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Siblings:History/traditions: Political Legitimacy
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  1. Philip Abbott (1980). Moral Principles and Political Obligations. [REVIEW] Political Theory 8 (4):568-570.
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  2. A. Abizadeh (2010). Democratic Legitimacy and State Coercion: A Reply to David Miller. Political Theory 38 (1):121-130.
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  3. Arash Abizadeh (2012). On the Demos and its Kin: Nationalism, Democracy, and the Boundary Problem. American Political Science Review 106 (4):867-882.
    Cultural-nationalist and democratic theory both seek to legitimize political power via collective self-rule: their principle of legitimacy refers right back to the very persons over whom political power is exercised. But such self-referential theories are incapable of jointly solving the distinct problems of legitimacy and boundaries, which they necessarily combine, once it is assumed that the self-ruling collectivity must be a pre-political, in-principle bounded, ground of legitimacy. Cultural nationalism claims that political power is legitimate insofar as it expresses the nation’s (...)
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  4. Harry Adams (2008). Against Plutocracies: Fighting Political Corruption. Constellations 15 (1):126-147.
  5. Yann Allard‐Tremblay (2016). Divide and Rule Better: On Subsidiarity, Legitimacy and the Epistemic Aim of Political Decision‐Making. Journal of Applied Philosophy 33 (2):n/a-n/a.
    How should a political society be structured so as to legitimately distribute political power? One principle advanced to answer this question is the principle of subsidiarity. According to this principle, the default locus of political power is with the lowest competent political unit. This article argues that subsidiarity is a structural principle of a conception of political legitimacy informed by epistemic considerations. Broadly, the argument is that political societies organised according to the principle of subsidiarity can more effectively achieve political (...)
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  6. A. Altman (2001). The Democratic Legitimacy of Bias Crime Laws: Public Reason and the Political Process. [REVIEW] Law and Philosophy 20 (2):141-173.
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  7. Gordon L. Anderson (2004). Philosophy of the United States Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.
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  8. Arthur Isak Applbaum (2010). Legitimacy Without the Duty to Obey. Philosophy and Public Affairs 38 (3):215-239.
  9. Arthur Isak Applbaum (1992). Democratic Legitimacy and Official Discretion. Philosophy and Public Affairs 21 (3):240-274.
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  10. Richard J. Arneson (2003). Defending the Purely Instrumental Account of Democratic Legitimacy. Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):122–132.
  11. Marcus Arvan (2009). In Defense of Discretionary Association Theories of Political Legitimacy: Reply to Buchanan. Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Allen Buchanan has argued that a widely defended view of the nature of the state – the view that the state is a discretionary association for the mutual advantage of its members – must be rejected because it cannot adequately account for moral requirements of humanitarian intervention. This paper argues that Buchanan’s objection is unsuccessful,and moreover, that discretionary association theories can preserve an important distinction that Buchanan’s alternative approach to political legitimacy cannot: the distinction between “internal” legitimacy (a state’s ability (...)
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  12. W. J. Ashley (1896). Book Review:Anarchy or Government? An Inquiry in Fundamental Politics. William Mackintire Salter. [REVIEW] Ethics 6 (3):395-.
  13. F. M. Barnard (1988). Self-Direction and Political Legitimacy: Rousseau and Herder. Oxford University.
    Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) has been called the German Rousseau. Yet while Rousseau is recognized as a political thinker, Herder is not. This book explores each thinker's ideas--on nature and culture, selfhood and mutuality, paternalism, freedom, and autonomy--and compares their conceptions of legitimate statehood. Arguing that the crux of political legitimacy for both men was the possibility of "extended selfhood," Barnard shows that Herder, like Rousseau, profoundly altered human self-understandings, thus influencing modes of justifying political allegiance.
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  14. Frederick M. Barnard (2003). Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. Mcgill-Queen's University Press.
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  15. Frederick M. Barnard (2001). Democratic Legitimacy: Plural Values and Political Power. Mcgill-Queen's University Press.
    Barnard argues that Western democracy, if it is to continue to exist as a legitimate political system, must maintain the integrity of its application of performative principles. Consequently, if both social and political democracy are legitimate goals, limitations designed to curb excessive political power may also be applicable in containing excessive economic power. Barnard stresses that whatever steps are taken to augment civic reciprocity, the observance and self-imposition of publicly recognized standards is vital. Democratic Legitimacy will appeal to political scientists (...)
