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1694 found
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  1. Lagerkoller. Giorgio Agamben und seine Texte zur Pandemie.David Lauer - 2021 - Zibaldone. Zeitschrift Für Italienische Kultur der Gegenwart 71:63-72.
    In his collection of articles, "Where Are We Now - The Epidemic as Politics", Giorgio Agamben appears to make some very startling (if not downright outrageous) claims concerning the political situation in Italy and elsewhere in Europe during the Covid-19 pandemic. In this piece [in German] I analyse how these claims are rooted in the philosophy of Agamben's "Homo sacer" project. Focussing on three central notions (Schmitt's "state of exception", Foucault's "biopolitics", and Agamben's very own "bare life"), I show how (...)
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  2. Den Umbruch denken: Die Politik der Philosophie nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg.Albert Dikovich - 2024 - Frankfurt am Main / New York: Campus.
    Auf den Ersten Weltkrieg folgte in Mitteleuropa ein grundlegender politischer Umbruch. Albert Dikovich arbeitet die Folgen dieser demokratischen Zeitenwende für die deutschsprachige Philosophie umfassend auf. Dabei untersucht er zum einen, wie nach dem katastrophalen Gewaltereignis des Krieges und angesichts der akuten Eskalation im Inneren die Grenzen der moralisch legitimen Mittel politischer Konfliktaustragung neu gezogen wurden. Zum anderen beleuchtet er den Zusammenhang zwischen rechts- und erkenntnistheoretischen Annahmen und Positionierungen innerhalb eines Spannungsfeldes konkurrierender politischer Neuordnungsentwürfe. Dabei zeigt sich, dass die damals geführten (...)
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  3. Democratic Failures and the Ethics of Democracy.Adam Lovett - 2024 - Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
    This book is about the ways in which real-world democracies fall short of democratic ideals and why those shortfalls matter. The project is rooted in a vast body of empirical findings that political scientists have accumulated over the last seven decades. These are findings about political ignorance, voter behaviour, the policymaking process, polarization, and the popular control of representatives. These findings are often both surprising and troubling—they suggest our democracies fall far short of democratic ideals. The book is a detailed, (...)
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  4. Authority, Democracy, and Legislative Intent.Cosmin Vraciu - 2024 - Law and Philosophy 43 (1):89-130.
    On one account, courts ought to enforce legislative intent only when the public meaning of the text of the statute is unclear, and on another account, they should enforce the intent even when the public meaning is clear. In this paper, I argue against both approaches. My argument rests on considerations related to the moral authority of the democratically made law. More specifically, I argue that those considerations which make democratic law morally authoritative entail that judges ought to enforce the (...)
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  5. Political Bald-Faced Lies are Performative Utterances.Susanna Melkonian-Altshuler - forthcoming - In Adam Podlaskowski & Drew Johnson (eds.), Truth 20/20. Synthese Library.
    Sometimes, political bald-faced lies pass for truth. That is, certain groups of people behave according to them – behave as if the political bald-faced lies were true. How can this phenomenon be explained? I argue that to explain it we need to take political bald-faced lies to be performative utterances whose goal is to bring about a worldly state of affairs just in virtue of making the utterance. When the former US-President tweeted ‘we won the election’, people stormed Capitol Hill (...)
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  6. Immigration and Collective Property.Stephen Kershnar - 2022 - Analítica 2:12-41.
    The notion that immigrants have a right to immigrate to the U.S. appears to conflict with the government’s or citizens’ property rights. Michael Huemer has given one of the most interesting and provocative arguments on immigration in years. It turns the dominant view on its head. Unfortunately, the argument fails. U.S. citizens own land, individually, collectively, and via their government. For immigrants to gain a right to enter on it, Huemer must think that the landowners have lost their rights to (...)
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  7. Did Robert Nozick Support Forced Taxation?Konstantin Morozov - 2023 - Philosophy and Society 107 (2):78-96.
    Robert Nozick is the most discussed libertarian philosopher of these days. The paper examines the question of whether he supported forced taxation. The normative basis of Nozick’s position, the neo-Lockean theory of natural human rights are analyzed. On the basis of this theory, his argument in favor of the moral justification of the minimal state is reconstructed. While this reconstruction leaves it ambiguous whether such the state should be funded by taxation, six arguments are offered in favor of such tax (...)
