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  1. added 2020-05-21
    Conservative Libertarianism and Ethics of Borders.Enrique Camacho Beltran - 2015 - Tópicos: Revista de Filosofía 48 (1):227-261.
    Many conservatives endorse a defence of closed borders grounded in basic liberal rights such as the basic right of association. Some conservatives also endorse libertarian principles of legitimacy. It is not clear though that this sort of defence of closed borders is somehow coherent with these libertarian ideals. I argue that conservative libertarians of this kind must reject this defence of closed borders because either it collapses into a form of statism incoherent with libertarian principles of legitimacy, or into an (...)
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  2. added 2020-05-17
    ‘Religious Citizens’ in Post-Secular Democracies.Julien Winandy - 2015 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 41 (8):837-852.
    For the past two decades, philosophers of religion have paid close attention to the debates on public reason taking place within the context of political philosophy. Some thinkers claim that religious arguments should play a very limited role in political discourse, as this would amount to a politically sanctioned imposition of religious beliefs on people with different religious or non-religious worldviews. Others claim that excluding religious reasons would lead to an unfair exclusion of religious citizens from democratic processes. Underlying these (...)
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  3. added 2020-03-24
    Review of Tommie Shelby's Dark Ghettos: Injustice, Dissent and Reform. [REVIEW]Michael Merry - 2017 - Theory and Research in Education 15 (2):230-232.
    It is rare to find a book in political philosophy whose arguments successfully utilize both ideal and non-ideal theory. Rarer still does one find a book in political philosophy that takes seriously the proposition that the oppressed are not merely passive victims to injustice, but rather rational and moral agents, capable of making meaningful and informed choices concerning those things they have reason to value. Dark Ghettos does both.
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  4. added 2020-03-02
    Religious Exemptions, Claims of Conscience, and Idola Fori.Andrei Bespalov - forthcoming - Jurisprudence:1-18.
    According to the standard liberal egalitarian approach, religious exemptions from generally applicable laws can be justified on the grounds of equal respect for each citizen’s conscience. I contend that claims of conscience cannot justify demands for exemptions, since they do not meet even the most inclusive standards of public justification. Arguments of the form “My conscience says so” do not explicate the rationale behind the practices that the claimants seek to protect. Therefore, such arguments do not constitute even pro tanto (...)
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  5. added 2020-02-28
    The Epistemic Limits of Shared Reasons.Alexander Motchoulski - 2020 - European Journal of Philosophy 28 (1):164-176.
    European Journal of Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  6. added 2020-01-26
    Educational Justice: Liberal Ideals, Persistent Inequality and the Constructive Uses of Critique.Michael Merry - 2020 - New York City, New York, Verenigde Staten: Palgrave Macmillan.
    In this book I examine the philosophical, motivational, and practical challenges of education theory, policy, and practice in the twenty-first century. There is a loud and persistent drum beat of support for schools, for citizenship, for diversity and inclusion, and increasingly for labor market readiness with very little critical attention to the assumptions underlying these agendas, let alone to their many internal contradictions. I argue that we must constructively critique some of our most cherished beliefs about education if we are (...)
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  7. added 2019-11-26
    Rescuing Public Justification From Public Reason Liberalism.Fabian Wendt - 2019 - In Steven Wall, Peter Vallentyne & David Sobel (eds.), Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy Vol. 5. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 39-64.
    Public reason liberals from John Rawls to Gerald Gaus uphold a principle of public justification as a core commitment of their theories. Critics of public reason liberalism have sometimes conceded that there is something compelling about the idea of public justification. But so far there have not been many attempts to elaborate and defend a ‘comprehensive’ liberalism that incorporates a principle of public justification. This article spells out how public justifiability could be integrated into a comprehensive liberalism and defends the (...)
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  8. added 2019-09-11
    Contemporary Political Philosophy and Religion.Paolo Monti & Camil Ungureanu - 2018 - London and New York: Routledge.
    What is the place of religion in a pluralist democracy? The continuous presence of religion in the public sphere has raised anew normative and practical issues related to the role of religion in a democratic polity, generating spirited political debates in Western and non-Western contexts. Contemporary Political Philosophy and Religion provides an advanced introduction to, and a critical appraisal of, the major schools of political thought with a focus on the relationship between democracy and religion. Key features of this book (...)
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  9. added 2019-07-23
    Bottles and Bricks.Jennifer Kling & Megan Mitchell - 2019 - Radical Philosophy Review 22 (2):209-237.
