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  1. GEOGRAPHY, ASSIMILATION, AND DIALOGUE: Universalism and Particularism in Central-European Thought.H. G. Callaway - manuscript
    There are many advantages and disadvantages to central locations. These have shown themselves in the long course of European history. In times of peace, there are important economic and cultural advantages (to illustrate: the present area of the Czech Republic was the richest country in Europe between the two World Wars). There are cross-currents of trade and culture in central Europe of great advantage. For, cultural cross-currents represent a potential benefit in comprehension and cultural growth. But under threat of large-scale (...)
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  2. Transitie der dynastieën: conflict en successie in Angelsaksisch Engeland (1000–1100). Een blik op de legitimiteit van de Deense indringer Knoet de Grote, als koning van Engeland.Jan M. Van der Molen - Jan 31, 2019 - University of Groningen.
    Dit werkstuk betrekt zich op de vraag of de de facto legitimiteit van Knoet de Grote als koning van Angelsaksisch Engeland, te verklaren is aan de hand van de theorieën over legitimiteit zoals gepostuleerd door Maximilian Carl Emil Weber (1864—1920). Bestaande literatuur over Knoet de Grote zijn troonsbestijging, zoals dat van vooraanstaand 19e-eeuws historicus Edward Augustus Freeman, zou een ‘geromantiseerd’ beeld hebben geschetst van de kwestie. Dit werkstuk zal kijken of dit beeld, aan de hand van Webers theorie over waar (...)
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  3. A Recursive Measure of Voting Power with Partial Decisiveness or Efficacy.Arash Abizadeh - forthcoming - Journal of Politics.
    The current literature standardly conceives of voting power in terms of decisiveness: the ability to change the voting outcome by unilaterally changing one’s vote. I argue that this classic conception of voting power, which fails to account for partial decisiveness or efficacy, produces erroneous results because it saddles the concept of voting power with implausible microfoundations. This failure in the measure of voting power in turn reflects a philosophical mistake about the concept of social power in general: a failure to (...)
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  4. The Grammar of Social Power: Power-to, Power-with, Power-despite and Power-over.Arash Abizadeh - forthcoming - Political Studies.
    There are two rival conceptions of power in modern sociopolitical thought. According to one, all social power reduces to power-over-others. According to another, the core notion is power-to-effect-outcomes, to which even power-over reduces. This article defends seven theses. First, agential social power consists in a relation between agent and outcomes (power-to). Second, not all social power reduces to power-over and, third, the contrary view stems from conflating power-over with a distinct notion: power-despite-resistance. Fourth, the widespread assumption that social power presupposes (...)
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  5. Nudges and other moral technologies in the context of power: Assigning and accepting responsibility.Mark Alfano & Philip Robichaud - forthcoming - In David Boonin (ed.), Handbook of Philosophy and Public Policy. Palgrave.
    Strawson argues that we should understand moral responsibility in terms of our practices of holding responsible and taking responsibility. The former covers what is commonly referred to as backward-looking responsibility , while the latter covers what is commonly referred to as forward-looking responsibility . We consider new technologies and interventions that facilitate assignment of responsibility. Assigning responsibility is best understood as the second- or third-personal analogue of taking responsibility. It establishes forward-looking responsibility. But unlike taking responsibility, it establishes forward-looking responsibility (...)
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  6. Noumenal Power, Reasons, and Justification: A Critique of Forst.Sameer Bajaj & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - In Ester Herlin-Karnell & Matthias Klatt (eds.), Constitutionalism Justified. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    In this essay we criticise Rainer Forst's attempt to draw a connection between power and justification, and thus ground his normative theory of a right to justification. Forst draws this connection primarily conceptually, though we will also consider whether a normative connection may be drawn within his framework. Forst's key insight is that if we understand power as operating by furnishing those subjected to it with reasons, then we create a space for the normative contestation of any exercise of power. (...)
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  7. Humanitarianism in Question: Power, Politics.Michael Barnett & Thomas G. Weiss - forthcoming - Ethics.