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  8. Debate: Political Authority, Functionalism, and the Problem of Annexation.Arthur Hill - forthcoming - Journal of Political Philosophy.
    Journal of Political Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  9. Book Review: The Dawn of Everything. [REVIEW]Steven Foertsch - 2023 - Humanity and Society:1-3.
  10. Divine Epiphany and Political Authority in Plato's Republic.Avshalom M. Schwartz - 2023 - History of Political Thought 44 (2):213-233.
    This article offers a new interpretation of the second ‘theological’ pattern in Plato’s Republic. Situating Plato within his religious context, it argues that this pattern calls into question the traditional ancient model of divine epiphany. Divine epiphany was a central element in Greek religion. Yet, in the absence of a centralized religious organization, this model threatened the philosophers’ authoritative position. Plato’s second pattern seeks not only to undermine this potential threat but also to pave the way towards a new, philosophicalmodel (...)
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  11. Kant on Punishment & Poverty.Nicholas Hadsell - forthcoming - Southern Journal of Philosophy.
    I offer a Kantian argument for the idea that the state lacks the authority to punish neglected, impoverished citizens when they commit crimes to cope with that neglect. Given Kant’s own commitments to the value of external freedom and the state’s obligation to ensure it in Doctrine of Right, there is no reason a Kantian state can claim authority to punish an impoverished citizen while also failing in significant ways to protect her external freedom.
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  12. Should Canada have oaths of allegiance?Adam Lovett - 2023 - Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 1.
    The Canadian Department of Citizenship and Immigration has recently proposed to make in-person citizenship ceremonies optional. These ceremonies are oaths of allegiances: naturalizing citizens swear loyalty to King Charles and obedience to the laws of Canada. The Department of Citizenship and Immigration proposes to allow naturalizing citizens to take these oaths by checking a box online rather than by taking part in an in-person ceremony. In this commentary, I argue that Canada should go much further. It should stop forcing naturalizing (...)
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  13. AI & democracy, and the importance of asking the right questions.Ognjen Arandjelović - 2021 - AI Ethics Journal 2 (1):2.
    Democracy is widely praised as a great achievement of humanity. However, in recent years there has been an increasing amount of concern that its functioning across the world may be eroding. In response, efforts to combat such change are emerging. Considering the pervasiveness of technology and its increasing capabilities, it is no surprise that there has been much focus on the use of artificial intelligence (AI) to this end. Questions as to how AI can be best utilized to extend the (...)
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  14. The New Philosopher-Kings: Conceptual Engineering and Social Authority.Nick Smyth - manuscript
    Many philosophers have recently become interested in conceptual engineering, or the activity of producing better conceptual schemes in human populations. But few, if any, are asking the question: what would it mean for actual human agents to possess the social authority to modify a conceptual scheme in this way? This paper argues for a deontological approach to conceptual engineering, wherein we have to secure social authority qua engineers before attempting to modify social concepts. I show that the dominant, consequentialist conception (...)
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  15. Politics of the Turkish Republic.Mehmet Karabela - 2021 - In Islamic Thought Through Protestant Eyes. New York: Routledge. pp. 243-253.
    Michael Wendeler’s disputation on the Turkish republic is a discussion of Ottoman history, political philosophy, and the concept of monarchy and tyranny. Half of his disputation concerns the identification of the Turks with the little horn which arises on the head of the fourth beast in the prophet’s vision described in the Book of Daniel 7:1–28. Giving copious historical references, Wendeler explains that this little horn cannot be referring to Christ as the Jews believe, nor to the Seleucid monarch Antiochos (...)
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  16. The Nature of Rights and the History of Empire.Duncan Ivison - 2006 - In David Armitage (ed.), British Political Thought in History, Literature, and Theory 1500-1800. Cambridge University Press. pp. 91-2011.
    My aim in this chapter is to take the complexity of our histories of rights as seriously as the nature of rights themselves. Let me say immediately that the point is not to satisfy our sense of moral superiority by smugly pointing out the prejudices found in arguments made over three hundred years ago. We have more than our own share of problems and prejudices to deal with. Rather, in coming to grips with this history, and especially how early-modern political (...)
