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  1. added 2020-12-04
    Disagreement, Epistemic Paralysis, and the Legitimacy of Technocracy.Étienne Brown & Zoe Phillips Williams - forthcoming - Critical Review:1-23.
    Jeffrey Friedman convincingly argues that technocrats may often lack the knowledge required to enact public policies that will effectively promote their consequentialist goals. Friedman’s argument is strong enough to produce technocratic paralysis, in many cases, but “epistemic gambles” may present a way out of this problem. His discussion of exitocracy also raises the question of how to square his internal form of technocratic critique with the question of democratic legitimacy.
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  2. added 2020-12-01
    Fictional Expectations and the Ontology of Power.Torsten Menge - 2020 - Philosophers' Imprint 20 (29):1-22.
    What kind of thing, as it were, is power and how does it fit into our understanding of the social world? I approach this question by exploring the pragmatic character of power ascriptions, arguing that they involve fictional expectations directed at an open future. When we take an agent to be powerful, we act as if that agent had a robust capacity to make a difference to the actions of others. While this pretense can never fully live up to a (...)
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  3. added 2020-11-30
    The Theory of Hegemony: Laclau’s Path Not Taken.Andro Kitus - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46 (10):1225-1243.
    The article revisits the theory of hegemony of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe and shows how a normative injunction, which according to Laclau is not compatible with the hegemonic logic, is not only possible but a necessary condition for hegemony to function. The article claims that the path to demonstrate this involves rethinking the relationship between the theory of hegemony and Derridean deconstruction. Following criticisms that the theory of hegemony overlooks the aporetic nature of Derridean undecidability that it nevertheless relies (...)
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  4. added 2020-11-23
    Censorship and Two Types of Self-Censorship.Philip Cook & Conrad Heilmann - manuscript
    We propose and defend a distinction between two types of self-censorship: public and private. In public self-censorship, individuals restrain their expressive attitudes in response to public censors. In private self-censorship, individuals do so in the absence of public censorship. We argue for this distinction by introducing a general model which allows us to identify, describe, and compare a wide range of censorship regimes. The model explicates the interaction between censors and censees and yields the distinction between two types of self-censorship. (...)
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  5. added 2020-11-18
    Queere und schwule Theorie (Foucault Rezeption).Karsten Schubert - 2020 - In Clemens Kammler, Rolf Parr & Ulrich Johannes Schneider (eds.), Foucault-Handbuch. Leben – Werk – Wirkung. Stuttgart, Deutschland: pp. 503-509.
    Foucault bildet eine zentrale Grundlage der queeren und schwulen Theorie, die sich seit den späten 1980er Jahren insbesondere in den USA entwickelt hat. Seine Macht- und Subjekttheorie ist die Basis für eine nicht- essentialistische Analyse von Sexualität und für die Kritik ihrer normierenden Wirkung, die Foucault selbst in Der Wille zum Wissen (1983, frz. 1976) begonnen hat und die das Kerngeschäft der Queertheorie ist. Während Foucault als Grundlage der Queertheorie insgesamt rezipiert wird, gibt es eine spezifisch schwule Rezeption von Foucault, (...)
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  6. added 2020-11-16
    Republican Freedom in the Labour Market: Exploitation Without Interpersonal Domination.Fausto Corvino - 2019 - Theoria 66 (158):103-131.
    In this article, I query whether participation in the labour market can hinder neo-republican freedom as non-domination. I briefly present the view of Philip Pettit on the topic, based on the distinction between offering a reward and threatening a punishment. I compare it to the analysis of labour republicans, recently reconstructed by Alex Gourevitch, according to whom, the exclusion of a group of individuals from the control of productive assets represents a form of structural domination. Then, I explain why I (...)
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  7. added 2020-11-16
    Utility, Priorities, and Quiescent Sufficiency.Fausto Corvino - 2019 - Etica & Politica / Ethics & Politics 21 (3):525-552.
