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  1. Twenty-First Century Anti-Democracy: Theory and Practice in the World.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under democracy has become complacent. Even the recent reaffirmation of communism by influential philosophers such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek failed to inspire a significant following. There has been no radical philosophical reaction to the near-collapse of the capitalist economic system, mainly because any criticism of capitalism would imply a criticism of democracy ("the best possible political shell for capitalism", as Lenin said). Techno-philosophical alternatives (...)
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  2. The Best and the Rest: Idealistic Thinking in a Non-Ideal World.David Wiens - manuscript
    Models of idealistic societies pervade the history of political thought from ancient times to the present. How can these models contribute to our thinking about political life in our non-ideal world? Not, as many political theorists have hoped, by performing a normative function -- by giving us reasons to accept particular political principles for the purpose of regulating our thought and behavior. Even still, idealistic models can sharpen our thinking about politics by performing a conceptual function -- by helping us (...)
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  3. Constituent Power-With.N. P. Adams - forthcoming - Philosophy and Public Affairs.
    Constituent power is an idea with a long tradition in modern political thought but has been largely abandoned since the middle of the twentieth century. Here I offer a new account of constituent power that avoids problems of the classical account, including the paradox of constitutionalism, and clarifies how individuals contribute to creating their shared political order. I argue that constituent power should be understood as an individual power-with: the agential power to constitute a legal order with others. Our individual, (...)
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  4. Equality and prosperity.Werner Baer - forthcoming - Social Research: An International Quarterly.
  5. How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Political Normativity.Adrian Kreutz & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - Political Studies Review.
    Do salient normative claims about politics require moral premises? Political moralists think they do, political realists think they do not. We defend the viability of realism in a two-pronged way. First, we show that a number of recent attacks on realism, as well as realist responses to those attacks, unduly conflate distinctively political normativity and non-moral political normativity. Second, we argue that Alex Worsnip and Jonathan Leader-Maynard’s recent attack on realist arguments for a distinctively political normativity depends on assuming moralism (...)
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  6. A Karendtian Theory of Political Evil: Connecting Kant and Arendt on Political Wrongdoing.Helga Varden - forthcoming - Estudos Kantianos.
    This paper shows ways to develop, integrate, and transform Kant’s and Arendt’s theories on political evil into a unified Karendtian theory. Given the deep influence Kant had on Arendt’s thinking, the deep philosophical compatibility between their projects is not surprising. But the results of drawing on the resources left by both is exciting and groundbreaking with regard to both political evil in general and the challenges of modernity and totalitarianism in particular.
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  7. Is a conservative philosophical anthropology possible?Eliseo Vivas - forthcoming - Social Research: An International Quarterly.
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  8. Procreative Justice Reconceived: Shifting the Moral Gaze.Emmalon Davis - 2024 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association (First View):1-23.
    This paper reconsiders Tommie Shelby's (2016) analysis of procreation in poor black communities. I identify three conceptual frames within which Shelby situates his analysis—feminization, choice-as-control, and moralization. I argue that these frames should be rejected on conceptual, empirical, and moral grounds. As I show, this framing engenders a flawed understanding of poor black women's procreative lives. I propose an alternative framework for reconceiving the relationship between poverty and procreative justice, one oriented around reproductive flourishing instead of reproductive responsibility. More generally, (...)
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  9. Hobbes y la cuestión del poder.Sandra Leonie Field - 2024 - In Diego Fernández Peychaux, Antonio David Rozenberg & Ramírez Beltrán Julián (eds.), Thomas Hobbes: libertad y poder en la metamorfosis moderna. Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani. pp. 188-232. Translated by Ramírez Beltrán Julián.
    Spanish translation of Field, S. L. (2014). 'Hobbes and the question of power'. Journal of the History of Philosophy, 52(1), 61-86. Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the philosopher of power par excellence; however, I demonstrate that Hobbes’s conceptualization of political power is not stable across his texts. Once the distinction is made between the authorized and the effective power of the sovereign, it is no longer sufficient simply to defend a doctrine of the authorized power of the sovereign; such (...)