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  17. Experts, Democracy, and Covid-19.Victor Karl Magnússon - 2022 - Philosophy of Medicine 3 (1).
    Two challenges have faced policymakers during the Covid-19 pandemic: First, they must determine the reliability of expert testimony in the face of uncertainty; second, they must determine the relevance of different kinds of expertise with regard to particular decisions. I argue that both these problems can be fruitfully analyzed through the lens of trust by introducing an in-depth case study of Iceland’s handling of the first wave of the Covid-19 pandemic. I contend that the problem of relevance highlights the limited (...)
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  18. Ignorance and the Incentive Structure confronting Policymakers.Scott Scheall - 2019 - Cosmos + Taxis Studies in Emergent Order and Organization 7 (1 + 2):39-51.
    The paper examines one of the considerations that determines the extent to which policymakers pursue the objec- tives demanded by constituents. The nature and extent of their ignorance serve to determine the incentives confronted by policymakers to pursue their constituents’ demands. The paper also considers several other consequences of policymaker ig- norance and its relationship to expert failure.
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  19. Service and Reciprocity: Confucian Political Authority.Cheng Hong - 2022 - Journal of Chinese Philosophy 49 (3):295-307.
    Confucian political authority is often assumed illegitimate and it is regarded as meritocratic rather than democratic. However, I disagree with such an assumption, because from my perspective, Confucian political authority actually has a potential legitimacy which may contribute to establishing a responsive and harmonious state. Doing so, I argue that, since Confucian political authority is derived from the idea of “service” and “reciprocity,” it therefore advocates non-coercive moral persuasion and reciprocal obligations. In the following discussion, I will point out that (...)
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  20. The many hands of the state: theorizing political authority and social control.Kimberly J. Morgan & Ann Shola Orloff (eds.) - 2017 - New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
    The state is central to social scientific and historical inquiry today, reflecting its importance in domestic and international affairs. States kill, coerce, fight, torture, and incarcerate, yet they also nurture, protect, educate, redistribute, and invest. It is precisely because of the complexity and wide-ranging impacts of states that research on them has proliferated and diversified. Yet, too many scholars inhabit separate academic silos, and theorizing of states has become dispersed and disjointed. This book aims to bridge some of the many (...)
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  21. Wealth and power: Philosophical perspectives.Michael Bennett, Huub Brouwer & Rutger Claassen (eds.) - 2022 - New York, NY: Routledge.
    Is political equality viable given the unequal private property holdings characteristic of a capitalist economy? This book places the wealth-politics nexus at the centre of scholarly analysis. Traditional theories of democracy and property have often ignored the ways in which the rich attempt to convert their wealth into political power, operating on the implicit assumption that politics is isolated from economic forces. This book brings the moral and political links between wealth and power into clear focus. The chapters are divided (...)
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  22. Children of the Mind and the Concept of Edge and Center Nations.Steven Foertsch - 2022 - Journal of Science Fiction and Philosophy 5.
    Orson Scott Card and his Ender Series have had a profound impact on the genre of contemporary science fiction, meriting an academic analysis of some of his more theoretical ideas. I have chosen to analyze his concept of “Center” and “Edge” nations found in Xenocide and Children of the Mind through the lens of international relations, sociological, and political theory, in order to bring nuance to an underdeveloped theory that many non-academics may be familiar with. Ultimately, we must conclude that (...)
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  23. Political authority and resistance to injustice: A Confucian perspective.Kevin K. W. Ip - 2023 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 49 (1):81-101.
    Those who bear the burdens of injustice and oppression are entitled to act in ways contrary to existing laws and institutions to secure their own entitlements and those of others. This article aims to articulate a Confucian perspective on resistance against injustice. There are reasons for thinking that the notion of resistance is fundamentally at odds with Confucian political thought. In this article, I move beyond this simple conflict/compatibility model and explore the complex relationships between resistance and Confucianism. On one (...)
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  24. Is Political Authority an Illusion?: A Debate.Michael Huemer & Daniel Layman - 2021 - Routledge.
