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  1. GEOGRAPHY, ASSIMILATION, AND DIALOGUE: Universalism and Particularism in Central-European Thought.H. G. Callaway - manuscript
    There are many advantages and disadvantages to central locations. These have shown themselves in the long course of European history. In times of peace, there are important economic and cultural advantages (to illustrate: the present area of the Czech Republic was the richest country in Europe between the two World Wars). There are cross-currents of trade and culture in central Europe of great advantage. For, cultural cross-currents represent a potential benefit in comprehension and cultural growth. But under threat of large-scale (...)
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  2. Transitie der dynastieën: conflict en successie in Angelsaksisch Engeland (1000–1100). Een blik op de legitimiteit van de Deense indringer Knoet de Grote, als koning van Engeland.Jan M. Van der Molen - Jan 31, 2019 - University of Groningen.
    Dit werkstuk betrekt zich op de vraag of de de facto legitimiteit van Knoet de Grote als koning van Angelsaksisch Engeland, te verklaren is aan de hand van de theorieën over legitimiteit zoals gepostuleerd door Maximilian Carl Emil Weber (1864—1920). Bestaande literatuur over Knoet de Grote zijn troonsbestijging, zoals dat van vooraanstaand 19e-eeuws historicus Edward Augustus Freeman, zou een ‘geromantiseerd’ beeld hebben geschetst van de kwestie. Dit werkstuk zal kijken of dit beeld, aan de hand van Webers theorie over waar (...)
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  3. The Grammar of Social Power: Power-to, Power-with, Power-Despite and Power-Over.Arash Abizadeh - forthcoming - Political Studies.
    There are two rival conceptions of power in modern sociopolitical thought. According to one, all social power reduces to power-over-others. According to another, the core notion is power-to-effect-outcomes, to which even power-over reduces. This article defends seven theses. First, agential social power consists in a relation between agent and outcomes (power-to). Second, not all social power reduces to power-over and, third, the contrary view stems from conflating power-over with a distinct notion: power-despite-resistance. Fourth, the widespread assumption that social power presupposes (...)
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  4. Counter-Majoritarian Democracy: Persistent Minorities, Federalism, and the Power of Numbers.Arash Abizadeh - forthcoming - American Political Science Review.
    The majoritarian conception of democracy implies that counter-majoritarian institutions such as federalism—and even representative institutions—are derogations from democracy. The majoritarian conception is mistaken for two reasons. First, it is incoherent: majoritarianism ultimately stands against one of democracy’s core normative commitments—namely, political equality. Second, majoritarianism is premised on a mistaken view of power, which fails to account for the power of numbers and thereby fails to explain the inequality faced by members of persistent minorities. Although strict majority rule serves the democratic (...)
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  5. Nudges and Other Moral Technologies in the Context of Power: Assigning and Accepting Responsibility.Mark Alfano & Philip Robichaud - forthcoming - In David Boonin (ed.), Handbook of Philosophy and Public Policy. Palgrave.
    Strawson argues that we should understand moral responsibility in terms of our practices of holding responsible and taking responsibility. The former covers what is commonly referred to as backward-looking responsibility , while the latter covers what is commonly referred to as forward-looking responsibility . We consider new technologies and interventions that facilitate assignment of responsibility. Assigning responsibility is best understood as the second- or third-personal analogue of taking responsibility. It establishes forward-looking responsibility. But unlike taking responsibility, it establishes forward-looking responsibility (...)
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  6. Noumenal Power, Reasons, and Justification: A Critique of Forst.Sameer Bajaj & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - In Ester Herlin-Karnell & Matthias Klatt (eds.), Constitutionalism Justified. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    In this essay we criticise Rainer Forst's attempt to draw a connection between power and justification, and thus ground his normative theory of a right to justification. Forst draws this connection primarily conceptually, though we will also consider whether a normative connection may be drawn within his framework. Forst's key insight is that if we understand power as operating by furnishing those subjected to it with reasons, then we create a space for the normative contestation of any exercise of power. (...)
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  7. Humanitarianism in Question: Power, Politics.Michael Barnett & Thomas G. Weiss - forthcoming - Ethics.
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  8. Power Transformers.C. Bingham - forthcoming - Philosophy of Education.
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  9. Executive Power and the Rule of Law in the Fifth French Republic.Frederic S. Burin - forthcoming - Social Research.
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  10. Book Review: New Demons. Rethinking Evil and Power Today, by Simona Forti. [REVIEW]A. Cavarero - forthcoming - Political Theory.
