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  1. Susan Moller Okin (1946-2004).Brooke Ackerly - 2004 - Political Theory 32 (4):446-448.
  2. Institutional Legitimacy.N. P. Adams - 2017 - Journal of Political Philosophy.
    Political legitimacy is best understood as one type of a broader notion, which I call institutional legitimacy. An institution is legitimate in my sense when it has the right to function. The right to function correlates to a duty of non-interference. Understanding legitimacy in this way favorably contrasts with legitimacy understood in the traditional way, as the right to rule correlating to a duty of obedience. It helps unify our discourses of legitimacy across a wider range of practices, especially including (...)
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  3. Conflict.Robert Merrihew Adams - 2009 - Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 83 (1):115-132.
    The following theses are defended. Conflict has importantly valuable functions, but we obviously need to limit its destructiveness. The efficacy of reasoning together in resolving or restraining conflict is limited; it needs to be supplemented by procedures such as negotiation, compromise, and voting. Despite the urgency of justice, when the resolution or limitation of a conflict needs to be negotiated, the best attainable outcome will often not seem completely just to all parties, and some claims of justice, as seen by (...)
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  4. Is Postmodernism Meaningful in Yoruba?Adeshina Afolayan - 2008 - Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (2):209–224.
  5. A Treatise on Political Philosophy.John Altmann - manuscript
    A Treatise on Political Philosophy expounds upon the nature of government and its relationship with the citizen. We see how this relationship regresses towards class warfare and the egregious error made by government that makes such warfare possible. The Treatise also examines the role of the citizen and their importance in the dictation of the State.
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  6. Influencing the Will of Another Person.Peter Baumann - 1996 - Social Philosophy Today 12:25-40.
    This article discusses a neglected from of social power: the non-coercive power to influence the will of another person. This form of power allows to avoid the costs of open conflict and works in less obvious and visible ways. It is, however, an important resource in social relations and can help explain a lot of the structural stability of societies.
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  7. The Public Interest.Theodore M. Benditt - 1973 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 2 (3):291-311.
  8. Nancy Responds to Blanchot.Greg Bird - 2008 - Angelaki 13 (1):3 – 26.
  9. Hypothetical Consent and Moral Force.Daniel Brudney - 1991 - Law and Philosophy 10 (3):235 - 270.
    This article starts by examining the appeal to hypothetical consent as used by law and economics writers. I argue that their use of this kind of argument has no moral force whatever. I then briefly examine, through some remarks on Rawls and Scanlon, the conditions under which such an argument would have moral force. Finally, I bring these considerations to bear to criticize the argument of judge Frank Easterbrook's majority opinion in Flamm v. Eberstadt.
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  10. Come dovrebbe rispondere una teoria della giustizia ai conflitti di valori? Alcune considerazioni meta-teoriche.Emanuela Ceva - 2010 - Rivista di Filosofia 101 (1):81-97.
    L’oggetto di questo studio è il tipo di contributo che le teorizzazioni filosofiche sulla giustizia possono dare in risposta ai conflitti di valori in politica, perseguendo la risoluzione o la gestione di questi ultimi, e le implicazioni che la scelta di una di queste strade può avere sulla struttura della teoria stessa.
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  11. Deference, Degree and Selfhood.Stephen R. L. Clark - 2005 - Philosophy 80 (2):249-260.
    The world we lost, and now barely understand, was one where everyone knew her place, and her attendant duties. Civilized groups were the likeliest to insist on a diversity of rôle and rule. Primitive societies are ones where there are rather fewer such distinctions. Slaves and merchants offered a way of being outside the orders, and from the older point of view, the life of slaves and merchants is exactly what the ‘liberal’ ideal entails. No one can count on her (...)
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  12. Facts and Principles.G. A. Cohen - 2003 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 31 (3):211-245.
  13. Philosophical Issues in Transitional Justice Theory: A (Provisional) Balance.Claudio Corradetti - 2013 - Politica E Societa' (2):185-220.
  14. What Does Cultural Difference Require of Human Rights.Claudio Corradetti - 2013 - In Cindy Holder & David Reidy (eds.), Human Rights. The Hard Questions, Cambridge University Press.
    Th e contemporary right to freedom of thought together with all its further declinations into freedom of speech, religion, conscience and expression, had one of its earliest historical recognitions at the end of the Wars of Religion with the Edict of Nantes (1598). In several respects one can saythat the right to freedom of thought is virtually “co-original” with the endof the Wars of Religion. Following this thought further, one might think that human rights defi ne the boundaries of our (...)