    What gives some people the right to issue commands to everyone else and force everyone else to obey them? And why should people obey the commands of those with political power? These two key questions are the heart of the issue of political authority, and, in this volume, two philosophers debate the answers. Michael Huemer argues that political authority is an illusion and that no one is entitled to rule over anyone. He discusses and rebuts the major theories supporting political (...)
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  25. Introduction. Elite Theory: Philosophical Challenges.Giovanni Damele & Andre Santos Campos - 2022 - Topoi 41 (1):1-5.
  26. Political authority and resistance to injustice: A Confucian perspective.Kevin K. W. Ip - 2023 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 49 (1):81-101.
    Those who bear the burdens of injustice and oppression are entitled to act in ways contrary to existing laws and institutions to secure their own entitlements and those of others. This article aims to articulate a Confucian perspective on resistance against injustice. There are reasons for thinking that the notion of resistance is fundamentally at odds with Confucian political thought. In this article, I move beyond this simple conflict/compatibility model and explore the complex relationships between resistance and Confucianism. On one (...)
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  27. Little Republics: Authority and the Political Nature of the Firm.Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2021 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 50 (1):90-120.
    Political theorists have recently sought to replace the liberal, contractual theory of the firm with a political view that models the authority relation of employee to firm, and its appropriate regulation, on that of subject to state. This view is liable to serious difficulties, however, given existing discontinuities between corporate and civil authority as to their coerciveness, entry and exit conditions, scope, legal standing, and efficiency constraints. I here inspect these, and argue that, albeit in some cases significant, such discontinuities (...)
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  28. Powerful Deceivers and Public Reason Liberalism: An Argument for Externalization.Sean Donahue - 2021 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 1 (1):1-18.
    Public reason liberals claim that legitimate rules must be justifiable to diverse perspectives. This Public Justification Principle threatens that failing to justify rules to reprehensible agents makes them illegitimate. Although public reason liberals have replies to this objection, they cannot avoid the challenge of powerful deceivers. Powerful deceivers trick people who are purportedly owed public justification into considering otherwise good rules unjustified. Avoiding this challenge requires discounting some failures of justification according to what caused people’s beliefs. I offer a conception (...)
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  29. Rawls's Conception of Autonomy.Anthony Taylor - 2022 - In Ben Colburn (ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Autonomy. New York, NY: Routledge. pp. 96-109.
    This chapter sets out John Rawls’s conception of autonomy and considers the role that it plays in his thought across A Theory of Justice and Political Liberalism. I suggest that one distinctive but overlooked feature of this conception is that it takes seriously the threat to autonomy that arises from how individuals are shaped by their social and political institutions. After setting out this conception and tracing its connections to wider discussions of autonomy, I argue for two main conclusions. First, (...)
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  30. Should refugees govern refugee camps?Felix Bender - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1:1-24.
    Should refugees govern refugee camps? This paper argues that they should. It draws on normative political thought in consulting the all-subjected principle and an instrumental defense of democratic rule. The former holds that all those subjected to rule in a political unit should have a say in such rule. Through analyzing the conditions that pertain in refugee camps, the paper demonstrates that the all-subjected principle applies there, too. Refugee camps have developed as near distinct entities from their host states. They (...)
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  31. Tortura, modernità e democrazia.Elisa Orrù - 2019 - Jura Gentium 16 (2):133-139.
    Bolzaneto, Abu Grahib, Guantanamo: luoghi in cui la tortura è riemersa nel “civile”occidente contemporaneo. A perpetrarla sono i rappresentanti di uno Stato che si definisce “di diritto”: uno Stato la cui giustificazione ultima è la difesa e la protezione dei diritti inviolabili degli individui. La tortura, lungi dall’essere scomparsa, dunque permane come tecnica di potere nei moderni stati democratici. Essa non solo persiste come dato di fatto. Al contrario, negli ultimi decenni sono riemerse giustificazioni della tortura come pratica legale e (...)
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  32. Hume’s Dynamic Coordination and International Law.Carmen E. Pavel - 2021 - Political Theory 49 (2):215-242.