    In this article, I firstly discuss why a prioritarian clause can rescue the utilitarian doctrine from the risk of exacerbating inequality in the distribution of resources in those cases in which utility of income does not decline at the margin. Nonetheless, when in the presence of adaptive preferences, classic prioritarianism is more likely than utilitarianism to increase the inequality of resources under all circumstances, independently of the diminishing trend of utility. Hence, I propose to shift the informational focus of prioritarianism (...)
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  8. added 2020-11-16
    The Moral Implications of the Global Basic Structure as a Subject of Justice.Fausto Corvino - 2019 - Glocialism. Journal of culture, politics and innovation 2019 (2):1-36.
    In this article, I discuss whether the theory of justice as fairness famously proposed by John Rawls can justify the implementation of global principles of socioeconomic justice, contrary to what Rawls himself maintains. In particular, I dwell on the concept of the basic structure of society, which Rawls defines as “the primary subject of justice” and considers as a prerogative of domestic societies. In the first part, I briefly present Rawls’s theory of socio-economic justice and his account of justice between (...)
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  9. added 2020-11-16
    The Non-Identity Objection to Intergenerational Harm: A Critical Re-Examination.Fausto Corvino - 2019 - International Journal of Applied Philosophy 33 (2):165-185.
    In this article I analyse those that I consider the most powerful counterarguments that have been advanced against the non-identity objection to the idea of intergenerational harm, according to which an action cannot cause harm to a given agent if her biological identity does actually depend—in a partial but still determinant way—on the performance of this action. In doing this, I firstly go through the deontological criticisms to the person-affecting view of harm, before moving on to sufficientarian and communitarian accounts (...)
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  10. added 2020-11-16
    Labour Commodification and Global Justice.Fausto Corvino - 2019 - Kriterion - Journal of Philosophy 33 (1):53-88.
    In this article, I maintain that the social process of labour commodification, through which the individual capability to uphold a decent welfare is bound to participation in the labour market, poses a problem of justice from the republican prospective on freedom as non-domination. I first discuss the reasons we might hold that capitalism brings a form of systemic domination by virtue of one of its intrinsic features: unequal access to the means of production. Then, I argue for a minimum de-commodification (...)
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  11. added 2020-11-16
    Punishing Atypical Dirty Hands.Fausto Corvino - 2015 - International Journal of Applied Philosophy 29 (2):281-297.
    Should those who get dirty hands always be punished in the same way? Must their punishment be regardless of the background elements that determined the DH dilemma, which has polluted their morality? This paper holds that common arguments in favour of punishing DH overlook the important difference between classic DH dilemmas that are structurally inescapable and those that are caused by a collective action problem. My thesis emphasizes that in talking about DH, our analysis should go beyond the structure of (...)
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  12. added 2020-11-15
    Solidarity and Public Goods.Avigail Ferdman & Margaret Kohn - 2021 - Oxon: Routledge.
    In the wake of health and economic crises across the world, solidarity is emerging as both a moral imperative and urgent social goal. This book approaches solidarity as a political good, both a framework of power structures and grounds for moral motivation. The distinct approaches to public goods and social value demonstrate how social connectedness is intricately tied to the distribution of public goods, and the moral commitments that grow out of them. The essays in this book explore different features (...)
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  13. added 2020-11-12
    Institutions and Scientific Progress.C. Mantzavinos - forthcoming - Philosophy of the Social Sciences.
    Scientific progress has many facets and can be conceptualized in different ways, for example in terms of problem-solving, of truthlikeness or of growth of knowledge. The main claim of the paper is that the most important prerequisite of scientific progress is the institutionalization of competition and criticism. An institutional framework appropriately channeling competition and criticism is the crucial factor determining the direction and rate of scientific progress, independently on how one might wish to conceptualize scientific progress itself. The main intention (...)
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  14. added 2020-11-12
    „Political Correctness“ als Kern der Politik. Mit Nietzsche gegen die neue Rechte.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - In ARSP-B (Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie - Beihefte), Band 164. Stuttgart: pp. 167-176.