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  8. Power Transformers.C. Bingham - forthcoming - Philosophy of Education.
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  9. Executive Power and the Rule of Law in the Fifth French Republic.Frederic S. Burin - forthcoming - Social Research: An International Quarterly.
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  10. Justice in the Global Digital Economy.Johannes Himmelreich - forthcoming - In Axel Berger, Clara Brandi & Eszter Kollar (eds.), Justice in Global Economic Governance. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
    This chapter outlines a framework for thinking about justice in the global digital economy. The chapter first proposes to understand the digital economy as about infrastructure, then describes some of the problems of justice raised by the global digital economy and sketches potential reforms.
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  11. Dominant Patterns in Associated Living Hegemony, Domination, and Ideological Recognition in Dewey’s Lectures in China.Testa Italo - forthcoming - Trasactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society, 2017.
    : In this paper I will focus on the notion of “dominant patterns”, as revealed by the recently discovered typescript of what we can assume to be Dewey’s fragmentary and incomplete preliminary lecture notes for the Lecture Series on Social and Political Philosophy. I will show that the way the notion of “dominant patterns” is dealt with in the text of the lecture notes is not only consistent with the conceptual content of the whole series of the Lectures in China (...)
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  12. Information before information theory: The politics of data beyond the perspective of communication.Colin Koopman - forthcoming - New Media and Society.
    Scholarship on the politics of new media widely assumes that communication functions as a sufficient conceptual paradigm for critically assessing new media politics. This article argues that communication-centric analyses fail to engage the politics of information itself, limiting information only to its consequences for communication, and neglecting information as it reaches into our selves, lives, and actions beyond the confines of communication. Furthering recent new media historiography on the “information theory” of Shannon and Wiener, the article reveals both the primacy (...)
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  13. African Philosophy and Political Power (tentative title).Thaddeus Metz - forthcoming - Journal of International Political Theory.
    Invited critical discussion of recent work from the African tradition on the topic of political power and perhaps some closely related topics.
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  14. A Modest Proposal for Preventing the Votes of People with Short Life Expectancy From Being a Long-Term Burden to Their Country.Ognjen Arandjelović - 2023 - Social Sciences 12 (3):173.
    In response to the growing social discontent at what is perceived as generational injustice, due to younger generations of voters facing long-term negative consequences from issues disproportionately decided by the votes of older generations of voters, there have been suggestions to introduce an upper age voting threshold. These have been all but universally dismissed as offensive and contrary to basic democratic values. In the present article, I show that the idea is in fact entirely consonant with present-day democratic practices and (...)
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  15. A Theory of Popular Power.Sandra Leonie Field - 2022 - Journal of Social and Political Philosophy 1 (2):136-151.
    I propose a theory of popular power, according to which a political order manifests popular power to the extent it robustly maintains an egalitarian basic structure. There are two parts to the theory. First, the power of a political order lies in the basic structure's robust self-maintenance. Second, the popularity of the political order’s power lies in the equality of relations between the society's members. I will argue that this theory avoids the perverse consequences of some existing radical democratic theories (...)
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  16. Philosophy from the Texture of Everyday Life: The Critical-Analytic Methods of Foucault and J. L. Austin.Jasper Friedrich - 2022 - Foucault Studies.
    In a 1978 lecture in Tokyo, Foucault drew a comparison between his own philosophical methodology and that of ‘Anglo-Saxon analytic philosophy’, claiming the label ‘analytic philosophy of politics’ for his own approach. This may seem like a somewhat surprising comparison given the gulf between contemporary analytic and continental philosophy, but I argue that it is a very productive one which indeed might help us reconsider this gulf. I proceed through a comparison between Foucault and the speech act theory of J. (...)
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  17. Settling Accounts at the End of History: A Nonideal Approach to State Apologies.Jasper Friedrich - 2022 - Political Theory 50 (5):700-722.
