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  1. Humour as a Conduit of Political Subversion in Rome.Jan M. Van der Molen - Jun 4, 2020 - Classics, Medieval and Early Modern Studies: Tracing Humour Conference.
    The hypothesis that approaches the use of humour throughout the ages as something approximating a coping mechanism, has been subject to a long-standing discussion in what is known as humour studies. In this particular essay, by looking through the spectacles of one of the discipline’s theories, called relief theory, I will attempt to find out whether humour was used to lighten the weight of oppression in Imperial Rome, and can thus corroborate this hypothesis.
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  2. The EU's Democratic Deficit in a Realist Key: Multilateral Governance, Popular Sovereignty, and Critical Responsiveness.Jan Pieter Beetz & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - Transnational Legal Theory.
    This paper provides a realist analysis of the EU's legitimacy. We propose a modification of Bernard Williams' theory of legitimacy, which we term critical responsiveness. For Williams, 'Basic Legitimation Demand + Modernity = Liberalism'. Drawing on that model, we make three claims. (i) The right side of the equation is insufficiently sensitive to popular sovereignty; (ii) The left side of the equation is best thought of as a 'legitimation story': a non-moralised normative account of how to shore up belief in (...)
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  3. Why Liberal States Must Accommodate Tax Resistors.Jason Brennan - forthcoming - Public Affairs Quarterly.
    Liberal states ought to accommodate conscientious tax resistance for the same reasons they should accommodate conscientious objection to fighting in war. Conscientious objection to fighting is nothing special.
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  4. Skinner, Quentin.Dustin Garlitz - forthcoming - In Marco Sgarbi (ed.), Encyclopedia of Renaissance Philosophy. Springer.
  5. Disagreement, Unilateral Judgment, and Kant’s Argument for Rule by Law.Daniel Koltonski - forthcoming - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Kant argues that it is only as citizens of a properly constituted state that persons are able to respect one another’s innate right to freedom, for joint subjection to the authority of a state enables them to avoid what Kantians call ‘the problem of unilateralism’: when I interact with you in a state of nature according to my judgment of right in circumstances of disagreement between us, I implicitly claim that my judgment, and not yours, has authority over us simply (...)
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  6. God and Politics in Secular India.Domenic Marbaniang - forthcoming - Journal of the Contemporary Christian.
    The church is separate from the state. Thus, historically, it is seen that even though a government wasn’t secular, God was secular. He didn’t drag religion into politics, but silently did intervene to administer temporal justice and order in the world (i.e. temporal justice in relation to temporal authority). With regard to the church, it doesn’t seem that God is interested in an organized religion at all. Christianity had nothing to do with an external temple. Each Christian is the temple (...)
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  7. Fake News and Democracy.Merten Reglitz - forthcoming - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Since the Brexit Referendum in the United Kingdom and the election of Donald Trump as US President in 2016, the term ‘fake news’ has become a significant source of concern. Recently, the European Commission and the British House of Commons have condemned the phenomenon as a threat to their institutions’ democratic processes and values. However, political disinformation is nothing new, and empirical studies suggest that fake news has not decided crucial elections, that most readers do not believe the online fake (...)
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  8. Freedom, Indeterminism, and Fallibilism.Danny Frederick - 2020 - Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan.
    This book uses the concepts of freedom, indeterminism, and fallibilism to solve, in a unified way, problems of free will, knowledge, reasoning, rationality, personhood, ethics and politics. Presenting an overarching theory of human freedom, Frederick argues for an account of free will as the capacity for undetermined acts. Knowledge, rationality, and reasoning, both theoretical and practical, as well as personhood, morality and political authority, are all shown to be dependent at their roots on indeterminism and fallibility, and to be connected (...)
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  9. Can Schools Teach Citizenship?Michael Merry - 2020 - Discourse 41 (1):124-138.
    In this essay I question the liberal faith in the efficacy and morality of citizenship education (CE) as it has been traditionally (and is still) practiced in most public state schools. In challenging institutionalized faith in CE, I also challenge liberal understandings of what it means to be a citizen, and how the social and political world of citizens is constituted. I interrogate CE as defended in the liberal tradition, with particular attention to Gutmann’s ‘conscious social reproduction’. I argue that (...)
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  10. Doing Away with “Legitimate Authority”.Uwe Steinhoff - 2020 - Journal of Military Ethics 18 (4):314-332.