    The article develops the concept of "political judgement" - a new, affirmative understanding of the phenomena which are criticized as "political correctness" by both right-wing and liberal commentators. To that end, it takes the right's claims, that "political correctness" is slave morality in Nietzsche's sense seriously and proposes a systematic reading of a right-nietzschean position. Connecting current "political-correctness"-critique and Nietzsche in this way allows for a deeper understanding of the right-wing rationality and the affective energy underlying the critique. Through contrasting (...)
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  15. added 2020-11-12
    Freiheit und Institution. Für eine anti-anarchistische Foucault-Lektüre.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Zeitschrift Für Politische Theorie 10 (1):103-124.
    Wie können Freiheit und Widerstand innerhalb von Foucaults Theorie der Macht und Subjektivierung konzipiert werden? Diese zentrale Frage der Interpretation von Foucaults vielschichtigem Werk wurde breit diskutiert und dennoch nicht befriedigend beantwortet. Dass bis heute kaum Klarheit über den Status von Freiheit in Foucaults Werk erreicht werden konnte, liegt auch daran, dass die gängigen Interpretationen die verschiedenen Freiheitsbegriffe, die in Foucaults Werk zu finden sind, vermischen. Der Artikel bringt deshalb Ordnung in diese unübersichtliche Lage, indem er die verschiedenen Freiheitsbegriffe und (...)
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  16. added 2020-11-12
    "Ein radikaler Wandel unseres Lebens" - Interview in der BZ zu Corona, Solidarität und Ausgangssperren.Karsten Schubert & Dora Schöls - 2020 - Badische Zeitung Plus.
    Wie ein Mantra wird es wiederholt: Abstand halten, damit das neuartige Coronavirus sich nicht so schnell verbreitet. Gleichzeitig entstehen vielerorts Nachbarschaftshilfen. Dora Schöls hat den Freiburger Politikwissenschaftler Karsten Schubert gefragt, ob die Gesellschaft nun auseinanderdriftet oder zusammenrückt.
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  17. added 2020-11-12
    Freiheit als Kritik. Zur Debatte um Freiheit bei Foucault.Karsten Schubert - 2019 - In Oliver Marchart & Renate Martinsen (eds.), Foucault und das Politische: Transdisziplinäre Impulse für die politische Theorie der Gegenwart. Wiesbaden: pp. 49–64.
    Wie können Freiheit und Widerstand innerhalb von Foucaults Theorie der Macht und Subjektivierung konzipiert werden? Karsten Schubert liefert die erste systematische Rekonstruktion der sozialphilosophischen Debatte um Freiheit bei Foucault und eine neue Lösung für das Freiheitsproblem: Freiheit als die Fähigkeit zur reflexiven Kritik der eigenen Subjektivierung – kurz: Freiheit als Kritik – ist das Resultat von freiheitlicher Subjektivierung in politischen Institutionen. Der Band zeigt so die Konsequenzen von Foucaults Freiheitsdenken für die Demokratietheorie und die allgemeine sozialphilosophische Freiheitsdiskussion auf.
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  18. added 2020-11-12
    Die christlichen Wurzeln der Kritik. Wie Foucaults Analysen der Kirchenväter neues Licht auf die Debatte um Macht und Freiheit werfen.Karsten Schubert - 2019 - Zeitschrift für Philosophische Literatur 7 (2):60-71.
    Die Veröffentlichung von Foucaults viertem Band der Geschichte der Sexualität, Die Geständnisse des Fleisches, wurde von der Foucault-Community und der interessierten Öffentlichkeit gespannt erwartet. Vom lange unter Verschluss gehaltenen Band erhofft sich die Leser_innenschaft neue Erkenntnisse nicht nur zum Thema des Buches – die Reflexionen der Kirchenväter bis Augustinus zu Sexualität und Lebensführung –, sondern zu Foucaults Werk im Allgemeinen und den großen Fragen nach Macht, Freiheit und Kritik, die dessen Rezeption bestimmen. Und tatsächlich bietet der Band überraschend neue Einsichten, (...)