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  16. Norman Barry (1988). Freedom, Law and Authority: The State and Legitimacy. Royal Institute of Philosophy Lectures 24:191-206.
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  17. Jens Bartelson (2008). Globalizing the Democratic Community. Ethics and Global Politics 1 (4):159-174.
    This article discusses the problem of global democracy, and why democratic legitimacy seems so difficult to attain at the global level. I start by arguing that the difficulties we experience when we try to widen the scope of democratic governance beyond the boundaries of individual states have nothing to do with the characteristics of global society, but result from the underlying assumption that a political community has to be bounded and based on consent in order for democratic legitimacy to be (...)
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  18. L. Basta-Ivancevic (1986). A Constitution as an Act of Positivation of the Legitimacy Principle. Rechtstheorie 17 (1):111-121.
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  19. David Beetham (1991). Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State. Analyse & Kritik 13 (1):34-45.
    Max Weber's typology of legitimate ,Herrschaft, has provided the basis for the treatment of legitimacy in twentieth century sociology and political science. The thesis of the article is that this typology is a misleading tool for the analysis of the modern state, and especially for the comparative analysis of political systems. This is because of basic flaws in Weber's conceptualisation of legitimacy itself, and in his account of the normative basis of authority. The article offers an alternative, multi-dimensional account of (...)
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  20. W. L. Bennett (1978). Books in Review : Legitimacy and the Politics of the Knowable by Roger Holmes. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976. Pp. VIII, 191. $11.50. [REVIEW] Political Theory 6 (1):131-134.
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  21. Christopher Bertram (1997). Political Justification, Theoretical Complexity, and Democratic Community. Ethics 107 (4):563-583.
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  22. Thomas M. Besch (2013). On Political Legitimacy, Reasonableness, and Perfectionism. Public Reason 5 (1):58-74.
    The paper advances a non-orthodox reading of political liberalism’s view of political legitimacy, the view of public political justification that comes with it, and the idea of the reasonable at the heart of these views. Political liberalism entails that full discursive standing should be accorded only to people who are reasonable in a substantive sense. As the paper argues, this renders political liberalism dogmatic and exclusivist at the level of arguments for or against normative theories of justice. Against that background, (...)
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  23. Paul Billingham (forthcoming). Convergence Liberalism and the Problem of Disagreement Concerning Public Justification. Canadian Journal of Philosophy:1-24.
    The ‘convergence conception’ of political liberalism has become increasingly popular in recent years. Steven Wall has shown that convergence liberals face a serious dilemma in responding to disagreement about whether laws are publicly justified. What I call the ‘conjunctive approach’ to such disagreement threatens anarchism, while the ‘non-conjunctive’ approach appears to render convergence liberalism internally inconsistent. This paper defends the non-conjunctive approach, which holds that the correct view of public justification should be followed even if some citizens do not consider (...)
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  24. William Boardman, Some Themes in David Schmidtz, the Limits of Government: An Essay on the Public Goods Argument (Westview Press: 1991).
    The Scylla and Charybdis of institutions of cooperative enterprises are the potential for free riders, on the one hand, and the fact that some people may not value certain public goods. If we go to the one side, we encourage people who do value the public goods but whom cannot be excluded from enjoying them, to refuse to pay their share of the costs of providing them; if we go to the other side and force everyone to pay for them, (...)
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  25. Manjit Bola (1996). Questions of Legitimacy? The Fit Between Researcher and Researched. In Sue Wilkinson & Celia Kitzinger (eds.), Representing the Other: A Feminism & Psychology Reader. Sage Publications. pp. 125.
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  26. Mauro P. Bottalico (1997). On the Legitimacy of Political Power: A Study of Locke's "Second Treatise of Government". Dissertation, The Catholic University of America
    This dissertation applies the method of Platonic recollection to the legitimacy of political power: the reason for it, what distinguishes political power from other kinds of power, the sovereign's right to political power, and the scope of the sovereign's authority. My aim is to disclose the subject in its essential, intrinsic determinations. ;I begin with an historical situation in which a crisis of legitimacy precipitated by disagreements over the kind of warrant that is necessary and sufficient to establish a particular (...)