  11. Dominant Patterns in Associated Living Hegemony, Domination, and Ideological Recognition in Dewey’s Lectures in China.Testa Italo - forthcoming - Trasactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society, 2017.
    : In this paper I will focus on the notion of “dominant patterns”, as revealed by the recently discovered typescript of what we can assume to be Dewey’s fragmentary and incomplete preliminary lecture notes for the Lecture Series on Social and Political Philosophy. I will show that the way the notion of “dominant patterns” is dealt with in the text of the lecture notes is not only consistent with the conceptual content of the whole series of the Lectures in China (...)
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  12. Information Before Information Theory: The Politics of Data Beyond the Perspective of Communication.Colin Koopman - forthcoming - New Media and Society.
    Scholarship on the politics of new media widely assumes that communication functions as a sufficient conceptual paradigm for critically assessing new media politics. This article argues that communication-centric analyses fail to engage the politics of information itself, limiting information only to its consequences for communication, and neglecting information as it reaches into our selves, lives, and actions beyond the confines of communication. Furthering recent new media historiography on the “information theory” of Shannon and Wiener, the article reveals both the primacy (...)
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  13. The Impact of Vertical Public Health Initiatives on Gendered Familial Care Work: Public Health and Ethical Issues.Zahra Meghani - 2021 - Critical Public Health 2:tba.
    Rigorous evaluations of the effects of vertical public health enterprises on the health systems of low-income countries usefully identify the public health and ethical costs of those initiatives. They reveal that such narrowly focused public health ventures undermine the efforts of those countries to establish and maintain adequately resourced and well-developed national health systems, including comprehensive primary care programs. This paper argues that the scope of assessments of vertical public health ventures should be broadened to include gender as an additional (...)
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  14. The People’s Duty.Shmuel Nili - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (4):622-627.
  15. Hume’s Dynamic Coordination and International Law.Carmen E. Pavel - 2021 - Political Theory 49 (2):215-242.
    At the heart of the tension between state autonomy and international law is the question of whether states should willingly restrict their freedom of action for the sake of international security, human rights, trade, communication, and the environment. David Hume offers surprising insights to answer this question. He argues that the same interests in cooperation arise among individuals as well as states and that their interactions should be regulated by the same principles. Drawing on his model of dynamic coordination, I (...)
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  16. Defending Plurality. Four Reasons Why We Need to Rethink Academic Freedom in Europe.Karsten Schubert - 2021 - Verfassungsblog 2021/4/19.
    Academic freedom is under attack, both in authoritarian democracies, such as Hungary and Turkey, and in liberal Western democracies, such as the United States, the UK, France and Germany. For example, Gender Studies are being targeted by right-wing governments in Eastern Europe, and in France President Emmanuel Macron has attacked post-colonial and critical theories as “Islamo-gauchisme“, portraying them as a danger to the Republic. However, dominant discourses about academic freedom and free speech in the global north, lately especially in France (...)
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  17. "Jacques Derrida. Tentazione di Siracusa. Milano-Udine, Mimesis Edizioni. 74 pp." Reseña de Facundo Bey [Éndoxa (UNED), 2020, No. 46, pp. 497-504, ISSN 2174-5676]. [REVIEW]Facundo Bey - 2020 - Endoxa 46:497-504.
    Tentazione di Siracusa, "Tentación de Siracusa", es el título que eligió Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) para la breve, aunque magistral, conferencia que pronunció el 18 de enero de 2001 en Ortigia, en el Palacio del Senado siracusano. Allí fue convocado por las autoridades del Collegio Siciliano di Filosofía y por el entonces intendente de la comuna sícula, Giambattista Bufardeci, quien le otorgó en tal ocasión la ciudadanía honoraria de esa antigua y culturalmente variada urbe mediterránea, una ciudad atravesada milenariamente por la (...)
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  18. On Liberalism’s Religion.Jean L. Cohen - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (1):48-67.
  19. Political Power and Depoliticised Acquiescence: Spinoza and Aristocracy.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - Constellations 27 (4):670-684.
    According to a recent interpretive orthodoxy, Spinoza is a profoundly democratic theorist of state authority. I reject this orthodoxy. To be sure, for Spinoza, a political order succeeds in proportion as it harnesses the power of the people within it. However, Spinoza shows that political inclusion is only one possible strategy to this end; equally if not more useful is political exclusion, so long as it maintains what I call the depoliticised acquiescence of those excluded.
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  20. Machiavelli and the orders of violence.Elizabeth Frazer - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (3):176-178.
  21. Diderot’s Letter on the Blind as Disability Political Theory.Nancy J. Hirschmann - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (1):84-108.