    I argue in this paper that traditional just war theory did allow private, indeed even individual war, and that arguments in support of a legitimate authority criterion, let alone in support of the “priority” of this criterion, fail. I further argue that what motivates the insistence on “legitimate authority” is the assumption that doing away with this criterion will lead to chaos and anarchy. I demonstrate that the reasoning, if any, underlying this assumption is philosophically profoundly confused. The fact of (...)
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  11. Centripetal Federalism.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2020 - 50 Shades of Federalism, Ed. By S. Keil, P. Anderson.
    Centripetalism is often perceived as a type of a political system for a multi-segmental, especially multi-ethnic, country in order to create among the members of the political elite of moderate, accomodative, and integrative political behavior cross-cutting segmental divisions which, reaching beyond group interests, depoliticize the segmental separateness and, in this manner, reduce their significance. One of the central institutions of centripetalism is decentralization leading to a division of large segments into smaller parts that inhabit different, ideally multi-segmental regions, thus inclining (...)
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  12. Instrumental Authority and Its Challenges: The Case of the Laws of War.Jonathan Parry & Daniel Viehoff - 2019 - Ethics 129 (4):548-575.
    Law and Morality at War offers a broadly instrumentalist defense of the authority of the laws of war: these laws serve combatants by helping them come closer to doing what they have independent moral reason to do. We argue that this form of justification sets too low a bar. An authority’s directives are not binding, on instrumental grounds, if the subject could, within certain limits, adopt an alternative, and superior, means of conforming to morality’s demands. It emerges that Haque’s argument (...)
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  13. Letter of October 24, 1851 “Las Clases Discutidoras”.M. Blake Wilson - 2019 - Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence 3 (2):96-104.
    This is the first complete English translation and publication of Donoso’s carta de 24 de octubre, 1851, a letter encapsulating many of his views on revolution and decision. This remarkable letter, sent as a diplomatic missive while he was serving the Spanish crown in Paris, describes how Napoleon III––stuck between the 1848 constitution’s prohibition against his election and his impending coup that will crown him emperor––must gain the support of the liberal bourgeoise middle class if he is to maintain his (...)
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  14. The Relational Conception of Practical Authority.N. Adams - 2018 - Law and Philosophy 37 (5):549-575.
    I argue for a new conception of practical authority based on an analysis of the relationship between authority and subject. Commands entail a demand for practical deference, which establishes a relationship of hierarchy and vulnerability that involves a variety of signals and commitments. In order for these signals and commitments to be justified, the subject must be under a preexisting duty, the authority’s commands must take precedence over the subject’s judgment regarding fulfillment of that duty, the authority must accept the (...)
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  15. Uncivil Disobedience: Political Commitment and Violence.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (4):475-491.
    Standard accounts of civil disobedience include nonviolence as a necessary condition. Here I argue that such accounts are mistaken and that civil disobedience can include violence in many aspects, primarily excepting violence directed at other persons. I base this argument on a novel understanding of civil disobedience: the special character of the practice comes from its combination of condemnation of a political practice with an expressed commitment to the political. The commitment to the political is a commitment to engaging with (...)
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  16. Родинно-спадкові традиції Рюриковичів: гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів, володарів Чернігово-Сіверського князівства.Viktorya Balabushka - 2018 - NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 1:46-52.
    У статті узагальнено історико-культурологічний досвід ролі і значення національної еліти князівських династій Рюриковичів, володарів Київської Русі та Чернігово-Сіверської гілки Ольговичів, Давидовичів у створенні одного з найбільших у Європі державного об’єднання Київська Русь. Основою збереження своїх територіальних володінь князями були українські традиції сімейного розподілу майна. Системний розподіл престолонаслідування серед нащадків Рюриковичів відбувся після заповіту Ярослава Мудрого, тобто набув соціально-правової норми, названий «лествичним» порядком. Система передбачала успадкування майна дітьми від старшого до молодшого брата, зокрема коли старший князь чернігівський здобував Київ – до (...)
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  17. Justice in the Laws, a Restatement: Why Plato Endorses Public Reason.Samuel Director - 2018 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 4 (2):184-203.
    In the Laws, Plato argues that the legislator should attempt to persuade people to voluntarily obey the laws. This persuasion is accomplished through use of legislative preludes. Preludes (also called preambles) are short arguments written into the legal code, which precede laws and give reasons to follow them. In this paper, I argue that Plato’s use of persuasive preludes shows that he endorses the core features of a public reason theory of political justification. Many philosophers argue that Plato’s political philosophy (...)