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  19. added 2020-11-12
    Freiheit als Kritik. Zur Debatte um Freiheit bei Foucault.Karsten Schubert - 2019 - In Oliver Marchart & Renate Martinsen (eds.), Foucault und das Politische, Politologische Aufklärung - konstruktivistische Perspektiven. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien. pp. 49-64.
    In der Debatte um Freiheit bei Foucault wird das „Freiheitsproblem“ verhandelt: Wie können Freiheit und Widerstand innerhalb von Foucaults Theorie der Macht und Subjektivierung konzipiert werden? Der Aufsatz leistet eine Rekonstruktion und interne Kritik der besten Interpretationsstrategien von Foucaults Werk, die die Lösung dieses Problems zum Ziel haben, und entwickelt dabei eine neue These: Freiheit als Fähigkeit zur reflexiven Kritik der eigenen Subjektivierung ist abhängig von freiheitlicher Subjektivierung durch politische Institutionen. Die Interpretationsstrategien werden systematisch unterschieden und anhand der Arbeiten exemplarischer (...)
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  20. added 2020-11-12
    Freiheit Als Kritik: Sozialphilosophie Nach Foucault.Karsten Schubert - 2018 - Dissertation, Universität Leipzig
    Wie können Freiheit und Widerstand innerhalb von Foucaults Theorie der Macht und Subjektivierung konzipiert werden? Karsten Schubert liefert die erste systematische Rekonstruktion der sozialphilosophischen Debatte um Freiheit bei Foucault und eine neue Lösung für das Freiheitsproblem: Freiheit als die Fähigkeit zur reflexiven Kritik der eigenen Subjektivierung – kurz: Freiheit als Kritik – ist das Resultat von freiheitlicher Subjektivierung in politischen Institutionen. Der Band zeigt so die Konsequenzen von Foucaults Freiheitsdenken für die Demokratietheorie und die allgemeine sozialphilosophische Freiheitsdiskussion auf.
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  21. added 2020-11-12
    Como fazer teoria política com Foucault? – O debate sobre a liberdade nas obras de Foucault.Karsten Schubert - 2017 - Coluna ANPOF.
    Associação Nacional de Pós-Graduação em Filosofia - ANPOF. Um dos problemas mais duradouros na discussão sobre Foucault tem sido o problema da liberdade. Mais precisamente, a questão é a seguinte: como a liberdade e a resistência podem ser pensadas e explicadas em uma teoria do poder e da subjetivação? Abordarei esse problema não falando sobre o próprio Foucault, oferecendo uma nova interpretação dos seus escritos, por exemplo. Em vez disso, sustento que o problema pode ser abordado apenas nos detendo sobre (...)
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  22. added 2020-11-12
    Der letzte Universalismus. Kontingenz, Konflikt und normative Demokratietheorie.Karsten Schubert - 2017 - Schwerpunktbeitrag.
    Die Debatte um die politische Differenz stellt Kontingenz und Konfliktualität als fundamentale Eigenschaften des Politischen heraus. Dies stellt die postfundamentalistische Demokratietheorie, die auf Augenhöhe mit dieser Debatte argumentieren will, vor ein Problem: Durch die Kontingentsetzung aller normativen Begründungen ist zunächst unklar, welche Art von demokratischen Institutionen wie begründet werden kann, und sogar, ob es überhaupt eine von der postfundamentalistischen Sozialontologie ausgehend argumentierende normative Begründung für demokratische Institutionen geben kann. Meine These ist, dass Freiheit, verstanden als kontinuierliche selbstreflexive Kritik, derjenige normative (...)
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  23. added 2020-11-12
    Gefangen im Regime. Diskussion: Ein neuer Sammelband über Regime verbindet Kunst, Politik und Kritik.Karsten Schubert & Vincent Schmiedt - 2013 - Analyse & Kritik 579.
