów w Nigerii i Indonezji. Hybrydowy model power-sharing.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2019 - Warszawa: Elipsa.
    Monografia ta traktuje o ograniczaniu konfliktów w relacjach między segmentami społecznymi (takimi jak grupy etniczne, wspólnoty religijne), w których członkostwo opiera się na podstawach askryptywnych i kulturowych, a także między nimi a władzą centralną w Nigerii i Indonezji. Państwa te mają burzliwą historię niepodległego bytu, ogromne wieloetniczne i wieloreligijne populacje, duże gospodarki oraz zasoby surowców energetycznych. Jak wskazują liczne raporty, będą wkrótce należeć do najważniejszych w świecie. W Nigerii i Indonezji funkcjonują systemy polityczne oparte na tzw. power-sharing (współrządzeniu), tj. takie, (...)
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  20. Review of Jean Porter, Ministers of the Law. [REVIEW]Gary Chartier - 2011 - Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2011.
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  21. Toying with the Law: Deleuze, Lacan and the Promise of Perversion.Kai Heron - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    This article proposes that Deleuze’s psychoanalytically inspired theory of humour and irony provides an underappreciated way to theorize acts of resistance that adopt a structurally perverse positi...
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  22. A Reversal of Perspective: The Subject as Citizen Under Absolute Monarchy, or the Ambiguity of Notions.Krzysztof Trzciński - 2007 - In K. Trzcinski (ed.), The State and Development in Africa and Other Regions: Studies and Essays in Honour of Professor Jan J. Milewski. Warsaw: pp. 319-332.
    Europe has never had a single definition for the term ‘citizen.’ Indeed, over the centuries the significance of this term has undergone far-reaching evolution. In different historical periods, different states, and different European languages, this term has had diverse meanings and has been used in varying contexts. The concept of ‘citizen’ has repeatedly been defined anew depending upon specific political, social, and economic conditions. At various periods, the term ‘citizen’ has related to a wider or narrower portion of a given (...)
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  23. Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-Segmental Societies.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2018 - Politeja 56 (5):86-107.
    There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of power. The (...)
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  24. The Governmentality of Network Governance: Collaboration as a New Facet of the Liberal Art of Governing.Oscar L. Larsson - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):111-126.
  25. Transnational Partisan Networks and Constituent Power in the EU.Fabio Wolkenstein - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):127-142.
  26. The Legitimacy of Occupation Authority: Beyond Just War Theory.Cord Schmelzle - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (3):392-413.
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  27. Nowożytne przeobrażenia systemu karnego według Michela Foucaulta.Michał Wieczorkowski - 2019 - Warszawa, Polska: C.H. Beck.
    Kara – jako immanentny element społeczeństwa – jest obiektem szeroko zakrojonych badań teoretyków różnych dziedzin – prawników, filozofów jak i socjologów. Bardzo często refleksje na jej temat wiązały się z artykułowaniem określonych postulatów – analiza tego, czym jest kara, przybierała tu postać twierdzeń o tym, czym kara być powinna. Dopiero wiek XIX przyniósł głębsze zainteresowanie historią kary. To wtedy właśnie analizy karania zaczęły przyjmować charakter deskryptywny, starając się ująć, jaką funkcję przypisywano karze w danym społeczeństwie w określonym momencie historycznym. Wydaje (...)
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  28. Against the Managerial State: Preventive Policing as Non-Legal Governance.John Lawless - 2020 - Law and Philosophy (6):657-689.
    Since at least the 1980s, police departments in the United States have embraced a set of practices that aim, not to enable the prosecution of past criminal activity, but to discourage people from breaking the law in the first place. It is not clear that these practices effectively lower the crime rate. However, whatever its effect on the crime rate, I argue that preventive policing is essentially distinct from legal governance, and that excessive reliance on preventive policing undermines legal governance. (...)
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  29. Book Review: Poetic Justice: Rereading Plato’s “Republic,” by Jill Frank. [REVIEW]Jonny Thakkar - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (1):121-126.
  30. On Liberalism’s Religion.Jean L. Cohen - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (1):48-67.
  31. Why States Have No Right to Privacy, but May Be Entitled to Secrecy: A Non-Consequentialist Defense of State Secrecy.Dorota Mokrosinska - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-30.
  32. Review of Michael Lynch, In Praise of Reason.Dennis Whitcomb - 2012 - Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews.
  33. The Plebeian Experience and the Logic of (Radical) Democracy.Martin Breaugh - 2019 - Constellations 26 (4):581-590.
  34. Freedom and Trust: A Rejoinder to Lovett and Pettit.Thomas W. Simpson - 2019 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 47 (4):412-424.
    Philosophy &Public Affairs, Volume 47, Issue 4, Page 412-424, Fall 2019.
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  35. Political Liberalism, Autonomy, and Education.Blain Neufeld - forthcoming - In The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and Education.
    Citizens are politically autonomous insofar as they are subject to laws that are (a) justified by reasons acceptable to them and (b) authorized by them via their political institutions. An obstacle to the equal realization of political autonomy is the plurality of religious, moral, and philosophical views endorsed by citizens. Decisions regarding certain fundamental political issues (e.g., abortion) can involve citizens imposing political positions justified in terms of their respective worldviews upon others. Despite citizens’ disagreements over which worldview is correct, (...)
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  36. Transitional Justice, the United States, Equality, and Trade-Offs.Colleen Murphy - 2019 - Social Philosophy Today 35:187-192.
  37. Should Undocumented Immigrants Have Access to Public Benefits?Chong Choe-Smith - 2019 - Social Philosophy Today 35:41-58.