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  10. Políticas de la definición de lo humano: más allá de un problema de igualdad.Enver Joel Torregroza Lara - 2024 - Las Torres de Lucca: Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política 13 (1):31-39.
    Anne Phillips argues that definitions of the human are a trap for the political claims to equality contained in humanitarianism or human rights discourse. However, defining the human also hides the ontological and political problem addressed by the Philosophical Anthropology. There is an ethical and political stake in the philosophical anthropology of the last century when it insists on the indefinability of the human. With this, it criticizes the politics implicit in the definition of the human. And also, it questions (...)
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  11. Reasons for Political Friendship.Cansu Hepçağlayan - 2023 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 26 (3):343-359.
    Scholarly curiosity about political friendship (the relationship of mutual care among political fellows) is increasing as liberal democracies around the world face radical polarization. Yet one worry persists: can political friendship really exist in contemporary democracies? The objective of this paper is to answer this question in the affirmative. To this end, I investigate whether members of modern polities have reasons to form friendly bonds with one another. The paper has four parts. The first establishes a fundamental desideratum that any (...)
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  12. Is One More Powerful with Numbers on One's Side?Sean Ingham & Niko Kolodny - 2023 - Journal of Political Philosophy 31 (4):452-469.
    Journal of Political Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  13. Mastering the Future: Power and the Futural Logic of Security.Torsten Menge - 2023 - Developing Critical Security Studies From Doha.
  14. Colonial Genealogies of National Self-Determination.Torsten Menge - 2023 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 9 (4):705 - 723.
    Self-determination is a central concept for political philosophers. For example, many have appealed to this concept to defend a right of states to restrict immigration. Because it is deeply embedded in our political structures, the principle possesses a kind of default authority and does not usually call for an elaborate defense. In this paper, I will argue that genealogical studies by Adom Getachew, Radhika Mongia, Nandita Sharma, and others help to challenge this default authority. Their counter-histories show that the principle (...)
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  15. Cancel Culture: an Essentially Contested Concept?Claudio Novelli - 2023 - Athena - Critical Inquiries in Law, Philosophy and Globalization 1 (2):I-X.
    Cancel culture is a form of societal self-defense that becomes prominent particularly during periods of substantial moral upheaval. It can lead to the polarization of incompatible viewpoints if it is indiscriminately demonized. In this brief editorial letter, I consider framing cancel culture as an essentially contested concept (ECC), according to the theory of Walter B. Gallie, with the aim of establishing a groundwork for a more productive discourse on it. In particular, I propose that intermediate agreements and principles of reasonableness (...)
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  16. Is Ecoturism Environmentally and Socially Acceptable in the Climate, Demographic, and Political Regime of the Anthropocene?Richard Sťahel - 2023 - In João Carlos Ribeiro Cardoso Mendes, Isabel Ponce de Leão, Maria do Carmo Mendes & Rui Paes Mendes (eds.), GREEN MARBLE 2023. Estudos sobre o Antropoceno e Ecocrítica / Studies on the Anthropocene and Ecocriticism. INfAST - Institute for Anthropocene Studies. pp. 73-88.
    Tourism is one of the socio-economic trends that significantly contributes to the shift of the planetary system into the Anthropocene regime. At the same time, it is also a socio-cultural practice characteristic of the imperial mode of living, or consumerism. Thus, it is a form of commodification of nature, also a way of deepening social inequalities between a privileged minority of the global population and an exploited majority providing services to those whose socio-economic status allows them to travel for fun (...)
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  17. A grammatical investigation?Robert Vinten - 2023 - In Soraya Nour Sckell (ed.), Meeting Balibar: A discussion on equaliberty and differences. Edições Húmus. pp. 77-82.
    This chapter is a response to Étienne Balibar's paper 'Ontological Difference, Anthropological Difference, and Equal Liberty', which was first published in European Journal of Philosophy and is republished in this book (Meeting Balibar, edited by Soraya Nour Sckell, Edições Húmus, 2023). Robert Vinten's chapter ('A grammatical investigation?') reflects upon grammar and ontology - as well as on war and Islamophobia.