    What are we to make of the fact that world leaders, such as Canada’s Justin Trudeau, have, within the last few decades, offered official apologies for a whole host of past injustices? Scholars have largely dealt with this phenomenon as a moral question, seeing in these expressions of contrition a radical disruption of contemporary neoliberal individualism, a promise of a more humane world. Focusing on Canadian apology politics, this essay instead proposes a nonideal approach to state apologies, sidestepping questions of (...)
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  18. Justified Revolution in Contemporary American Democracy: A Confucian-Inspired Account.Jennifer Kling & Colin J. Lewis - 2022 - In LeLand Harper (ed.), The Crisis of American Democracy: Essays on a Failing Institution. New York, NY, USA: pp. 167-192.
    How much injustice and oppression must be tolerated before a revolution is justified? In theory, the United States’ political structure, by design, makes the question of revolution obsolete: by putting political power into the hands of the people via democratic mechanisms such as voting, the division of power among separate branches of government, and representative influence and control, there should be no need for revolution because everything the government does either has the consent of the people or is (relatively swiftly) (...)
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  19. Review of Randall G. Holcombe’s Coordination, Cooperation, and Control: The Evolution of Economic and Political Power. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, xii + 328 pp. [REVIEW]Vaios Koliofotis - 2022 - Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics 15 (1).
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  20. Inverted founding: Emperor organ theory, constitutionalism, and koku-min.Chungjae Lee & Stacey Liou - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (2).
    This article presents Minobe Tatsukichi’s emperor organ theory as a novel understanding of the temporality of founding. In contrast to a conventional framework of founding which legitimizes the constitution by postulating the pre-constitutional power of “the people,” emperor organ theory invents “the people” out of the Meiji Constitution as a democratically empowered subject to-come. In so doing, emperor organ theory calls upon the transformation of shin-min, the presumed subject of the emperor, into koku-min, the people of this constitutional state. However, (...)
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  21. Corporate political power and US foreign policy, 1981–2002: the role of the policy-planning network.Philip Luther-Davies, Kasia Julia Doniec, Joseph P. Lavallee, Lawrence P. King & G. William Domhoff - 2022 - Theory and Society 51 (4):629-652.
    Recent empirical work has offered strong support for ‘biased pluralism’ and ‘economic elite’ accounts of political power in the United States, according a central role to ‘business interest groups’ as a mechanism through which corporate influence is exerted. Here, we propose an additional channel of influence for corporate interests: the ‘policy-planning network,’ consisting of corporate-dominated foundations, think tanks, and elite policy-discussion groups. To evaluate this assertion, we consider one key policy-discussion group, the Council on Foreign Relations. We first briefly review (...)
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  22. Violence and the materiality of power.Torsten Menge - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (6):761-786.
    The issue of political violence is mostly absent from current debates about power. Many conceptions of power treat violence as wholly distinct from or even antithetical to power, or see it as a mere instrument whose effects are obvious and not in need of political analysis. In this paper, I explore what kind of ontology of power is necessary to properly take account of the various roles that violence can play in creating and maintaining power structures. I pursue this question (...)
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  23. ‘Rideaux rouges’: The Scene of Ideology and the Closure of Representation.Thomas Clément Mercier - 2022 - Derrida Today 15 (1):5-30.
    As they make their way through Louis Althusser’s and Jacques Derrida’s texts, readers will cross innumerable curtains – ‘the words and things’, as Derrida says, as many fabrics of traces. These curtains open onto a multiplicity of scenes and mises en scène, performances, roles, rituals, actors, plays – thus unfolding the space of a certain theatricality. This essay traces Althusser’s and Derrida’s respective deployments of the theatrical motif. In his theoretical writings, Althusser’s theatrical dispositive aims to designate the practical and (...)
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  24. Creencias conspirativas: condiciones psicológicas y sociopolíticas de su formación y prominencia (Conspiracy beliefs: psychological and sociopolitical conditions of their formation and salience).Pietro Montanari - 2022 - Revista de Filosofía 101 (39):211-234.