    At the heart of the tension between state autonomy and international law is the question of whether states should willingly restrict their freedom of action for the sake of international security, human rights, trade, communication, and the environment. David Hume offers surprising insights to answer this question. He argues that the same interests in cooperation arise among individuals as well as states and that their interactions should be regulated by the same principles. Drawing on his model of dynamic coordination, I (...)
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  33. Protecting Democracy by Commingling Polities: The Case for Accepting Foreign Influence and Interference in Democratic Processes.Duncan MacIntosh - 2021 - In Duncan B. Hollis & Jens David Ohlin (eds.), Defending Democracies: Combating Foreign Election Interference in a Digital Age. Oxford University Press. pp. 93-114.
    This chapter criticizes several methods of responding to the techniques foreign powers are widely acknowledged to be using to subvert U.S. elections. It suggests that countries do this when they have a legitimate stake in each other’s political deliberations, but no formal voice in them. It also suggests that if they accord each other such a voice, they will engage as co-deliberators with arguments, rather than trying to undermine each other’s deliberative processes; and that this will be salutary for all (...)
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  34. Pluralism and the authority of groups to discriminate.Avigail Eisenberg - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (6):909-930.
  35. Inverted founding: Emperor organ theory, constitutionalism, and koku-min.Chungjae Lee & Stacey Liou - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (2).
    This article presents Minobe Tatsukichi’s emperor organ theory as a novel understanding of the temporality of founding. In contrast to a conventional framework of founding which legitimizes the constitution by postulating the pre-constitutional power of “the people,” emperor organ theory invents “the people” out of the Meiji Constitution as a democratically empowered subject to-come. In so doing, emperor organ theory calls upon the transformation of shin-min (臣民), the presumed subject of the emperor, into koku-min (国民), the people of this constitutional (...)
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  36. Authority, legitimacy, and democracy: Narrowing the gap between normativism and realism.Alessandro Ferrara - 2020 - Constellations 27 (4):655-669.
  37. Stasis: Beyond Political Theology?Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2009 - Cultural Critique 73:125-47.
    Vardoulakis examines the concept of political theology in terms of the ancient greek term "stasis." The term "stasis" means both mobility and immobility. Vardoulakis explores these seemingly contradictory meanings generate a notion of agonistic politics that challenges perceived ideas about political theology.
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  38. Fictional Expectations and the Ontology of Power.Torsten Menge - 2020 - Philosophers' Imprint 20 (29):1-22.
    What kind of thing, as it were, is power and how does it fit into our understanding of the social world? I approach this question by exploring the pragmatic character of power ascriptions, arguing that they involve fictional expectations directed at an open future. When we take an agent to be powerful, we act as if that agent had a robust capacity to make a difference to the actions of others. While this pretense can never fully live up to a (...)
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  39. Il ruolo dell’aristocrazia naturale nell’elaborazione teorica di Edmund Burke.Giacomo Maria Arrigo - 2020 - Comunicazione Filosofica 1 (45):154-162.
    Edmund Burke’s political philosophy is generally known as the theoretical foundation of Western conservatism. In his intellectual elaboration, society is an organic complex organized in many stratified social classes. But who has the right to lead the community towards the common good? Burke’s answer to that question is: the natural aristocracy. Being the society «a clause in the great primeval contract of eternal society» – so writes Burke –, all creatures are «each in their appointed place». And the group destined (...)
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  40. The Figure of Moses: The Origins of Authority in Spinoza.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2019 - Textual Practice 33 (5):771–85.
    How baroque was Spinoza in his treatment of the prophets? I examine this question by comparing the pictorial treatments of Moses from the Netherlands to Spinoza’s treatment of Moses at the beginning of the Theological Political Treatise. I concentrate on two representations of Moses descending from mount Sinai, one by Ferdinand Bol and the other by Rembrandt. Of particular importance is the idea of hierarchy. I will argue that Spinoza takes an ambiguous position in relation to baroque, on the one (...)
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  41. The Antinomy of Frictionless Sovereignty: Inverse Relations of Authority and Authoritarianism.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2020 - Boundary 2 10.
    The article explores the distinction between authority and authoritarianism from the perspective of the concept of sovereignty.
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  42. The Grounds of Political Legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2020 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 6 (3):372-390.