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  18. Andrew Fiala: The Bloomsbury Companion to Political Philosophy: Bloomsbury Academic, New York, NY, 2015, 264 Pp + Index, $171.00 Hc. [REVIEW]Gregory McCreery - 2018 - Human Studies 41 (4):719-726.
  19. Sharing the Costs of Fighting Justly.Sara Van Goozen - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (2):1-21.
    Combatants who attempt to obey the laws of war often have to take considerable risks in order to effectively discriminate between legitimate and illegitimate targets. Sometimes this task is made even more complicated by systemic factors which influence their ability to discriminate effectively without unduly risking their lives or the mission. If they fail to do so, civilians often pay the price. In this paper, I argue that to the extent that non-combatants benefit from the attempt to fight justly, and (...)
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  20. Authority.Fabian Wendt - 2018 - Cambridge: Polity Press.
    From citizens paying taxes to employees following their bosses’ orders and kids obeying their parents, we take it for granted that a whole range of authorities have the power to impose duties on others. However, although authority is often accepted in practice, it looks philosophically problematic if we conceive persons as free and as equals. -/- In this short and accessible book, Fabian Wendt examines the basis of authority, discussing five prominent theories that try to explain how claims to authority (...)
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  21. Politische Autorität: Eine Einführung.Fabian Wendt - 2018 - Münster: Mentis.
    Staaten beanspruchen für sich das Recht, Gesetze geben und mit Zwangsgewalt durchsetzen zu dürfen. Doch unter welchen Bedingungen haben sie dieses Recht tatsächlich? -/- Das ist die grundlegendste Frage der Politischen Philosophie. Obwohl wir die Autoritätsansprüche des Staates oft als selbstverständlich hinnehmen, erscheinen sie moralisch durchaus fragwürdig, wenn man Personen als frei und gleich begreift. Wie können wenige Parlamentsmitglieder das Recht haben, für Millionen Menschen verbindliche Gesetze zu erlassen? Wie können Polizeibeamte und Richter das Recht haben, diese Gesetze gegenüber Personen (...)
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  22. The Rationality of Voting and Duties of Elected Officials.Marcus Arvan - 2017 - In Emily Crookston, David Killoren & Jonathan Trerise (eds.), Ethics in Politics: The Rights and Obligations of Individual Political Agents. New York, USA: Routledge. pp. 239-253.
    In his recent article in Philosophy and Public Affairs, 'The Paradox of Voting and Ethics of Political Representation', Alexander A. Guerrero argues it is rational to vote because each voter should want candidates they support to have the strongest public mandate possible if elected to office, and because every vote contributes to that mandate. The present paper argues that two of Guerrero's premises require correction, and that when those premises are corrected several provocative but compelling conclusions follow about the rationality (...)
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  23. Autonomy, Authority, and Anarchy.James Humphries - 2017 - Dissertation, University of Glasgow
    The problem of the ‘mountain man’, the caricature of self-sufficiency and individualism, is not a new one for autonomy theorists. It seems plausible that there is genuine value in self-direction according to one’s deeply-held principles. If autonomy involves something like this, then anyone concerned with autonomy as a social rather than individualistic phenomenon must explain what the mountain man gets wrong when he denies that his autonomy admits of being placed under obligations to others. In particular, the mountain man challenges (...)
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  24. Occam’s Razor and Non-Voluntarist Accounts of Political Authority.Luke Maring - 2017 - Dialogue 56 (1):159-173.
    Certain non-voluntarists have recently defended political authority by advancing two-part views. First, they argue that the state, or the law, is best (or uniquely) capable of accomplishing something important. Second, they defend a substantive normative principle on which being so situated is sufficient for de jure authority. This paper uses widely accepted tenets to show that all such defenses of authority fail.
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  25. The Pervasive Structure of Society.Tim Syme - 2017 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (8):888-924.
    What does it mean to say that the demands of justice are institutional rather than individual? Justice is often thought to be directly concerned only with governmental institutions rather than individuals’ everyday, legally permissible actions. This approach has been criticized for ignoring the relevance to justice of informal social norms. This paper defends the idea that justice is distinctively institutional but rejects the primacy of governmental institutions. I argue that the ‘pervasive structure of society’ is the site of justice and (...)
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  26. The Possibility of a Fair Play Account of Legitimacy.Justin Tosi - 2017 - Ratio 30 (1):88-99.