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  27. H. C. Boyte (2011). Constructive Politics as Public Work: Organizing the Literature. Political Theory 39 (5):630-660.
    This essay argues that fulfilling the promise of participatory democratic theory requires ways for citizens to reconstruct the world, not simply to improve its governance processes. The concept of public work, expressing civic agency, or the capacity of diverse citizens to build a democratic way of life, embodies this shift. It posits citizens as co-creators of the world, not simply deliberators and decision-makers about the world. Public work is a normative, democratizing ideal of citizenship generalized from communal labors of creating (...)
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  28. J. Brennan (2014). Imagination, Prophecy, and Morality: The Relevance and Limits of Spinoza's Theory of Political Myth. Télos 2014 (169):64-83.
    Myth presents us with two major problems: definition and usage. In this paper I focus on the latter problem and argue in defense of Spinoza’s theory of political myth as opposed to the dichotomy of “myth as progress” and “myth as regression.” Spinoza’s theory is preferable because it allows for a full-bodied understanding of myth, its legitimate uses and its dangers for slipping into superstition. Because myth plays on the imagination, the basest form of knowledge available to all people and (...)
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  29. Jason Brennan (forthcoming). Why Liberal States Must Accommodate Tax Resistors. Public Affairs Quarterly.
    Liberal states ought to accommodate conscientious tax resistance for the same reasons they should accommodate conscientious objection to fighting in war. Conscientious objection to fighting is nothing special.
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  30. Jason Brennan (2011). The Right to a Competent Electorate. Philosophical Quarterly 61 (245):700-724.
    The practice of unrestricted universal suffrage is unjust. Citizens have a right that any political power held over them should be exercised by competent people in a competent way. Universal suffrage violates this right. To satisfy this right, universal suffrage in most cases must be replaced by a moderate epistocracy, in which suffrage is restricted to citizens of sufficient political competence. Epistocracy itself seems to fall foul of the qualified acceptability requirement, that political power must be distributed in ways against (...)
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  31. Matthias Brinkmann (forthcoming). Political Anti-Intentionalism. Res Publica:1-21.
    There has been little debate in political philosophy about whether the intentions of governments matter to the legitimacy of their policies. This paper fills this gap. First, I provide a rigorous statement of political anti-intentionalism, the view that intentions do not matter to political legitimacy. I do so by building on analogous debates in moral philosophy. Second, I sketch some strategies to defend political anti-intentionalism, which I argue are promising and available to a wide range of theories of legitimacy. Third, (...)
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  32. Thom Brooks (2013). Hegel's Political Philosophy: A Systematic Reading of the Philosophy of Right. Edinburgh University Press.
    A new edition of the first systematic reading of Hegel's political philosophy Elements of the Philosophy of Right is widely acknowledged to be one of the most important works in the history of political philosophy. This is the first book on the subject to take Hegel's system of speculative philosophy seriously as an important component of any robust understanding of this text. Key Features •Sets out the difference between 'systematic' and 'non-systematic' readings of Philosophy of Right •Outlines the unique structure (...)
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  33. Allen Buchanan (2002). Political Legitimacy and Democracy. Ethics 112 (4):689-719.
  34. Allen Buchanan (1999). Recognitional Legitimacy and the State System. Philosophy and Public Affairs 28 (1):46-78.
  35. Richard M. Buck (2008). Religion, Identity, and Political Legitimacy: Toward Democratic Inclusion. Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (3):340-358.
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  36. H. G. Callaway (2008). Review of Schlesinger, War and the American Presidency. [REVIEW] Reason Papers 2008 (No. 30):121-128.
    This is a expository and critical review of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. 's last book, War and the American Presidency. The book collects and focuses recent writings of Arthur Schlesinger on the themes of its title. In its short Foreword and seven concise essays, the book aims to explore, in some contrast with the genre of “instant history,” the relationship between President George W. Bush’s Iraq adventure and the national past. This aim and the present work are deserving of wide attention, (...)
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  37. Eric M. Cave (1996). Would Pluralist Angels (Really) Need Government? Philosophical Studies 81 (2-3):227 - 246.
  38. Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti (2014). Liberal Democratic Institutions and the Damages of Political Corruption. Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):126-145.