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  15. Solidarity and Social Moral Rules.Adam Cureton - 2012 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 15 (5):691-706.
    The value of solidarity, which is exemplified in noble groups like the Civil Rights Movement along with more mundane teams, families and marriages, is distinctive in part because people are in solidarity over, for or with regard to something, such as common sympathies, interests, values, etc. I use this special feature of solidarity to resolve a longstanding puzzle about enacted social moral rules, which is, aren’t these things just heuristics, rules of thumb or means of coordination that we ‘fetishize’ or (...)
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  16. The Sacred, Social Creativity and the State.Natalie Doyle - 2006 - Critical Horizons 7 (1):207-238.
    This paper explores the specific contribution of a strand of contemporary French social theory founded by Cornelius Castoriadis and Claude Lefort to the understanding of human power. It formulates a conception of power that transcends its definitions in terms of physical coercion or institutionalised violence to reveal the way power is creative and institutes the social. Its reflection on the cultural nature of political power and it role in society is shown to extend the pioneering reflection of Durkheim's sociology, especially (...)
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  17. Offsetting Race Privilege.Jeremy Dunham & Holly Lawford-Smith - forthcoming - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    For all the talk there has been lately about privilege, few have commented on the moral obligations that are associated with having privilege. Those who have commented haven't gone much beyond the idea that the privileged should be conscious of their privilege, should listen to those who don't have it. Here we want to go further, and build an account of the moral obligations of those with a particular kind of privilege: race privilege. In this paper we articulate an understanding (...)
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  18. Political Theory: An Overview.Paul Edwards & Philip Pettit - unknown
    ‘By political thcory," ]0hn Plamcnatz wrote, "I d0 not mean explanations of how governments function; I mean systematic thinking about the purposes of govcrnmcnt."l Political theory is a normative disciplinc, designed t0 let us evaluate rather than explain; in this it resembles moral or ethical theory. What distinguishes it among normative disciplines is that it is designed to facilitate in particular the evaluation of government or, if that is something more general, the statc.2 We are to identify the purposes of (...)
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  19. Introduction.Adam Etinson & Joshua Keton - 2014 - Journal of Social Philosophy 45 (1):3-6.
  20. Permissions, Promises, and Political Communities.Haskell Fain - 1978 - Midwest Studies in Philosophy 3 (1):324-349.
  21. Sul concetto di guerra in Francisco Suárez.C. Faraco - 2013 - Heliopolis.
  22. Vivere alla mercè. Figure della vulnerabilità nelle teorie politiche con­tem­­poranee [Living at the mercy of others. Vulnerability and con­tem­po­rary political theories].Estelle Ferrarese - 2010 - la Società Degli Individui 38.
    Questo articolo si sforza di ricollocare le teorie del care in seno alla teoria politica contemporanea, in cui si attesta un ritorno al tema della vulner­abi­li­tà corporea e morale come problema politico e morale in sé. Qui si distin­guono tre accezioni della parola vulnerabilità, accezioni che im­plicano ogni volta ragionamenti morali e legittimano ordini politici differenti: il modello del­la disponibilità alla ferita fisica e morale, quello dell’associazione stretta fra l’idea della vul­nerabilità e il concetto di dipendenza , e infine la (...)
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  23. Vivre à la merci.Estelle Ferrarese - 2009 - Multitudes 37 (2):132.
    Je tente de mettre en évidence trois pôles thématiques qui structurent la résurgence actuelle de l’idée de vulnérabilité, pôles qui sont à comprendre comme constitués dans un champ de tensions, et n’existant jamais sous une forme pure. Je distingue le modèle d’une disponibilité à la blessure physique et morale, celui d’une association stricte de l’idée de vulnérabilité au concept de dépendance, et enfin la vulnérabilité comme impropriété de soi. Et dans la mesure où la notion de vulnérabilité suppose davantage que (...)
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  24. Hobbes and the Question of Power.Sandra Field - 2014 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 52 (1):61-85.
    Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the philosopher of power par excellence; however, I demonstrate that Hobbes’s conceptualization of political power is not stable across his texts. Once the distinction is made between the authorized and the effective power of the sovereign, it is no longer sufficient simply to defend a doctrine of the authorized power of the sovereign; such a doctrine must be robustly complemented by an account of how the effective power commensurate to this authority might be achieved. (...)