    The philosophical literature on state legitimacy has recently seen a significant conceptual revision. Several philosophers have argued that the state's right to rule is better characterized not as a claim right to obedience, but as a power right. There have been few attempts to show that traditional justifications for the claim right might also be used to justify a power right, and there have been no such attempts involving the principle of fair play, which is widely regarded as the most (...)
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  27. A Fair Play Account of Legitimate Political Authority.Justin Tosi - 2017 - Legal Theory 23 (1):55-67.
    There is an emerging consensus among political philosophers that state legitimacy involves something more than—or perhaps other than—political obligation. Yet the principle of fair play, which many take to be a promising basis for political obligation, has been largely absent from discussions of the revised conception of legitimacy. This paper shows how the principle of fair play can generate legitimate political authority by drawing on a neglected feature of the principle—its stipulation that members of a cooperative scheme must reciprocate specifically (...)
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  28. Playing Fair and Following the Rules.Justin Tosi - 2017 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 14 (2):134-141.
    In his paper “Fairness, Political Obligation, and the Justificatory Gap” (published in the Journal of Moral Philosophy), Jiafeng Zhu argues that the principle of fair play cannot require submission to the rules of a cooperative scheme, and that when such submission is required, the requirement is grounded in consent. I propose a better argument for the claim that fair play requires submission to the rules than the one Zhu considers. I also argue that Zhu’s attribution of consent to people commonly (...)
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  29. The Transfer of Duties: From Individuals to States and Back Again.Stephanie Collins & Holly Lawford-Smith - 2016 - In Michael Brady & Miranda Fricker (eds.), The Epistemic Life of Groups. Oxford University Press. pp. 150-172.
    Individuals sometimes pass their duties on to collectives, which is one way in which collectives can come to have duties. The collective discharges its duties by acting through its members, which involves distributing duties back out to individuals. Individuals put duties in and get (transformed) duties out. In this paper we consider whether (and if so, to what extent) this general account can make sense of states' duties. Do some of the duties we typically take states to have come from (...)
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  30. The Principle of Fairness, Political Duties, and the Benefits Proviso Mistake.Daniel Koltonski - 2016 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 13 (3):265-293.
    Recent debate in the literature on political obligation about the principle of fairness rests on a mistake. Despite the widespread assumption to the contrary, a person can have a duty of fairness to share in the burdens of sustaining some cooperative scheme even though that scheme does not represent a net benefit to her. Recognizing this mistake allows for a resolution of the stalemate between those who argue that the mere receipt of some public good from a scheme can generate (...)
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  31. Examination of Practices of Ignorance Conducive to Democracy Based on Rancièrian Thought and Rortian Pragmatism.Lev Marder - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (8):797-814.
    Theorists, who broadly subscribe to Claude Lefort’s characterization of democracy as the dissolution of the markers of certainty, disagree over the proper enactment of democracy. In this article, I consider the possibility of narrowing the gap by attending to the ignorance advocated by each of the two approaches – the disruptive radical route Jacques Rancière describes and the reformist approach of Richard Rorty. I highlight the attributes and shortcomings of the positive link between practices of ignorance and democracy in the (...)
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  32. The Morality of State Symbolic Power.George Tsai - 2016 - Social Theory and Practice 42 (2):318-342.
  33. On Realist Legitimacy.Fabian Wendt - 2016 - Social Philosophy and Policy 32 (2):227-245.
    In the last ten or fifteen years, realism has emerged as a distinct approach in political theory. Realists are skeptical about the merits of abstract theories of justice. They regard peace, order, and stability as the primary goals of politics. One of the more concrete aims of realists is to develop a realist perspective on legitimacy. I argue that realist accounts of legitimacy are unconvincing, because they do not solve what I call the “puzzle of legitimacy”: the puzzle of how (...)
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  34. Political Authority and the Minimal State.Fabian Wendt - 2016 - Social Theory and Practice 42 (1):97-122.
    Robert Nozick and Eric Mack have tried to show that a minimal state could be just. A minimal state, they claim, could help to protect people’s moral rights without violating moral rights itself. In this article, I will discuss two challenges for defenders of a minimal state. The first challenge is to show that the just minimal state does not violate moral rights when taxing people and when maintaining a monopoly on the use of force. I argue that this challenge (...)
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  35. Public Goods and Government Action.Jonny Anomaly - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (2):109-128.