    The debate over rival conceptions of political legitimacy tends to focus on first-order considerations—for example, on the relative importance of procedural and substantive values. In this essay, I argue that there is an important, but often overlooked, distinction among rival conceptions of political legitimacy that originates at the meta-normative level. This distinction, which cuts across the distinctions drawn at the first-order level, concerns the source of the normativity of political legitimacy, or, as I refer to it here, the grounds of (...)
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  43. Book Review: The Claims of Experience: Autobiography and American Democracy, by Nolan Bennett. [REVIEW]Adam Dahl - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (4):533-538.
  44. Pluralising Political Legitimacy.Duncan Ivison - 2018 - Postcolonial Studies 20 (1):118-130.
    Does the Australian state exercise legitimate power over the indigenous peoples within its borders? To say that the state’s political decisions are legitimate is to say that it has the right to impose those decisions on indigenous peoples and that they have a (at least a prima facie) duty to obey. In this paper, I consider the general normative frameworks within which these questions are often grasped in contemporary political theory. Two dominant modes of dealing with political legitimacy are through (...)
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  45. Justification not Recognition.Duncan Ivison - 2016 - Indigenous Law Bulletin 24 (8):12-18.
    The debate over the constitutional recognition of Indigenous peoples is a deeply political one. That might appear to be a controversial claim. After all, there has been much talk about minimising the scope for disagreement between ‘constitutional conservatives’ and supporters of more expansive constitutional recognition. And there is concern to ensure that any potential referendum enjoys the maximum conditions and opportunity for success. However, my argument shall be that any form of constitutional recognition of Australia’s First Peoples needs to be (...)
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  46. Lack of pluralism and post‐secularism in Catholic countries.Sebastián Rudas - 2020 - Constellations 27 (2):258-272.
  47. Kilka uwag wprowadzających do badań nad współczesną rolą władzy tradycyjnej w państwach Afryki Subsaharyjskiej.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2017 - In A. Żukowski (ed.), Tradycja i nowoczesność w Afryce Społeczeństwo - polityka - gospodarka. pp. 11-30.
  48. Claude Ake o rozwoju i demokracji w Afryce.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2012 - In R. Vorbrich (ed.), Rozwój a kultura. Perspektywy poznawcze i praktyczne. Wrocław: pp. 89-107.
    W artykule tym przedstawiam koncepcję rozwoju autorstwa wybitnego nigeryjskiego myśliciela i demokraty Claude’a Akego. Ake zaproponował abstrakcyjny paradygmat rozwoju społeczeństw afrykańskich w warunkach demokracji. Paradygmat ten opiera się na rolnej strategii rozwoju, zgodnie z którą powinien być on uzyskiwany małymi krokami i pierwotnie generowany na wsi. Ake zdefiniował rozwój jako proces, „poprzez który ludzie kształtują i zmieniają siebie oraz swoją sytuację życiową, by osiągać wyższe poziomy cywilizacyjne, zgodnie z własnymi wyborami i wartościami”. Zdaniem nigeryjskiego myśliciela, rozwój jako proces zbiorowy powinien (...)
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  49. Intercivilizational Dialogue on Peace by Madhuri Santanam Sondhi.Vincent Hope - 2010 - Forum Philosophicum: International Journal for Philosophy 15 (1):233-235.
    The article reviews the book Intercivilizational Dialogue on Peace, by Madhuri Santanam Sondhi.
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  50. Ograniczanie konfliktów w Nigerii i Indonezji. Hybrydowy model power-sharing.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2019 - Warszawa: Elipsa.
    Monografia ta traktuje o ograniczaniu konfliktów w relacjach między segmentami społecznymi (takimi jak grupy etniczne, wspólnoty religijne), w których członkostwo opiera się na podstawach askryptywnych i kulturowych, a także między nimi a władzą centralną w Nigerii i Indonezji. Państwa te mają burzliwą historię niepodległego bytu, ogromne wieloetniczne i wieloreligijne populacje, duże gospodarki oraz zasoby surowców energetycznych. Jak wskazują liczne raporty, będą wkrótce należeć do najważniejszych w świecie. W Nigerii i Indonezji funkcjonują systemy polityczne oparte na tzw. power-sharing (współrządzeniu), tj. takie, (...)
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