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  18. The Concept of Legitimacy.N. P. Adams - 2022 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 52 (4):381-395.
    I argue that legitimacy discourses serve a gatekeeping function. They give practitioners telic standards for riding herd on social practices, ensuring that minimally acceptable versions of the practice are implemented. Such a function is a necessary part of implementing formalized social practices, especially including law. This gatekeeping account shows that political philosophers have misunderstood legitimacy; it is not secondary to justice and only necessary because we cannot agree about justice. Instead, it is a necessary feature of actual human social practices, (...)
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  19. Why Moral Agreement is Not Enough to Address Algorithmic Structural Bias.P. Benton - 2022 - Communications in Computer and Information Science 1551:323-334.
    One of the predominant debates in AI Ethics is the worry and necessity to create fair, transparent and accountable algorithms that do not perpetuate current social inequities. I offer a critical analysis of Reuben Binns’s argument in which he suggests using public reason to address the potential bias of the outcomes of machine learning algorithms. In contrast to him, I argue that ultimately what is needed is not public reason per se, but an audit of the implicit moral assumptions of (...)
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  20. Hermeneutical Injustice: Distortion and Conceptual Aptness.Arianna Falbo - 2022 - Hypatia 37 (2):343-363.
    This article develops a new approach for theorizing about hermeneutical injustice. According to a dominant view, hermeneutical injustice results from a hermeneutical gap: one lacks the conceptual tools needed to make sense of, or to communicate, important social experience, where this lack is a result of an injustice in the background social methods used to determine hermeneutical resources. I argue that this approach is incomplete. It fails to capture an important species of hermeneutical injustice which doesn’t result from a lack (...)
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  21. The Stability of the Just Society: Why Fixed Point Theorems Are Beside The Point.Sean Ingham & David Wiens - 2022 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 23 (2):312-319.
    Political theorists study the attributes of desirable social-moral states of affairs. Schaefer (forthcoming) aims to show that "static political theory" of this kind rests on shaky foundations. His argument revolves around an application of an abstruse mathematical theorem -- Kakutani's fixed point theorem -- to the social-moral domain. We show that Schaefer has misunderstood the implications of this theorem for political theory. Theorists who wish to study the attributes of social-moral states of affairs should carry on, safe in the knowledge (...)
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  22. How East Meets West: Justice and Consequences in Confucian Meritocracy.Thomas Mulligan - 2022 - Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 37:17-38.
    "Meritocracy" has historically been understood in two ways. The first is as an approach to governance. On this understanding, we seek to put meritorious (somehow defined) people into public office to the benefit of society. This understanding has its roots in Confucius, its scope is political offices, and its justification is consequentialist. The second understanding of "meritocracy" is as a theory of justice. We distribute in accordance with merit in order to give people the things that they deserve, as justice (...)
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  23. Conceptual Engineering and the Politics of Implementation.Matthieu Https://Orcidorg Queloz & Friedemann Https://Orcidorg Bieber - 2022 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 103 (3):670-691.
    Conceptual engineering is thought to face an ‘implementation challenge’: the challenge of securing uptake of engineered concepts. But is the fact that implementation is challenging really a defect to be overcome? What kind of picture of political life would be implied by making engineering easy to implement? We contend that the ambition to obviate the implementation challenge goes against the very idea of liberal democratic politics. On the picture we draw, the implementation challenge can be overcome by institutionalizing control over (...)
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  24. Intentional and Unintentional Discrimination: What Are They and What Makes Them Morally Different.Rona Dinur - 2021 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 19 (2):111-138.
    The distinction between intentional and unintentional discrimination is a prominent one in the literature and public discourse; intentional discriminatory actions are commonly considered particularly morally objectionable relative to unintentional discriminatory actions. Nevertheless, it remains unclear what the two types amount to, and what generates the moral difference between them. The paper develops philosophically-informed conceptualizations of the two types based on which the moral difference between them may be accounted for. On the suggested account, intentional discrimination is characterized by the agent (...)