  36. Political Anarchism and Raz’s Theory of Authority.Bruno Leipold - 2015 - Res Publica 21 (3):309-329.
    This article argues that using Joseph Raz’s service conception of authority to reject philosophical anarchism can be affected by political anarchism. Whereas philosophical anarchism only denies the authority of the state, political anarchism claims that anarchism is a better alternative to the state. Raz’s theory holds that an institution has authority if it enables people to better conform with reason. I argue that there are cases where anarchism is an existing alternative to the state and better fulfils this condition. Consequently, (...)
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  37. Conceptualising ‘Authority’.C. Naomi Osorio-Kupferblum - 2015 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 23 (2):223-236.
    This paper attempts a conceptualisation of authority intended to be useful across all areas where the concept is relevant. It begins by setting off authority against power, on the one hand, and respect, on the other, and then spells out S1’s authority as consisting in S2’s voluntary action performed in the belief that S1 would approve of it. While this definition should hold for authority generally, a distinction is made between three different kinds of authority according to what grounds them: (...)
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  38. The Philosopher King : An Indian Point of View.Desh Raj Sirswal - 2015 - Sucharitha: A Journal of Philosophy and Religion 3 (01):12-19.
    The celebrated Greek philosopher Plato had dreamed of a philosopher-king to rule his ideal state. Keeping in socratarian tradition Aristotle said in similar way "it is better for a city to be governed by a good man than even by good laws ". According to Plato, “The philosopher is he who has in his mind the perfect pattern of justice, beauty, truth; his is the knowledge of the eternal; he contemplates all time and all existence; no praises are too high (...)
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  39. Why Hobbes Cannot Limit the Leviathan: A Critical Commentary on Larry May's Limiting Leviathan.Marcus Arvan - 2014 - Hobbes Studies 27 (2):171-177.
    This commentary contends that Larry May’s Hobbesian argument for limitations on sovereignty and lawmaking in Limiting Leviathan does not succeed. First, I show that Hobbes begins with a plausible instrumental theory of normativity. Second, I show that Hobbes then attempts, unsuccessfully—by his own lights—to defend a kind of non-instrumental, moral normativity. Thus, I contend, in order to successfully “limit the Leviathan” of the state, the Hobbesian must provide a sound instrumental argument in favor of the sovereign limiting their actions and (...)
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  40. The Authority’s Coded Discourse.E. A. Degaltseva - 2014 - Liberal Arts in Russiaроссийский Гуманитарный Журналrossijskij Gumanitarnyj Žurnalrossijskij Gumanitaryj Zhurnalrossiiskii Gumanitarnyi Zhurnal 3 (6):480.
    The article is devoted to the formal aspects of the political power. It examines the nature of power on the basis of the analysis of dreams of her media: Russian statesmen of XIXth and early XXth centuries. The relevance of the topic due to the dynamism of a modern political culture, the inability to identify formal sources of legitimacy of authority. The results indicate the mythologization and mystification of power. Components reviewed in historical Retrospect discourses were inherited from the past (...)
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  41. The Servient Character of Political Power According to St. Thomas Aquinas.Pawel Tarasiewicz - 2014 - Studia Gilsoniana 3:399-413.
    The author attempts to justify the thesis of the servient character of political power. By his analyses, he arrives at two conclusions. First, the ultimate goal of service fulfilled by political power should be identical with the natural goal of every human being, meaning a life of virtue. Hence, service to the cause of the citizens’ virtue requires that the fundamental duties of power include the protection of public peace, the promotion of actions towards the common good, and striving for (...)
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  42. “Harm” and Mill’s Harm Principle.Piers Norris Turner - 2014 - Ethics 124 (2):299-326.
    This article addresses the long-standing problem of how to understand Mill’s famous harm principle in light of his failure to specify what counts as “harm” in On Liberty. I argue that standard accounts restricting “harm” to only certain negative consequences fail to do justice to the text, and that this fact forces us to rethink Mill’s defense of individual liberty. I then offer a new account of that defense in which “harm” is understood in an expansive sense, despite apparent problems (...)
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  43. Billy Budd's Song: Authority and Music in the Public Sphere.Jonathan A. Neufeld - 2013 - Opera Quarterly 28 (3-4):172-191.