    Wie Herrschaft kritisieren, wenn Kategorien wie Staat, Souveränität und Demokratie nicht mehr funktionieren? Der Regimebegriff verspricht einen Ausweg aus diesem praktischen wie theoretischen Dilemma. Er soll nicht nur helfen, Macht und Herrschaft besser zu verstehen, sondern auch eine neue Grundlage für tiefere und radikalere Gesellschaftskritik bieten: Das Denken in Regimen bezieht Denk- und Wahrnehmungsmuster in die Analyse und Kritik von gesellschaftlichen Strukturen, (politischer) Macht und alltäglichen Normen und Praxen ein. Kurz: Regimeanalysen helfen uns zu sehen, was sonst unsichtbar bliebe, wie (...)
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  24. added 2020-11-12
    Foucaults Verflüssigung. Postfundamentalistische Kritik und normative Institutionentheorie.Karsten Schubert - 2013 - Grundrisse 46:39-45.
    Eine Kritik des "Verflüssigungsprimats" - Antinormativität und Antiinstitutionalismus - der poststrukturalitischen politischen Theorie.
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  25. added 2020-11-10
    Declaration in Douglass's My Bondage & My Freedom.Philip Yaure - 2020 - American Political Thought 9 (4):513-541.
    In this paper, I develop an account of Frederick Douglass’s use of declaration as an emancipatory mode of political action. An act of declaration compels an audience to acknowledge the declarer as possessing a type of normative standing (e.g. personhood or citizenship). Douglass, through acts of declaration like his Fifth of July speech and fight with the ‘slavebreaker’ Covey, compels American audiences to acknowledge him as a fellow citizen by forcefully enacting a commitment to resist tyranny and oppression. The distinctive (...)
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  26. added 2020-11-08
    Here's How to Hack Hypocrisy.Susanna Siegel - 2020 - Tampa Bay Times, October 30.
    Op-ed about the role of anti-hypocrisy in political criticism.
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  27. added 2020-11-05
    Institutionalisierung der Freiheit im Recht. Foucault und die postmarxistische Rechtskritik.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - In Steffen K. Herrmann & Matthias Flatscher (eds.), Institutionen des Politischen. Baden-Baden: Nomos. pp. 351-378.
    In der postmarxistischen politischen Philosophie wird die Veränderung gegenüber der Verstetigung analytisch und normativ bevorzugt. Deshalbleistet die postmarxistische Theorie keine realistische Analyse und normativ-differenzierende Bewertung von politischen Institutionen, insbesondere des Rechts. Der Beitrag liefert einen Ansatz, um diese Lücke zu schließen, indem er der Abblendung von institutionellen Fragen mit einer neuen postfundamentalistischen Institutionentheorie begegnet. Diese Theorie basiert auf dem Freiheitsbegriff der Kritik, der im Anschluss an Foucault entwickelt wird und zeigt, dass kritischer Subjektivität durch die Institutionalisierung von freiheitlichen Subjektivierungsregimen bedingt (...)
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  28. added 2020-11-05
    Marx y lo político. La lectura de Carl Schmitt.Diego Paredes Goicochea - 2018 - Eidos: Revista de Filosofía de la Universidad Del Norte 28:281-304.
    Resumen: Este artículo busca interrogar el sentido de lo político en el pensamiento de Karl Marx a partir de la lectura de Carl Schmitt. Aunque, por un lado, el jurista alemán considera que el marxismo subsume los problemas políticos bajo cuestiones económicas, por otro lado, destaca que Marx pensó lo político a partir de la agudización del antagonismo y de la dictadura del proletariado. Sin embargo, para Schmitt, estos dos elementos de lo político en Marx están construidos sobre la base (...)
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  29. added 2020-11-02
    Political Obligations in Illiberal Regimes.Zoltán Gábor Szűcs - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (4):541-558.
    The paper is organized around two major, but closely interconnected goals. First, the paper’s principal aim is to offer a normative theory of political obligations that is based on certain insights of philosophical anarchism, theories of associative obligations and political realism. Second, the paper aims to offer a normative theoretical framework to examine political obligations in contemporary non-democratic contexts that does not vindicate non-democratic regimes and that does not exclude political obligations from the terrain of moral normativity. The theory of (...)
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  30. added 2020-11-02
    A Non‐Sectarian Comprehensive Confucianism?—On Kim's Public Reason Confucianism.Baldwin Wong - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (2):145-162.