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  25. Socially Sustainable, Thoroughly Democratic Power.Eric S. Godoy - 2021 - Climate Matters Series.
    I discuss the energy democracy movement and its call to expand democratic power over energy production, distribution, and development. In addition to sparking wildfires and driving climate change, the world’s energy system is linked to a host of justice issues. A commitment to a robust conception of democracy and social sustainability is the best way to guard against replicating those injustices as the world transitions to a renewable energy system. Philosophers can say much more about the value of energy democracy (...)
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  26. Religion, Secularism, and Political Belonging.Leerom Medovoi & Elizabeth Bentley (eds.) - 2021 - Duke University Press.
    Working in four scholarly teams focused on different global regions—North America, the European Union, the Middle East, and China—the contributors to _Religion, Secularism, and Political Belonging_ examine how new political worlds intersect with locally specific articulations of religion and secularism. The chapters address many topics, including the changing relationship between Islam and politics in Tunisia after the 2010 revolution, the influence of religion on the sharp turn to the political right in Western Europe, understandings of Confucianism as a form of (...)
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  27. Fanon's Frame of Violence: Undoing the Instrumental/Non-Instrumental Binary.Imge Oranli - 2021 - Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies 23 (8):1106-1123.
    The scholarship on Frantz Fanon’s theorization of violence is crowded with interpretations that follow the Arendtian paradigm of violence. These interpretations often discuss whether violence is instrumental or non-instrumental in Fanon’s work. This reading, I believe, is the result of approaching Fanon through Hannah Arendt’s framing of violence, i.e. through a binary paradigm of instrumental versus non-instrumental violence. Even some Fanon scholars who question Arendt’s reading of Fanon, do so by employing a similar binary logic, hence repeating the same either/or (...)
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  28. Ein Gesellschaftsvertrag für alle. Die Universalität der Menschenrechte nach Olympe de Gouges.Elisa Orrù - 2021 - Allgemeine Zeitschrift für Philosophie 46 (2):183-206.
    The importance of French revolutionary and philosopher Olympe de Gouges as a pioneer of the women’s rights movement is generally recognised today. In contrast, the significance of her thought for practical philosophy has not yet been fully appreciated. This article aims to bring out the relevance of de Gouges’ writings for practical philosophy both historically and systematically. Drawing on her 1791 text The Rights of Women, this article compares de Gouges’ depiction of gender relationships in the private and public spheres (...)
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  29. Legitimacy beyond the state: institutional purposes and contextual constraints.N. P. Adams, Antoinette Scherz & Cord Schmelzle - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (3):281-291.
    The essays collected in this special issue explore what legitimacy means for actors and institutions that do not function like traditional states but nevertheless wield significant power in the global realm. They are connected by the idea that the specific purposes of non-state actors and the contexts in which they operate shape what it means for them to be legitimate and so shape the standards of justification that they have to meet. In this introduction, we develop this guiding methodology further (...)
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  30. Patriotism, Local and Global.Charles Blattberg - 2020 - In Mitja Sardoč (ed.), Handbook of Patriotism. Cham, Switzerland: Springer.
    The terms “patriotism” and “nationalism” are distinguished historically, conceptually, and geographically. Historically, patriotism is shown to have roots in the classical republican tradition of political thought, according to which citizens should give priority to the common good of their political or civic, as distinct from national, community. Conceptually, it is argued that patriotism is best understood as a political philosophy, an account of the form or forms of dialogue that citizens should engage in when responding to their conflicts, whereas nationalism (...)
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  31. The Concept of the Kurdish Political.Jason Dockstader & Rojîn Mûkrîyan - 2020 - Journal of International Political Theory 17 (3):512-530.
    Recently, some have read Turkish political developments from the perspective of Carl Schmitt’s political theory. This paper aims to modify aspects of these readings and offer in response a Schmitti...