    The paper focuses on the analysis of conspiracy beliefs and conspiracy theories by taking into consideration some of the major contributions about the topic presently provided by several disciplines. A definition is given that helps illustrate the most prominent features of these beliefs, namely monological bias, logical and conceptual fallacies, dispositional influence and pseudorationality. Other important psychological preconditions are also provided (such as, among others, credulity, hypersensitive agency detection devices and proneness to self-deception), but, as the paper argues, they are (...)
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  25. The body at the receiving end of political power. An interview with Bagryana Popov.Juliane Römhild - 2022 - Thesis Eleven 169 (1):98-111.
    The text of this interview is based on a conversation between Bagryana Popov and Juliane Römhild on 1 September 2021. In this interview, Bagryana discusses two works which unite her research into political trauma and site-specific performance in the context of political repression under the communist regime in Bulgaria. For her choreography He is not here and the performance event Traces Bagryana returned to Sofia, the city of her birth, to explore her own family history and her grandfather’s incarceration as (...)
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  26. Crie e aprimore a si mesmo: filosofia para não se perder na multidão.Matheus Silva (ed.) - 2022 - Brasília: Stentor Editorial.
    Em "Crie e aprimore a si mesmo" o leitor é convidado a pensar sobre problemas filosóficos diversos como a especulação cognitiva, a natureza da ciência, a condição humana e o niilismo, os preconceitos de grupo, a autenticidade, o autoconhecimento, o autoengano, a guerra cultural, o uso político da lógica, a justificação das virtudes cívicas em uma sociedade liberal, a distinção público-privado, e a justificação da propriedade privada. Uma leitura instigante que visa despertar o gosto pela atividade filosófica.
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  27. Benjamin Constant, political power, and democracy.Nora Timmermans - 2022 - History of European Ideas 48 (3):246-262.
    ABSTRACT For several decades now, a steady flow of scholarly contributions from both intellectual history and political theory has been reasserting Benjamin Constant as a theorist of liberal democracy. Constant’s visionary understanding of liberal democracy is usually conflated with his understanding of limited popular sovereignty. In this article, I reconstruct Constant’s positive conception of popular sovereignty, i.e. his conception of what popular sovereignty means within its limits and take it as the starting point of an analysis of Constant’s understanding of (...)
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  28. Counter-Majoritarian Democracy: Persistent Minorities, Federalism, and the Power of Numbers.Arash Abizadeh - 2021 - American Political Science Review 115 (3):742-756.
    The majoritarian conception of democracy implies that counter-majoritarian institutions such as federalism—and even representative institutions—are derogations from democracy. The majoritarian conception is mistaken for two reasons. First, it is incoherent: majoritarianism ultimately stands against one of democracy’s core normative commitments—namely, political equality. Second, majoritarianism is premised on a mistaken view of power, which fails to account for the power of numbers and thereby fails to explain the inequality faced by members of persistent minorities. Although strict majority rule serves the democratic (...)
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  29. Fighting power with power: The administrative state as a weapon against concentrated private power.Samuel Bagg - 2021 - Social Philosophy and Policy 38 (1):220-243.
    Contemporary critics of the administrative state are right to highlight the dangers of vesting too much power in a centralized bureaucracy removed from popular oversight and accountability. Too often neglected in this literature, however, are the dangers of vesting too little power in a centralized state, which enables dominant groups to further expand their social and economic advantages through decentralized means. This article seeks to synthesize these concerns, understanding them as reflecting the same underlying danger of state capture. It then (...)
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  30. Biopolitics & Probability: Agamben & Kierkegaard.Virgil W. Brower - 2021 - In Marcos Antonio Norris & Colby Dickinson (eds.), Agamben and the Existentialists. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press. pp. 46-64.
    This project retraces activations of Kierkegaard in the development of polit­ical theology. It suggests alternative modes of states of exception than those attributed to him by Schmitt, Taubes and Agamben. Several Kierkegaardian themes open themselves to 'something like pure potential' in Agamben, namely: living death, animality, criminality, auto-constitution, modification, liturgy, love and certain articulations of improbabilities. Attention is drawn to a modal ontology and auto-constitution at work in Kierkegaard's writings, as well as a complicated and indissociable operation between killing and (...)