    Undocumented immigrants are ineligible for most federally funded public benefits programs with few exceptions such as emergency medical assistance and nutrition assistance for women and children. This paper defends the view that a liberal society should provide greater access to undocumented immigrants to public benefits programs and responds to an important economic objection that a state should be able to prioritize the needs of its own members who contribute to these programs. This paper specifically addresses empirical and moral versions of (...)
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  38. Differentiating Philosopher From Statesman According to Work and Worth.Jens Kristian Larsen - 2020 - Polis 37 (3):550-566.
    Plato’s Sophist and Statesman stand out from many other Platonic dialogues by at least two features. First, they do not raise a ti esti question about a single virtue or feature of something, but raise the questions what sophist, statesman, and philosopher are, how they differ from each other, and what worth each should be accorded. Second, a visitor from Elea, rather than Socrates, seeks to addressed these questions and does so by employing what is commonly referred to as the (...)
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  39. On Law, Power and Violence: From Christoph Menke to Hannah Arendt. A Critical Analysis.Valerio Fabbrizi - 2017 - Philosophy Kitchen 4 (7):33-42.
    This article wants to propose some reflections on law, power and violence in contemporary political philosophy. My attention will be devoted to a critical analysis of some relevant contribution on these matters by prominent scholars and authors such as Alessandro Ferrara, Christoph Menke, Walter Benjamin, Hannah Arendt. The first part is dedicated to a brief introduction in which the Alessandro Ferrara’s reading of Menke’s Law and Violence will be presented. The second part focuses its attention on the philosophical backgrounds of (...)
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  40. Non-Citizen Children and the Right to Stay – a Discourse Ethical Approach.Jonathan Josefsson - 2019 - Ethics and Global Politics 12 (3):32-49.
  41. Paternalism, Behavioural Economics, Irrationality and State Failure.Mark Pennington - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (4):565-577.
    European Journal of Political Theory, Ahead of Print.
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  42. Joint Practical Deliberation.Brendan de Kenessey - 2017 - Dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
    Joint practical deliberation is the activity of deciding together what to do. In this dissertation, I argue that several speech acts that we can use to alter our moral obligations – promises, offers, requests, demands, commands, and agreements – are moves within joint practical deliberation. -/- The dissertation begins by investigating joint practical deliberation. The resulting account implies that joint deliberation is more flexible than we usually recognize, in two ways. First, we can make joint decisions not only about what (...)
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  43. Equality Before the Law: A Substantive Constitutional Principle.Michael P. Foran - 2020 - Public Law 2:287-306.
    The principle of equality before the law is often characterized as procedural or formal in nature. Recent scholarship has offered a more nuanced representation of this critique, maintaining that the principle is procedural in nature but emphasizing its instrumental value. This paper challenges that characterization, arguing that equality before the law is best interpreted as a foundational constitutional principle which manifests substantive restrictions on the content of legal rules. Equality before the law, as an independent constitutional principle, should not be (...)
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  44. Klaus Hentschel, Physics and National Socialism. [REVIEW]Sean F. Johnston - 1997 - Science and Public Policy 24:63-64.
  45. Legal Facts and Reasons for Action: Between Deflationary and Robust Conceptions of Law’s Reason-Giving Capacity.Noam Gur - 2019 - In Frederick Schauer, Christoph Bezemek & Nicoletta Bersier Ladavac (eds.), The Normative Force of the Factual: Legal Philosophy Between is and Ought. Springer Verlag. pp. 151-170.
    This chapter considers whether legal requirements can constitute reasons for action independently of the merits of the requirement at hand. While jurisprudential opinion on this question is far from uniform, sceptical views are becoming increasingly dominant. Such views typically contend that, while the law can be indicative of pre-existing reasons, or can trigger pre-existing reasons into operation, it cannot constitute new reasons. This chapter offers support to a somewhat less sceptical position, according to which the fact that a legal requirement (...)
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  46. By Whose Authority: A Political Argument for God's Existence.Tyler McNabb & Jeremy Neill - 2019 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11 (2):163-189.
    In The Problem of Political Authority, Michael Huemer argues that the contractarian and consequentialist groundings of political authority are unsuccessful, and, in fact, that there are no adequate contemporary accounts of political authority. As such, the modern state is illegitimate and we have reasons to affirm political anarchism. We disagree with Huemer’s conclusion. But we consider Huemer’s critiques of contractarianism and consequentialism to be compelling. Here we will juxtapose, alongside Huemer’s critiques, a theistic account of political authority from Nicholas Wolterstorff’s (...)
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  47. Policy-Led Virtue Cultivation : Can We Nudge Citizens Towards Developing Virtues?Fay Niker - 2018 - In Tom Harrison & David Walker (eds.), The Theory and Practice of Virtue Education. London, U.K.: Routledge. pp. 153-167.
    This chapter examines what role new behaviour-modification policies – commonly known as “nudges” – might play in cultivating virtues. At first sight, they would appear to be ruled out as a candidate means; but, by offering a more nuanced analysis, the chapter argues that some nudges have virtue-cultivating properties. It distinguishes between two kinds of nudges – 'automatic-behavioural' and 'discernment-developing' – and shows that what divides them is the ability of the latter, which the former lacks, to play an ecological-educative (...)
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  48. Interactive Justice and Democratic Authority.Simon C. May - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):459-465.
  49. The Practice of Political Authority: Authority and the Authoritative. [REVIEW]Virginia Held - 1981 - Political Theory 9 (3):443-446.
  50. Finding Trust in Government.Paul Faulkner - 2018 - Journal of Social Philosophy 49 (4):626-644.
1 — 50 / 1429