    In Public Reason Confucianism, Kim Sungmoon presents a perfectionist theory that is based on a partially comprehensive Confucian doctrine but is non-sectarian, since the doctrine is widely shared in East Asian societies. Despite its attractiveness, I argue that this project, unfortunately, fails because it is still vulnerable to the sectarian critique. The blurred distinction between partially and fully comprehensive doctrines will create a loophole problem. Sectarian laws and policies may gain legitimacy that they do not deserve. I further defend political (...)
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  31. added 2020-11-01
    Political Authority and Unjust Wars.Massimo Renzo - 2019 - Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 99 (2):336-357.
    Just war theory is currently dominated by two positions. According to the orthodox view, provided that jus in bello principles are respected, combatants have an equal right to fight, regardless of the justice of the cause pursued by their state. According to “revisionists” whenever combatants lack reasons to believe that the war they are ordered to fight is just, their duty is to disobey. I argue that when members of a legitimate state acting in good faith are ordered to fight, (...)
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  32. added 2020-10-30
    Stasis Before the State: Nine Theses on Agonistic Democracy.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2018 - New York: Fordham University Press.
    How is political change possible when even the most radical revolutions only reproduce sovereign power? Via the analysis of the contradictory meanings of stasis, Vardoulakis argues that the opportunity for political change is located in the agonistic relation between sovereignty and democracy and thus demands a radical rethinking.
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  33. added 2020-10-28
    Think Local, Act Global: Civic Vigilance as Cosmopolitan Political Motivation.Lior Erez - forthcoming - Journal of Social Philosophy.
    As even those who endorse it concede, cosmopolitanism has a motivational problem. There is a need for strategies to generate support of global norms conducive to cosmopolitanism, but which do not rely primarily on the motivating force of the moral argument. This article makes the case for civic vigilance as an answer to this problem. It argues that support for cosmopolitan norms could be advanced by encouraging a recognition of the ‘boomerang effect’: the ways in which global injustice undermines the (...)
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  34. added 2020-10-23
    Building Communities of Peace: Arendtian Realism and Peacebuilding.Shinkyu Lee - 2021 - Polity 58 (1):000-000.
    Recent studies of peacebuilding highlight the importance of attending to people’s local experiences of conflict and cooperation. This trend, however, raises the fundamental questions of how the local is and should be constituted and what the relationship is between institutions and individual actors of peace at the local level of politics. I turn to Hannah Arendt’s thoughts to address these issues. Arendt’s thinking provides a distinctive form of realism that calls for stable institutions but never depletes the spirit of resistance. (...)
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  35. added 2020-10-22
    Genealogy of Algorithms: Datafication as Transvaluation.Virgil W. Brower - 2020 - le Foucaldien 6 (1):1-43.
    This article investigates religious ideals persistent in the datafication of information society. Its nodal point is Thomas Bayes, after whom Laplace names the primal probability algorithm. It reconsiders their mathematical innovations with Laplace's providential deism and Bayes' singular theological treatise. Conceptions of divine justice one finds among probability theorists play no small part in the algorithmic data-mining and microtargeting of Cambridge Analytica. Theological traces within mathematical computation are emphasized as the vantage over large numbers shifts to weights beyond enumeration in (...)
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  36. added 2020-10-21
    Föderalismus und Individuelle Freiheit.C. Mantzavinos - 2012 - In Harald Enke Adolf Wagner (ed.), Zur Zukunft des Wettbewerbs. Marburg: pp. 15-37.
    Dieser Aufsatz untersucht das Verhältnis zwischen Föderalismus und individueller Freiheit. Es wird gezeigt, dass eine vollständige Analyse des Verhältnisses zwischen Föderalismus und individueller Freiheit zwei entgegengesetzte Effekte mitberücksichtigen muss. Auf der einen Seite verstärken föderalistische Strukturen die individuelle Freiheit indem sie die Auswahlmöglichkeiten der Bürger erweitern. Auf der anderen Seite führt jedoch ein föderalistisches System zur institutionellen Vielfalt, ein Faktum, das per se zu höheren Abwanderungskosten führt, die ein Bürger tragen muss, wenn er oder sie entscheidet, die Jurisdiktion zu wechseln. (...)