    This article contributes to the debate concerning the identification of politically relevant cases of corruption in a democracy by sketching the basic traits of an original liberal theory of institutional corruption. We define this form of corruption as a deviation with respect to the role entrusted to people occupying certain institutional positions, which are crucial for the implementation of public rules, for private gain. In order to illustrate the damages that corrupt behaviour makes to liberal democratic institutions, we discuss the (...)
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  39. Emanuela Ceva & Enzo Rossi (eds.) (2012). Justice, Legitimacy, and Diversity: Political Authority Between Realism and Moralism. Routledge.
    Most contemporary political philosophers take justice—rather than legitimacy—to be the fundamental virtue of political institutions vis-à-vis the challenges of ethical diversity. Justice-driven theorists are primarily concerned with finding mutually acceptable terms to arbitrate the claims of conflicting individuals and groups. Legitimacy-driven theorists, instead, focus on the conditions under which those exercising political authority on an ethically heterogeneous polity are entitled to do so. But what difference would it make to the management of ethical diversity in liberal democratic societies if legitimacy (...)
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  40. Emanuela Ceva, Chiara Testino & Federico Zuolo (2015). The Legitimacy of the Supranational Regulation of Local Systems of Food Production: A Discussion Whose Time Has Come. Journal of Social Philosophy 46 (4):418-433.
    By reference to the illustrative case of the supranational regulation of local systems of food production, we aim to show the importance of identifying issues of international legitimacy as a discrete component – alongside issues of global distributive justice – of the liberal project of public justification of supranational collective decisions. Therefore, we offer the diagnosis of a problem but do not prescribe the therapy to cure it.
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  41. Joseph Chan (2000). Legitimacy, Unanimity, and Perfectionism. Philosophy and Public Affairs 29 (1):5-42.
  42. Yuk-kit Chan (2009). Staging Democracy: Rethinking Political Legitimacy and The. Political Theory 37 (3):323-350.
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  43. Francis Cheneval, Constituting the Dêmoi Democratically.
    The original constitution of the dêmos by democratic means is a fundamental problem for normative democratic theory. In this paper, I make an assessment of different solutions to the dêmos problem that have been presented in recent literature. I find that none of them is adequate, and thus hold that the dêmos problem remains unresolved. At the end of the paper, I propose a constellation in which multiple dêmoi are thought to be constituted at the same time. I show that (...)
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  44. Thomas Christiano (2006). Debate: Democracy's Authority: Reply to Wall. Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (1):101–110.
  45. M. Coakley (2011). On the Value of Political Legitimacy. Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (4):345-369.
    Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that affording these to legitimate (...)
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  46. H. Cohen (1978). On the Exchange Between Schrag and Cohen, "The Child's Status in the Democratic State". Political Theory 6 (2):249-251.
  47. Joshua Cohen (2010). The Arc of the Moral Universe and Other Essays. Harvard University Press.
    The arc of the moral universe -- Structure, choice, and legitimacy: Locke's theory of the state -- Democratic equality -- A more democratic liberalism -- For a democratic society -- Knowledge, morality and hope: the social thought of Noam Chomsky: with Joel Rogers -- Reflections on Habermas on democracy -- A matter of demolition?: Susan Okin on justice and gender -- Minimalism about human rights: the most we can hope for? -- Is there a human right to democracy? -- Extra (...)
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  48. Joshua Cohen (1986). Structure, Choice, and Legitimacy: Locke's Theory of the State. Philosophy and Public Affairs 15 (4):301-324.
  49. David Copp (1999). The Idea of a Legitimate State. Philosophy and Public Affairs 28 (1):3-45.
    A legitimate state would have a right to rule. The problem is to understand, first, precisely what this right amounts to, and second, under what conditions a state would have it. According to the traditional account, the legitimacy of a state is to be explained in terms of its subjects’ obligation to obey the law. I argue that this account is inadequate. I propose that the legitimacy of a state would consist in its having a bundle of rights of various (...)
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  50. David Ames Curtis (ed.) (2002). Legitimacy and Politics: A Contribution to the Study of Political Right and Political Responsibility. Cambridge University Press.
    The increase in cases of political corruption, the loss of politicians' credibility, the development of social and political forms of pathology, and the role of the State have been at the center of political debates. In one way or another, these problems raise the question of the legitimacy of the established powers. The result is that legitimacy, a key notion of political thought in general, has today become a burning issue. Coicaud examines all these issues and proffers insightful answers to (...)
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