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  31. Property and political power : neo-feudal entanglements.Rutger Claassen - 2021 - In John Philip Christman (ed.), Positive Freedom: Past, Present, and Future. Cambridge University Press.
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  32. Education, epistemic virtues, and the power of toleration.Johannes Drerup - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (1):108-131.
  33. Précis of Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2021 - European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium.
    The European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium featured my book, Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics. This is a précis of the book.
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  34. Response to Critics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2021 - European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium.
    The European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium featured my book, Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics, with critical commentaries from Alissa MacMillan, Chris Holman, and Justin Steinberg. This is my response to their commentaries.
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  35. The impact of vertical public health initiatives on gendered familial care work: public health and ethical issues.Zahra Meghani - 2021 - Critical Public Health 2.
    Rigorous evaluations of the effects of vertical public health enterprises on the health systems of low-income countries usefully identify the public health and ethical costs of those initiatives. They reveal that such narrowly focused public health ventures undermine the efforts of those countries to establish and maintain adequately resourced and well-developed national health systems, including comprehensive primary care programs. This paper argues that the scope of assessments of vertical public health ventures should be broadened to include gender as an additional (...)
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  36. Review of Violence and Political Theory, by Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings. [REVIEW]Lantz Fleming Miller - 2021 - Philosophy in Review 41 (2):65-67.
    Violence seems to be such that, once it has set in, it is hard to extract. Getting rid of violence appears to require violence. It reproduces only itself. Peace appears but a sheep exposed to predators. If the world were to abruptly become peaceful, it would only await the next Thrasymachus to reimpose tyranny. This sticky nature of violence and how to cope with it are the most potent themes of this much-needed work. It provides a fair though critical overview (...)
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  37. John Locke—Theorist of Limiting and Supervising Political Power by Citizens.Adriana Neacșu - 2021 - Dialogue and Universalism 31 (2):49-65.
    This paper aims to analyze John Locke’s ideas on the limited political mandate of the institutions of power, and the need for their supervision and sanctioning by citizens when they violate their duties. It emphasizes the topicality of these ideas, pointing out that they represent two fundamental principles in the functioning of the rule of law, defining the current democracies. Locke justified them starting from the hypothesis that society was founded by people through a deliberate pact, so that the common (...)
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  38. The people’s duty.Shmuel Nili - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (4):622-627.
  39. Hume’s Dynamic Coordination and International Law.Carmen E. Pavel - 2021 - Political Theory 49 (2):215-242.
    At the heart of the tension between state autonomy and international law is the question of whether states should willingly restrict their freedom of action for the sake of international security, human rights, trade, communication, and the environment. David Hume offers surprising insights to answer this question. He argues that the same interests in cooperation arise among individuals as well as states and that their interactions should be regulated by the same principles. Drawing on his model of dynamic coordination, I (...)
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  40. El pacto de Casanare y el caso Carimagua. Una lectura multiescalar desde el clientelismo y la colonialidad del poder.José Álvarez Sanchez & Camila Jimenez Guzman - 2021 - ACADEMO Revista de Investigación En Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 2 (8):189--212.
    Resumen Con el presente artículo se pretende analizar la colonialidad del poder como eje central de las relaciones de dominación que marcaron la primera década del siglo XXI en Colombia, más específicamente estudiando los casos del clientelismo político en zonas periféricas como el Casanare, y el caso Carimagua. Para desarrollar esta investigación, se realizó un análisis documental tomando como referente autores de la filosofía política latinoamericana como Anibal Quijano y Santiago Castro- Gómez quienes a su vez se apoyan en Michel (...)
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  41. Defending Plurality. Four Reasons Why We Need to Rethink Academic Freedom in Europe.Karsten Schubert - 2021 - Verfassungsblog 2021/4/19.
    Academic freedom is under attack, both in authoritarian democracies, such as Hungary and Turkey, and in liberal Western democracies, such as the United States, the UK, France and Germany. For example, Gender Studies are being targeted by right-wing governments in Eastern Europe, and in France President Emmanuel Macron has attacked post-colonial and critical theories as “Islamo-gauchisme“, portraying them as a danger to the Republic. However, dominant discourses about academic freedom and free speech in the global north, lately especially in France (...)