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  37. added 2020-10-20
    A Dialogue on Republicanism.C. Mantzavinos - forthcoming - Revue de Philosophie Économique.
    Two interlocutors, Philip Pettit and a student, are exchanging views on liberal political and economic philosophy during lunch at Prospect House, the faculty club of Princeton. The dialogue begins with clarifications of the notion of liberty, and, against objections of the student, Pettit introduces and defends his own conception of freedom as non-domination rather than as non-interference. It proceeds with an exchange of arguments regarding the different kinds of institutional settings that entrench liberty and all the other things valued by (...)
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  38. added 2020-10-20
    Federalism and Individual Liberty.C. Mantzavinos - 2010 - Constitutional Political Economy 21:101-118.
    This paper explores the relationship between federalism and individual liberty. It is shown that a complete treatment of the relationship between federalism and individual liberty should consider two countervailing effects. On the one hand, a federalist structure enhances individual liberty by enlarging the choice set of the citizens. On the other hand, however, a federalist system leads to institutional diversity, a fact that per se leads to higher exit costs, which a citizen must bear if he or she decides to (...)
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  39. added 2020-10-19
    Latours politische (Meta-)Philosophie und der Machtbegriff.Lorina Buhr - 2019 - In Hagen Schölzel (ed.), Der große Leviathan und die Akteur-Netzwerk-Welten. Staatlichkeit und politische Kollektivität im Denken Bruno Latours. Baden-Baden, Deutschland: pp. 115–139.
    In der politischen Theorie und der Theorie des Sozialen wird klassischerweise auf den Machtbegriff zurückgegriffen, wenn es darum geht, die Verbindungen und das Dazwischen der Elemente des Sozialen und des Politischenzu denken, deren Konstitution und Individuation, aber auch die Ordnung ihrer Dis‐kurse begrifflich zu erfassen. Gleichwohl ist der Machtbegriff nicht nur ein zentra‐ler Begriff in der empirischen Untersuchung und in der politischen Theorie selbst, er ist auch ein folgenschwerer Begriff sowohl auf der Ebene der Pragmatik einer Theorie als auch auf (...)
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  40. added 2020-10-19
    Deep Disagreements on Social and Political Justice: Their Meta-Ethical Relevance and the Need for a New Research Perspective.Manuel Knoll - 2018 - In Nurdane Şimsek, Stephen Snyder & Manuel Knoll (eds.), New Perspectives on Distributive Justice: Deep Disagreements, Pluralism, and the Problem of Consensus. De Gruyter. pp. 23-52.
    This article starts off with a historical section showing that deep disagreements among notions of social and political justice are a characteristic feature of the history of political thought. Since no agreement or consensus on distributive justice is possible, the article argues that political philosophers should – instead of continuously proposing new normative theories of justice – focus on analyzing the reasons, significance, and consequences of such kinds of disagreements. The next two sections are analytical. The first sketches five possible (...)
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  41. added 2020-10-19
    An Interpretation of Rawls’s Difference Principle as the Principle of the Welfare State.Manuel Dr Knoll - 2013 - Sofia Philosophical Review (2):5-33.
  42. added 2020-10-18
    Hermeneutics and the Conservatism of Listening.David Liakos - 2020 - Cosmos and History 16 (2):495-515.
    It is well known that philosophical hermeneutics has long been associated in political discussions with a conservative orientation. Many Gadamerians have sought to rebut this suggestion, convincingly emphasizing progressive political dimensions of hermeneutics in general and of Gadamer’s thought in particular. One version of the association of hermeneutics with conservatism has been overlooked, however, namely, Hans Blumenberg’s provocative claim that the predilection in the hermeneutic tradition for metaphors of hearing and listening indicates that hermeneutics passively heeds and takes in tradition (...)