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  32. The Political Literacy of Experts.Andreas Eriksen - 2020 - Ratio Juris 33 (1):82-97.
  33. Centripetal Federalism.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2020 - 50 Shades of Federalism, Ed. By S. Keil, P. Anderson. CCCU and CRÉQC.
    Centripetalism is often perceived as a type of a political system for a multi-segmental, especially multi-ethnic, country in order to create among the members of the political elite of moderate, accomodative, and integrative political behavior cross-cutting segmental divisions which, reaching beyond group interests, depoliticize the segmental separateness and, in this manner, reduce their significance. One of the central institutions of centripetalism is decentralization leading to a division of large segments into smaller parts that inhabit different, ideally multi-segmental regions, thus inclining (...)
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  34. The Role of Consent in Locke's Theory of State.Elena Yi-Jia Zeng - 2020 - Historical Inquiry, Journal of National Taiwan University 66:201-236.
    John Locke’s theory of state is heavily constructed around his doctrine of consent. The doctrine indeed signifies a critical moment in the development of liberal and democratic theories in the history of political thought. Nevertheless, the doctrine has provoked various controversies and raises doubts on whether Locke’s early and later positions are reconcilable. This paper joins the scholarly debate through investigating the role of consent in Locke’s theory of state. It rejects the ahistorical readings of the doctrine that deliberation and (...)
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  35. Book Review: Assembly, by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. [REVIEW]Samuel A. Chambers - 2019 - Political Theory 47 (5):724-733.
  36. “Offensiphobia” is a Red Herring: On the Problem of Censorship and Academic Freedom.Ben Cross & Louise Richardson-Self - 2019 - The Journal of Ethics 24 (1):31-54.
    In a recent article, J. Angelo Corlett criticises what he takes to be the ‘offensiphobic’ practices characteristic of many universities. The ‘offensiphobe’, according to Corlett, believes that offensive speech ought to be censured precisely because it offends. We argue that there are three serious problems with Corlett’s discussion. First, his criticism of ‘offensiphobia’ misrepresents the kinds of censorship practiced by universities; many universities may in some way censure speech which they regard as offensive, but this is seldom if ever a (...)
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  37. Discours à la nation catalane.Francesca Ferré - 2019 - Münster - Zurich: LIT Verlag.
    Pourquoi les catalans revendiquent-ils l'indépendance de la Catalogne ? Sont-ils un peuple, une nation ? Une nation en Europe peut-elle encore établir son État ? L'auteure propose une analyse en pensant à neuf les concepts politiques pour entendre ce qui est en jeu en ce moment décisif de l'histoire européenne. Il devient alors possible de comprendre la raison pour laquelle le droit à l'autodétermination s'applique à leur cas. Il importe de distinguer nation et nationalisme. Ces Discours sont trois essais de (...)
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  38. Sovereignty in Action.Bas Leijssenaar & Neil Walker (eds.) - 2019 - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
    Sovereignty in premodern times evoked the dynastic figure of the 'sovereign' or territorial monarch. In modern times, it became a more abstract idea, referring to the power of the state, later of the people or 'the popular sovereign' as articulated and refined through constitutional arrangements. Today these inherited understandings of sovereignty confront various new challenges, including those of globalization, privatization of power, and the rise of sub-state nationalism. An examination of key historical writers and trends from the seventeenth century onwards, (...)
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  39. How Far Does the European Union Reach? Foreign Land Acquisitions and the Boundaries of Political Communities.Torsten Menge - 2019 - Land 8 (3).
    The recent global surge in large-scale foreign land acquisitions marks a radical transformation of the global economic and political landscape. Since land that attracts capital often becomes the site of expulsions and displacement, it also leads to new forms of migration. In this paper, I explore this connection from the perspective of a political philosopher. I argue that changes in global land governance unsettle the congruence of political community and bounded territory that we often take for granted. As a case (...)
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  40. Book Review: Against Marriage: An Egalitarian Defence of the Marriage-Free State, by Clare Chambers. [REVIEW]Tamara Metz - 2019 - Political Theory 47 (3):414-418.