    This essay considers Denis Diderot’s Letter on the Blind for the Use of Those Who Can See as a work that can contribute to a disability political theory. By recounting the experiences of visually impaired persons in their own words, Diderot opens up possibilities for a disability politics of self-representation, maintaining that sighted persons should listen to blind persons’ accounts of their own experience rather than relying on their own imaginings and assumptions. By using blind experiences to challenge a philosophical (...)
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  22. The Governmentality of Network Governance: Collaboration as a New Facet of the Liberal Art of Governing.Oscar L. Larsson - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):111-126.
  23. A formakereső ellenállás - társadalomkritikai tanulmányok.Alpár Losoncz & Szilárd János Tóth - 2020 - Budapest, Magyarország: Napvilág.
    „Csak az a gondolkodás kecsegtet valamivel, amely hajlandó feltörni a jelen hatalmi vonatkozásainak pecsétjét, és a jelennel eltökélten polemizálva mutat fel eleddig bejáratlan utakat. A kapitalizmus ugyanakkor több a történelmi meghatározottságainál: olyan végpontként érvényesíti magát, amely visszafelé nézve átírja az egész általunk ismert történelmet, visszatekintő módon kezdeteket teremt.”.
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  24. Fictional Expectations and the Ontology of Power.Torsten Menge - 2020 - Philosophers' Imprint 20 (29):1-22.
    What kind of thing, as it were, is power and how does it fit into our understanding of the social world? I approach this question by exploring the pragmatic character of power ascriptions, arguing that they involve fictional expectations directed at an open future. When we take an agent to be powerful, we act as if that agent had a robust capacity to make a difference to the actions of others. While this pretense can never fully live up to a (...)
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  25. Extraordinary Partisanship in the European Union: Constituent Power and the Problem of Political Agency.Markus Patberg - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):143-157.
  26. Statehood in the Digital Age 1.Katharina Pistor - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):3-18.
  27. The UN Security Council, Normative Legitimacy and the Challenge of Specificity.Antoinette Scherz & Alain Zysset - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:371-391.
    This paper discusses how the general and abstract concept of legitimacy applies to international institutions, using the United Nations Security Council as an example. We argue that the evaluation of the Security Council’s legitimacy requires considering three significant and interrelated aspects: its purpose, competences, and procedural standards. We consider two possible interpretations of the Security Council’s purpose: on the one hand, maintaining peace and security, and, on the other, ensuring broader respect for human rights. Both of these purposes are minimally (...)
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  28. »Political Correctness« als Sklavenmoral? Zur politischen Theorie der Privilegienkritik.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Leviathan 48 (1):29-51.
    Right-wing intellectuals often invoke Nietzsche's concept of slave morality to underpin their criticism of 'political correctness' ('PC'). This interconnection of Nietzsche's slave morality and 'PC' criticism is correct, as a systematic analysis of their common elements shows, which leads to a new description of 'PC' criticism as a defense of privilege. In contrast to the right-wing Nietzschean 'PC' critique, the left-wing Nietzschean concept of a privilege-critical ‘political judgement' understands politics as a struggle for power, in which the space of the (...)
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  29. Demokratisierung durch „Cancel Culture“: Zum Verhältnis von Kunstfreiheit und Emanzipation.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Verfassungsblog.
    Vor wenigen Tagen hat das Hamburger Kabarett-Theater Schmidts Tivoli die Zusammenarbeit mit dem Komiker Kay Ray beendet, offenbar weil rassistische Witze in der Show einen zentralen Platz einnehmen. Kurz nach der Cancel-Affäre zwischen Lisa Eckhart und dem Hamburger Nochtspeicher sieht sich nun auch Ray als Opfer von „Cancel Culture“, die die Kunstfreiheit immer weiter einschränke. Um die Kunst und Kunstfreiheit geht es dabei aber eigentlich gar nicht. Sie ist nur der Austragungsort gesellschaftspolitischer Auseinandersetzungen um Sexismus, Rassismus und Transphobie. Dabei sind (...)
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  30. Violence and Politeness: From Walter Benjamin's “Critique” to the Streets of Chicago.Kam Shapiro - 2020 - Constellations 27 (3):438-451.
  31. Dirty Hands and the Fragility of Democracy.Berry Tholen - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (4):663-682.
    Dirty hands cases are often seen as a crucial challenge for political ethics. Michael Walzer’s analysis of dirty hands cases has been especially influential. On closer inspection, however, Walzer’s analysis contains some serious flaws. This article examines how and to what extent the political ethics of Paul Ricoeur can remedy the problems in Walzer’s approach. It is shown that Ricoeur’s approach can offer a better understanding of what is at stake in dilemmas in political action and that it can provide (...)