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  43. added 2020-10-17
    The Problem of Justification in Spinoza's Political Liberalism.Judit Szalai - 2011 - In Manfred Walther Marcel Senn (ed.), Ethik, Recht, und Politik bei Spinoza. Zürich: Schultess. Zürich: Schultess Verlag. pp. 189-194..
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  44. added 2020-10-14
    Wellbeing in African Thought. Insights for a Global Ethics of Development.Bolaji Bateye, Mahmoud Masaeli, Louise Müller & Angela Roothaan (eds.) - forthcoming - Lanham, USA: Rowman and Littlefield.
  45. added 2020-10-12
    Centripetal Federalism.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2020 - 50 Shades of Federalism.
    Centripetalism is often perceived as a type of a political system for a multi-segmental, especially multi-ethnic, country in order to create among the members of the political elite of integrative and moderate political behavior cross-cutting segmental divisions which, reaching beyond group interests, depoliticize the segmental separateness and, in this manner, reduce their significance. One of the central institutions of centripetalism is decentralization leading to a division of large segments into smaller parts that inhabit different, ideally multi-segmental regions, thus inclining regional (...)
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  46. added 2020-09-30
    The Impossibility of a Bayesian Liberal?William Bosworth & Brad Taylor - forthcoming - Journal of Politics.
    Aumann’s theorem states that no individual should agree to disagree under a range of assumptions. Political liberalism appears to presuppose these assumptions with the idealized conditions of public reason. We argue Aumann’s theorem demonstrates they nevertheless cannot be simultaneously held with what is arguably political liberalism’s most central tenet. That is, the tenet of reasonable pluralism, which implies we can rationally agree to disagree over conceptions of the good. We finish by elaborating a way of relaxing one of the theorem’s (...)
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  47. added 2020-09-27
    Raymond Aron: l’esigenza di realismo nell’analisi della democrazia, in Carla Danani (a cura di), Democrazia e verità. Tra degenerazione e rigenerazione, Morcelliana, Brescia 2020, pp. 395-406 [ISBN 978-88-372-3446-1].Tommaso Valentini - 2020 - In Volume 10 della collana a cura della Fondazione Centro Studi Filosofici di Gallarate. Roma: pp. 395-406.
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  48. added 2020-09-24
    The Mystery of the Return: Agamben and Bloch on the Parousia of St. Paul and the Messianic Time.Federico Filauri - 2020 - Praktyka Teoretyczna 1 (35):121-147.
    During the last two decades, a sharp re-reading of St. Paul’s letters allowed several thinkers to embed a messianic element in their political philosophy. In these readings, the messianic refusal of the world and its laws is understood through the suspensive act of ‘subtraction’ – a movement of withdrawal which nonetheless proved too often ineffective when translated in political practice. -/- After having analysed Agamben’s declension of Subtraction in terms of ‘inoperativity’, this article focuses on the notion of Parousia as (...)
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  49. added 2020-09-22
    Is Moral Compromise Feasible?Friderike Spang - forthcoming - In Neil Hibbert, Charles Jones & Steven Lecce (eds.), Justice, rights, and toleration.
    Moral compromise, i.e. compromise on moral values, is increasingly discussed as a promising strategy for accommodating disagreement in pluralistic societies. Political theorists are primarily concerned with the question how moral compromise can be normatively justified. In particular, the debate revolves around the question whether moral compromise is justified for principled or pragmatic reasons. But assuming that moral compromise can be justified – for either principled or pragmatic reasons – is it also feasible? The literature on moral compromise largely neglects to (...)
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  50. added 2020-09-22
    Why a Fair Compromise Requires Deliberation.Friderike Spang - forthcoming - Journal of Deliberative Democracy.
    I argue in this paper that the process of compromising needs to be deliberative if a fair compromise is the goal. More specifically, I argue that deliberation is structurally necessary in order to achieve a fair compromise. In developing this argument, this paper seeks to overcome a problematic dichotomy that is prevalent in the literature on deliberative democracy, which is the dichotomy between compromise and deliberation. This dichotomy entails the view that the process preceding the achievement of a compromise is (...)
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