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  25. Pragmatists, Deliberativists, and Democracy: The Quest for Inclusion.Clara Fischer - 2012 - Journal of Speculative Philosophy 26 (3):497-515.
    Similarities between pragmatist models of democracy and deliberative models have been explored over recent years, most notably in this journal ( Talisse 2004). However, the work of Iris Marion Young has, thus far, not figured in such comparative analyses and historical weighing of pragmatist antecedents in deliberativist work. In what follows, I wish to redress this oversight by placing Young in conversation with John Dewey and Jane Addams. Young's particular brand of deliberative theorizing focuses on the inclusion of women and (...)
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  26. Taking Stances, Contesting Commitments: Political Legitimacy and the Pragmatic Turn.Thomas Fossen - 2012 - Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (1):426-450.
  27. Left Wing Philosophy.Dustin Garlitz - 2014 - In Sherwood Thompson (ed.), Encyclopedia of Diversity and Social Justice. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
  28. Political Feasibility. A Conceptual Exploration.Pablo Gilabert & Holly Lawford-Smith - 2012 - Political Studies 60 (4):809-825.
  29. Exotic Appetites: Ruminations of a Food Adventurer.Lisa Heldke - 2015 - Routledge.
    First published in 2003. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
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  30. Class Transmission of Political Power.E. C. Horne - 1938 - Thought: A Journal of Philosophy 13 (4):541-557.
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  31. Political Liberalism and Toleration in Foreign Policy.Margaret Jenkins - 2010 - Journal of Social Philosophy 41 (1):112-136.
  32. Why Moralists Should Be Afraid of Political Values.Robert Jubb & Enzo Rossi - 2015 - Journal of Philosophical Research 40:465-468.
    In this rejoinder to Erman and Möller’s reply to our “Political Norms and Moral Values” we clarify the sense in which there can be specifically political values, and expound the practice-dependent notion of legitimacy adopted by our preferred version of political realism.
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  33. Political Norms and Moral Values.Robert Jubb & Enzo Rossi - 2015 - Journal of Philosophical Research 40:455-458.
    This is a response to Erman and Moller's response to our reply to their 'Political Legitimacy in the Real Normative World', both also in this journal.
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  34. Intolerant Tolerance.George Khushf - 1994 - Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 19 (2):161-181.
    The Hyde Amendment and Roman Catholic attempts to put restrictions on Title X funding have been criticized for being intolerant. However, such criticism fails to appreciate that there are two competing notions of tolerance, one focusing on the limits of state force and accepting pluralism as unavoidable, and the other focusing on the limits of knowledge and advancing pluralism as a good. These two types of tolerance, illustrated in the writings of John Locke and J.S. Mill, each involve an intolerance. (...)
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  35. Political Concepts.Dudley Knowles - 2005 - Contemporary Political Theory 4 (1):87-90.
  36. Twenty-First Century Anti-Democracy: Theory and Practice in the World.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under democracy has become complacent. Even the recent reaffirmation of communism by influential philosophers such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek failed to inspire a significant following. There has been no radical philosophical reaction to the near-collapse of the capitalist economic system, mainly because any criticism of capitalism would imply a criticism of democracy ("the best possible political shell for capitalism", as Lenin said). Techno-philosophical alternatives (...)
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  37. Anti-Democratic Thought.Erich Kofmel (ed.) - 2008 - Imprint Academic.
    From a historical and cross-cultural perspective it cannot be denied that most democracies failed. Only western democracies for a short while - from the fall of Soviet communism to the rise of radical Islam - believed themselves to be invincible. This book marks the start of a daring new debate and re-introduces anti-democratic thought and practice to the academic discourse and into the syllabus. It wishes to offer a serious discussion of anti-democratic thought, rather than an apology of democracy. The (...)
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  38. Fighting Capitalism and Democracy.Erich Kofmel - 2008 - In Anti-Democratic Thought. Imprint Academic.
    This paper looks at the linkage between democracy and capitalism, particularly in relation to phenomena of "globalization". It is based on the attempt to systematically gather evidence for such a linkage from different bodies of literature and to relate them to each other. The underlying review covers the linkage between "democracy" and various forms of "capitalism" in a historical perspective, liberal theory, modernisation theory, and the findings of empirical studies in favour of a linkage, as well as the counter argument (...)
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  39. Re-Introducing Anti-Democratic Thought.Erich Kofmel - 2008 - In Anti-Democratic Thought. Imprint Academic.