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  32. The Antinomy of Frictionless Sovereignty: Inverse Relations of Authority and Authoritarianism.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2020 - Boundary 2 10.
    The article explores the distinction between authority and authoritarianism from the perspective of the concept of sovereignty.
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  33. Transnational Partisan Networks and Constituent Power in the EU.Fabio Wolkenstein - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):127-142.
  34. The Plebeian Experience and the Logic of (Radical) Democracy.Martin Breaugh - 2019 - Constellations 26 (4):581-590.
  35. Education, Epistemic Virtues, and the Power of Toleration.Johannes Drerup - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-24.
  36. Collective Action, Constituent Power, and Democracy: On Representation in Lindahl’s Philosophy of Law.Thomas Fossen - 2019 - Etica and Politica / Ethics and Politics 21 (3):383-390.
    This contribution develops two objections to Hans Lindahl’s legal philosophy, as exhibited in his Authority and the Globalization of Inclusion and Exclusion. First, his conception of constituent power overstates the necessity of violence in initiating collective action. Second, his rejection of the distinction between participatory and representative democracy on the grounds that participation is representation is misleading, and compromises our ability to differentiate qualitatively among various forms of (purportedly) democratic involvement. Both problems stem from the same root. They result from (...)
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  37. Non-Citizen Children and the Right to Stay – a Discourse Ethical Approach.Jonathan Josefsson - 2019 - Ethics and Global Politics 12 (3):32-49.
  38. Inverted Founding: Emperor Organ Theory, Constitutionalism, and Koku-Min.Chungjae Lee & Stacey Liou - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory.
    This article presents Minobe Tatsukichi’s emperor organ theory as a novel understanding of the temporality of founding. In contrast to a conventional framework of founding which legitimizes the con...
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  39. Power, Truth and Politics.Steven Lukes - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (4):562-576.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  40. Violence and the Materiality of Power.Torsten Menge - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-26.
    The issue of political violence is mostly absent from current debates about power. Many conceptions of power treat violence as wholly distinct from or even antithetical to power, or see it as a mere instrument whose effects are obvious and not in need of political analysis. In this paper, I explore what kind of ontology of power is necessary to properly take account of the various roles that violence can play in creating and maintaining power structures. I pursue this question (...)
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  41. Relational African Values Between Nations.Thaddeus Metz - 2019 - In Francis Onditi & Gilad Ben-Nun (eds.), Contemporary Africa and the Foreseeable World Order. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 133-150.
    This chapter considers how some international ethical matters might be approached differently in the English-speaking literature if values salient in sub-Saharan Africa were taken seriously. Specifically, after pointing out how indigenous values in this part of the world tend to prescribe relating communally, this chapter articulates a moral-philosophical interpretation of communal relationship and brings out what such an ethic entails for certain aspects of globalization, political power, foreign relations, and criminal justice. The chapter suggests that the implications of a communal (...)
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  42. Tying Legitimacy to Political Power: Graded Legitimacy Standards for International Institutions.Antoinette Scherz - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory.
    International institutions have become increasingly important not only in the relations between states, but also for individuals. When are these institutions legitimate? The legitimacy standards fo...
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  43. Die christlichen Wurzeln der Kritik. Wie Foucaults Analysen der Kirchenväter neues Licht auf die Debatte um Macht und Freiheit werfen.Karsten Schubert - 2019 - Zeitschrift für Philosophische Literatur 7 (2):60-71.
    Die Veröffentlichung von Foucaults viertem Band der Geschichte der Sexualität, Die Geständnisse des Fleisches, wurde von der Foucault-Community und der interessierten Öffentlichkeit gespannt erwartet. Vom lange unter Verschluss gehaltenen Band erhofft sich die Leser_innenschaft neue Erkenntnisse nicht nur zum Thema des Buches – die Reflexionen der Kirchenväter bis Augustinus zu Sexualität und Lebensführung –, sondern zu Foucaults Werk im Allgemeinen und den großen Fragen nach Macht, Freiheit und Kritik, die dessen Rezeption bestimmen. Und tatsächlich bietet der Band überraschend neue Einsichten, (...)
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  44. Ograniczanie konfliktów w Nigerii i Indonezji. Hybrydowy model power-sharing.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2019 - Warszawa: Elipsa.