  41. Understanding complicity: memory, hope and the imagination.Mihaela Mihai - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (5):504-522.
  42. 21 वीं सदी में आत्मघाती यूटोपियाई भ्रम दर्शन, मानव प्रकृति और सभ्यता का पतन लेख और समीक्षाएं 2006-2019 5वीं संस्करण.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    वह लेख के पहले समूह के लिए हम कैसे व्यवहार है कि काफी सैद्धांतिक भ्रम से मुक्त है में कुछ अंतर्दृष्टि देने का प्रयास. अगले तीन समूहों में मैं एक स्थायी दुनिया को रोकने के प्रमुख भ्रम के तीन पर टिप्पणी - प्रौद्योगिकी, धर्म और pol(सहकारी समूह)। लोगों का मानना है कि समाज उनके द्वारा बचाया जा सकता है, तो मैं क्यों यह छोटे लेख और प्रसिद्ध लेखकों द्वारा हाल ही में पुस्तकों की समीक्षा के माध्यम से संभावना नहीं है (...)
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  43. Book Review: The Misinterpellated Subject, by James R. Martel. [REVIEW]Lasse Thomassen - 2019 - Political Theory 47 (2):282-286.
  44. Taking Sides.Nadia Urbinati - 2019 - Political Theory 47 (1):97-105.
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  45. Institutional Legitimacy.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy:84-102.
    Political legitimacy is best understood as one type of a broader notion, which I call institutional legitimacy. An institution is legitimate in my sense when it has the right to function. The right to function correlates to a duty of non-interference. Understanding legitimacy in this way favorably contrasts with legitimacy understood in the traditional way, as the right to rule correlating to a duty of obedience. It helps unify our discourses of legitimacy across a wider range of practices, especially including (...)
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  46. Is There a Distinctively Political Normativity?Jonathan Leader Maynard & Alex Worsnip - 2018 - Ethics 128 (4):756-787.
    A slew of recent political theorists—many taking their cue from the political writings of Bernard Williams—have recently contended that political normativity is its own kind of normativity, distinct from moral normativity. In this article, we first attempt to clarify what this claim amounts to and then reconstruct and interrogate five major arguments for it. We contend that all these arguments are unconvincing and fail to establish a sense in which political normativity is genuinely separate from morality.
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  47. Andrew Fiala: The Bloomsbury Companion to Political Philosophy: Bloomsbury Academic, New York, NY, 2015, 264 pp + index, $171.00 hc. [REVIEW]Gregory McCreery - 2018 - Human Studies 41 (4):719-726.
  48. Imparcialidad ejemplar.María G. Navarro - 2018 - In Ricardo Gutiérrez Aguilar (ed.), Predicar con el ejemplo. Ser y deber (de) ser en lo público. Edicions Bellaterra. pp. 215-226.
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  49. Evil's Inscrutability in Arendt and Levinas.Imge Oranli - 2018 - Science Et Esprit 70 (3):341-362.
    Since 2001, Continental philosophical studies of evil suggest that we are forced to rethink the category of evil as we face acts of terrorism on a global scale. In light of this suggestion, this article traces the idea of the “inscrutability of evil” as a common lens through which we associate the category of evil with the phenomena we identify as evil. This idea finds its first modern formulation in Kant’s theory of radical evil. I argue that Hannah Arendt and (...)
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  50. The trigger effect: Cognitive biases and fake news.Tommaso Ostillio - 2018 - Internetowy Magazyn Filozoficzny Hybris 44 (01):86-104.
    This research study focuses on the problem of populistic propaganda online. In particular, this research study provides three case studies gathered in a Facebook Group of the Italian populistic movement Movimento 5 Stelle. On the one hand, the three case studies provide three powerful counterexamples to the thesis that online media are purposeful aggregator of people. In fact, this research study finds that online media are the perfect environment for populism to thrive. For online media seem to foster the aggregation (...)
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