    In a historical and cross-cultural perspective the fact cannot be denied that most democracies failed. Many formerly democratic countries do not have a democratic government now. Many countries have never known democracy. Only western democracies for a short while - maybe to be dated from the fall of Soviet communism to the rise of radical Islam - believed themselves invincible. It seems therefore expedient to think about political alternatives once more and to study threats to democracy from within and without (...)
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  40. Rural Development with Special Reference to Drinking Water, Health and Agriculture in India.Shailendra Kumar - 2014 - SOCRATES 1 (March 2014):210-221.
    Rural India comprises 73 %of the country’s population, but its share in the total national income is less than 45 %. The rural sector is characterized by low income levels, poor quality of life and a weak human capital-base. There are many problems in rural India related with the health, agriculture & drinking water. Generally rural public health facilities across the country are having a difficult time attracting, retaining, and ensuring regular presence of highly trained medical professionals. The higher the (...)
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  41. Something to Die For. The Individual as Interruption of the Political in Carl Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political.Marin Lavinia - 2016 - Revue Roumaine de Philosophie 60 (2):311–325.
    This article aims to question the anti-individualist stance in Carl Schmitt's concept of the political by uncovering the historical bias of Schmitt's anti-individualism, seen here as one of the main driving forces behind his argument. For Schmitt, the political can take place only when a collectivity is able to declare war to another collectivity on the basis of feeling existentially threatened by the latter. As such, Schmitt's framework implies the inescapable possibility of war, as the condition which makes possible the (...)
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  42. Something to Die For. The Individual as Interruption of the Political in Carl Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political.Marin Lavinia - 2016 - Revue Roumaine de Philosophie 60 (2):311–325.
    This article aims to question the anti-individualist stance in Carl Schmitt's concept of the political by uncovering the historical bias of Schmitt's anti-individualism, seen here as one of the main driving forces behind his argument. For Schmitt, the political can take place only when a collectivity is able to declare war to another collectivity on the basis of feeling existentially threatened by the latter. As such, Schmitt's framework implies the inescapable possibility of war, as the condition which makes possible the (...)
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  43. Something to Die For. The Individual as Interruption of the Political in Carl Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political.Marin Lavinia - 2016 - Revue Roumaine de Philosophie 60 (2):311–325.
    This article aims to question the anti-individualist stance in Carl Schmitt's concept of the political by uncovering the historical bias of Schmitt's anti-individualism, seen here as one of the main driving forces behind his argument. For Schmitt, the political can take place only when a collectivity is able to declare war to another collectivity on the basis of feeling existentially threatened by the latter. As such, Schmitt's framework implies the inescapable possibility of war, as the condition which makes possible the (...)
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  44. Something to Die For. The Individual as Interruption of the Political in Carl Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political.Marin Lavinia - 2016 - Revue Roumaine de Philosophie 60 (2):311–325.
    This article aims to question the anti-individualist stance in Carl Schmitt's concept of the political by uncovering the historical bias of Schmitt's anti-individualism, seen here as one of the main driving forces behind his argument. For Schmitt, the political can take place only when a collectivity is able to declare war to another collectivity on the basis of feeling existentially threatened by the latter. As such, Schmitt's framework implies the inescapable possibility of war, as the condition which makes possible the (...)
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  45. Max Weber on the Relation Between Power Politics and Political Ideals.Marcus Llanque - 2007 - Constellations 14 (4):483-497.
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  46. Institutions.C. Mantzavinos - 2011 - In Ian Jarvie Jesús Zamora-Bonilla (ed.), The SAGE Handbook of the Philosophy of Science.
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  47. Power and Politics in Poststructuralist Thought: New Theories of the Political.Saul Newman - 2005 - Routledge.
    This book explores the impact of poststructuralism on contemporary political theory by focussing on a number of problems and issues central to politics today. Drawing on the theoretical concerns brought to light by the 'poststructuralist' thinkers Foucault, Derrida, Lacan, Deleuze and Max Stirner, Newman provides a critical examination of new developments in contemporary political theory: post-Marxism, discourse analysis, new theories of ideology and power, hegemony, radical democracy and psychoanalytic theory. He re-examines the political in light of these developments in theory (...)
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  48. Knowledge, Discourse, Power and Genealogy in Foucault.Robert Nola - 1998 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1 (2):109-154.
  49. Descriptive Terms of Political Discourse: A Rejoinder to Virginia Held.Felix E. Oppenheim - 1973 - Political Theory 1 (1):76-78.
  50. Public Reason.Jonathan Quong - 2013 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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