    Monografia ta traktuje o ograniczaniu konfliktów w relacjach między segmentami społecznymi (takimi jak grupy etniczne, wspólnoty religijne), w których członkostwo opiera się na podstawach askryptywnych i kulturowych, a także między nimi a władzą centralną w Nigerii i Indonezji. Państwa te mają burzliwą historię niepodległego bytu, ogromne wieloetniczne i wieloreligijne populacje, duże gospodarki oraz zasoby surowców energetycznych. Jak wskazują liczne raporty, będą wkrótce należeć do najważniejszych w świecie. W Nigerii i Indonezji funkcjonują systemy polityczne oparte na tzw. power-sharing (współrządzeniu), tj. takie, (...)
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  45. Nowożytne przeobrażenia systemu karnego według Michela Foucaulta.Michał Wieczorkowski - 2019 - Warszawa, Polska: C.H. Beck.
    Kara – jako immanentny element społeczeństwa – jest obiektem szeroko zakrojonych badań teoretyków różnych dziedzin – prawników, filozofów jak i socjologów. Bardzo często refleksje na jej temat wiązały się z artykułowaniem określonych postulatów – analiza tego, czym jest kara, przybierała tu postać twierdzeń o tym, czym kara być powinna. Dopiero wiek XIX przyniósł głębsze zainteresowanie historią kary. To wtedy właśnie analizy karania zaczęły przyjmować charakter deskryptywny, starając się ująć, jaką funkcję przypisywano karze w danym społeczeństwie w określonym momencie historycznym. Wydaje (...)
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  46. Letter of October 24, 1851 “Las Clases Discutidoras”.M. Blake Wilson - 2019 - Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence 3 (2):96-104.
    This is the first complete English translation and publication of Donoso’s carta de 24 de octubre, 1851, a letter encapsulating many of his views on revolution and decision. This remarkable letter, sent as a diplomatic missive while he was serving the Spanish crown in Paris, describes how Napoleon III––stuck between the 1848 constitution’s prohibition against his election and his impending coup that will crown him emperor––must gain the support of the liberal bourgeoise middle class if he is to maintain his (...)
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  47. Criminal Disenfranchisement and the Concept of Political Wrongdoing.Annette Zimmermann - 2019 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 47 (4):378-411.
    Disagreement persists about when, if at all, disenfranchisement is a fitting response to criminal wrongdoing of type X. Positive retributivists endorse a permissive view of fittingness: on this view, disenfranchising a remarkably wide range of morally serious criminal wrongdoers is justified. But defining fittingness in the context of criminal disenfranchisement in such broad terms is implausible, since many crimes sanctioned via disenfranchisement have little to do with democratic participation in the first place: the link between the nature of a criminal (...)
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  48. State Power and Breastfeeding Promotion: A Critique.Peter Balint, Lina Eriksson & Tiziana Torresi - 2018 - Contemporary Political Theory 17 (3):306-330.
    State-sponsored breastfeeding promotion campaigns have become increasingly common in developed countries. In this article, by using the tools of liberal political theory, as well as public health and health promotion ethics, we argue that such campaigns are not justified. They ignore important costs for women, including undermining autonomy, fail to distribute burdens fairly, cannot be justified neutrally and fail a basic efficacy test. Moreover, our argument demonstrates that breastfeeding campaigns are a rare case that bridges the fields of public health (...)
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  49. Étienne Balibar, Equaliberty: Political Essays, Translated by James IngramÉtienne Balibar, Violence and Civility: On the Limits of Political Philosophy, Translated by G.M. Goshgarian.Thomas Clément Mercier - 2018 - Derrida Today 11 (2):230-237.
    This essay examines Étienne Balibar's readings of Jacques Derrida and deconstruction. The text is framed as a review of two books by Balibar: 'Equaliberty' and 'Violence and Civility'. After describing the context of those readings, I propose a broader reflection on the ambiguous relationship between 'post-Marxism' and 'deconstruction', focusing on concepts such as 'violence', 'cruelty', 'sovereignty' and 'property'. I also raise methodological questions related to the 'use' of deconstructive notions in political theory debates.
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  50. Accumulating Epistemic Power.Kristie Dotson - 2018 - Philosophical Topics 46 (1):129-154.
    On December 3, 2014, in a piece entitled “White America’s Scary Delusion: Why Its Sense of Black Humanity Is So Skewed,” Brittney Cooper criticizes attempts to deem Black rage at state-sanctioned violence against Black people “unreasonable.” In this paper, I outline a problem with epistemology that Cooper highlights in order to explore whether beliefs can wrong. My overall claim is there are difficult-to-defeat arguments concerning the “legitimacy” of police slayings against Black people that are indicative of problems with epistemology because (...)
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