    While Billy Budd's beauty has often been connected to his innocence and his moral goodness, the significance of the musical character of his beauty—what I will argue is the site of a struggle for political expression—has not been remarked upon by commentators of Melville's novella. It has, however, been deeply explored by Britten's opera. Music has often been situated at, or just beyond, the limits of communication; it has served as a medium of the ineffable, of unsaid and unsayable truths (...)
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  44. Consensus, Compromise, Justice and Legitimacy.Enzo Rossi - 2013 - Critical Review of Social and International Political Philosophy 16 (4):557-572.
    Could the notion of compromise help us overcoming – or at least negotiating – the frequent tension, in normative political theory, between the realistic desideratum of peaceful coexistence and the idealistic desideratum of justice? That is to say, an analysis of compromise may help us moving beyond the contrast between two widespread contrasting attitudes in contemporary political philosophy: ‘fiat iustitia, pereat mundus’ on the one side, ‘salus populi suprema lex’ on the other side. More specifically, compromise may provide the backbone (...)
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  45. Basic Challenges for Governance in Emergencies.François Tanguay-Renaud - 2013 - In Alice MacLachlan & C. Allen Speight (eds.), Justice, Responsibility, and Reconciliation in the Wake of Conflict. Springer.
    What are emergencies and why do they matter? In this chapter (in its penultimate version), I seek to outline the morally significant features of the concept of emergency, and demonstrate how these features generate corresponding first- and second-order challenges and responsibilities for those in a position to do something about them. In section A, I contend that emergencies are situations in which there is a risk of serious harm and a need to react urgently if that harm is to be (...)
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  46. Criminalizing the State.François Tanguay-Renaud - 2013 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 7 (2):255-284.
    In this article, I ask whether the state, as opposed to its individual members, can intelligibly and legitimately be criminalized, with a focus on the possibility of its domestic criminalization. I proceed by identifying what I take to be the core objections to such criminalization, and then investigate ways in which they can be challenged. First, I address the claim that the state is not a kind of entity that can intelligibly perpetrate domestic criminal wrongs. I argue against it by (...)
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  47. Justice, Legitimacy, and Diversity: Political Authority Between Realism and Moralism.Emanuela Ceva & Enzo Rossi (eds.) - 2012 - Routledge.
    Most contemporary political philosophers take justice—rather than legitimacy—to be the fundamental virtue of political institutions vis-à-vis the challenges of ethical diversity. Justice-driven theorists are primarily concerned with finding mutually acceptable terms to arbitrate the claims of conflicting individuals and groups. Legitimacy-driven theorists, instead, focus on the conditions under which those exercising political authority on an ethically heterogeneous polity are entitled to do so. But what difference would it make to the management of ethical diversity in liberal democratic societies if legitimacy (...)
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  48. Rethinking Political Obligation: Moral Principles, Communal Ties, Citizenship.Dorota Mokrosinska - 2012 - Palgrave-Macmillan.
    Why obey the state? Dorota Mokrosińska presents a fresh analysis of the most influential theories of political obligation and develops a novel approach to this foundational problem of political philosophy, an intriguing combination of the elements of natural duty and associative theories. The theory of political obligation developed in the book extends the scope of the contemporary debate on political obligation by arguing that political obligation can be binding even under the jurisdiction of unjust states. The arguments pursued in the (...)
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  49. L'Università Fascista di Bologna e Giovanni Gentile. Una conferenza inedita del 1930.Rossano Pancaldi - 2012 - Giornale Critico Della Filosofia Italiana 8 (1):82-124.
    In 1924 the Fascist University was founded in Bologna. This essay reconstructs the foundation of this study centre, its cultural purposes and contacts with the academic world Giovanni Gentile had frequent relations with this cultural centre. On March 9th, 1930 he participated in a crowded lecture making a speech that was to remain unknown. It is published here and analyzed in relation to his complete works and the reactions aroused in Bologna and in the national cultural environments. The essay ends (...)
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  50. The Fascist University of Bologna and Giovanni Gentile, an Unpublished Conference From 1930.Rossano Pancaldi - 2012 - Giornale Critico Della Filosofia Italiana 8 (1):82-124.
    In 1924 the Fascist University was founded in Bologna. This essay reconstructs the foundation of this study centre, its cultural purposes and contacts with the academic world Giovanni Gentile had frequent relations with this cultural centre. On March 9th, 1930 he participated in a crowded lecture making a speech that was to remain unknown. It is published here and analyzed in relation to his complete works and the reactions aroused in Bologna and in the national cultural environments. The essay ends (...)
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