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  42. What is the Relation between Semantic and Substantive Epistemic Contextualism?Ron Wilburn - 2021 - Logos and Episteme 12 (3):344-366.
    Epistemic Contextualism is generally treated as a semantic thesis that may or may not have epistemological consequences. It is sometimes taken to concern only knowledge claims (as the assertion that the word “know” means different things in different contexts of use). Still, at other times it is taken to regard the knowledge relation itself (as the assertion that knowledge itself has no single univocal nature). Call the former view Semantic EC, the latter view Substantive EC, and the idea that the (...)
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  43. "Jacques Derrida. Tentazione di Siracusa. Milano-Udine, Mimesis Edizioni. 74 pp." Reseña de Facundo Bey [Éndoxa (UNED), 2020, No. 46, pp. 497-504, ISSN 2174-5676]. [REVIEW]Facundo Bey - 2020 - Endoxa 46:497-504.
    Tentazione di Siracusa, "Tentación de Siracusa", es el título que eligió Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) para la breve, aunque magistral, conferencia que pronunció el 18 de enero de 2001 en Ortigia, en el Palacio del Senado siracusano. Allí fue convocado por las autoridades del Collegio Siciliano di Filosofía y por el entonces intendente de la comuna sícula, Giambattista Bufardeci, quien le otorgó en tal ocasión la ciudadanía honoraria de esa antigua y culturalmente variada urbe mediterránea, una ciudad atravesada milenariamente por la (...)
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  44. On Liberalism’s Religion.Jean L. Cohen - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (1):48-67.
  45. Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    This book offers a detailed study of the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Benedict de Spinoza, focussing on their concept of power as potentia, concrete power, rather than power as potestas, authorised power. The focus on power as potentia generates a new conception of popular power. Radical democrats–whether drawing on Hobbes's 'sleeping sovereign' or on Spinoza's 'multitude'–understand popular power as something that transcends ordinary institutional politics, as for instance popular plebsites or mass movements. However, the book argues that these (...)
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  46. Political Power and Depoliticised Acquiescence: Spinoza and Aristocracy.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - Constellations 27 (4):670-684.
    According to a recent interpretive orthodoxy, Spinoza is a profoundly democratic theorist of state authority. I reject this orthodoxy. To be sure, for Spinoza, a political order succeeds in proportion as it harnesses the power of the people within it. However, Spinoza shows that political inclusion is only one possible strategy to this end; equally if not more useful is political exclusion, so long as it maintains what I call the depoliticised acquiescence of those excluded.
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  47. Machiavelli and the orders of violence.Elizabeth Frazer - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (3):176-178.
  48. Diderot’s Letter on the Blind as Disability Political Theory.Nancy J. Hirschmann - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (1):84-108.
    This essay considers Denis Diderot’s Letter on the Blind for the Use of Those Who Can See as a work that can contribute to a disability political theory. By recounting the experiences of visually impaired persons in their own words, Diderot opens up possibilities for a disability politics of self-representation, maintaining that sighted persons should listen to blind persons’ accounts of their own experience rather than relying on their own imaginings and assumptions. By using blind experiences to challenge a philosophical (...)
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  49. The governmentality of network governance: Collaboration as a new facet of the liberal art of governing.Oscar L. Larsson - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):111-126.
  50. Power for the Powerless: Martin Luther King, Jr.’s Late Theory of Civil Disobedience.Alexander Livingston - 2020 - Journal of Politics 2 (82):700-713.
    Martin Luther King, Jr.’s “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” has been canonized as an essential statement of the political theory of civil disobedience. This article examines the early reception of King’s essay and the development of the liberal idea of civil disobedience it has become synonymous with to argue that its canonization coincided with, and displaced, the radicalization of King’s developing thinking about disobedience. It examines published and archival writings from 1965 through 1968 to reconstruct King’s power-oriented theory of “mass” (...)
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