    We argue that violent political protest is justified in a generally just society when violence is required to send a message about the nature of the injustice at issue, and when it is not ruled out by moral or pragmatic considerations. Focusing on protest as a mode of public address, we argue that its communicative function can sometimes justify or require the use of violence. The injustice at the heart of the Baltimore protests—police brutality against black Americans —is a paradigmatic (...)
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  10. added 2019-07-23
    Negotiating Religious Exemptions: A Public Reason Perspective.Andrei Bespalov - 2019 - Dissertation,
    I put forward three reasons why religious exemptions from generally applicable laws are not publicly justifiable in a liberal democratic society. First, mere claims of the form “God says so and my conscience requires that I obey” do not explicate the rationale behind the legal provisions that they are expected to support. Therefore, such claims cannot be regarded even as pro tanto justificatory reasons for any legal provisions, be they laws or exemptions. Second, no matter how elaborate, reasons based on (...)
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  11. added 2019-06-26
    Religious Faith and the Fallibility of Public Reasons.Andrei Bespalov - 2019 - Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 8 (2):223-46.
    Rawlsian liberals define legitimacy in terms of the public justification principle (PJP): the exercise of political power is legitimate only if it is justified on the grounds of reasons that all may reasonably be expected to accept. Does PJP exclude religious reasons from public justification of legal provisions? I argue that the requirement of ‘reasonable acceptability’ is not clear enough to answer this question. Furthermore, it fails to address the problematic fact that justification on the grounds of religious faith involves (...)
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  12. added 2019-06-05
    Review Article: Come o Liberals, Try Harder ….Justine Lacroix - 2010 - European Journal of Political Theory 9 (2):227-234.
  13. added 2019-05-23
    Reinterpreting Liberal Legitimacy.Emil Andersson - 2019 - Dissertation, Uppsala University
    This thesis is an inquiry into the Liberal Principle of Legitimacy, formulated by John Rawls in his later writings. According to this principle, the exercise of political power is legitimate only if it is justifiable to all citizens. This view can be interpreted in different ways, and I argue that the presently most popular way of doing so faces serious problems. The aim is to identify and defend a more plausible version of the principle, which overcomes these problems, and yet (...)
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  14. added 2019-04-26
    Gerald Gaus, The Order of Public Reason: A Theory of Freedom and Morality in a Diverse and Bounded World , Pp. Xx + 621.Fabian Wendt - 2012 - Utilitas 24 (4):548-551.
  15. added 2019-03-26
    Tying Legitimacy to Political Power: Graded Legitimacy Standards for International Institutions.Antoinette Scherz - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511983813.
    International institutions have become increasingly important not only in the relations between states, but also for individuals. When are these institutions legitimate? The legitimacy standards for international institutions are predominantly either minimal or democratic and cannot capture the large variety of international institutions. This article develops an autonomy-based conception of legitimacy based on the justification of political power that is applicable to both international and domestic institutions. Political power as rule-setting is a particular normative threat to the personal and political (...)
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  16. added 2019-02-13
    Global Public Reason, Diversity, and Consent.Samuel Director - 2019 - Philosophical Papers 48 (1):31-57.
    In this paper, I examine global public reason as a method of justifying a global state. Ultimately, I conclude that global public reason fails to justify a global state. This is the case, because global public reason faces an unwinnable dilemma. The global public reason theorist must endorse either a hypothetical theory of consent or an actual theory of consent; if she endorses a theory of hypothetical consent, then she fails to justify her principles; and if she endorses a theory (...)
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  17. added 2019-01-29
    Justice in the Laws, a Restatement: Why Plato Endorses Public Reason.Samuel Director - 2018 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 4 (2):184-203.
    In the Laws, Plato argues that the legislator should attempt to persuade people to voluntarily obey the laws. This persuasion is accomplished through use of legislative preludes. Preludes (also called preambles) are short arguments written into the legal code, which precede laws and give reasons to follow them. In this paper, I argue that Plato’s use of persuasive preludes shows that he endorses the core features of a public reason theory of political justification. Many philosophers argue that Plato’s political philosophy (...)
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  18. added 2019-01-18
    Why a World State is Unavoidable in Planetary Defense: On Loopholes in the Vision of a Cosmopolitan Governance.Pavel Dufek - 2019 - In Nikola Schmidt (ed.), Planetary Defense: Global Collaboration for Defending Earth from Asteroids and Comet. Cham: pp. 375–399.
    The main claim of this chapter is that planetary defense against asteroids cannot be implemented under a decentralized model of democratic global governance, as espoused elsewhere in this book. All relevant indices point to the necessity of establishing a centralized global political authority with legitimate coercive powers. It remains to be seen, however, whether such a political system can be in any recognizable sense democratic. It seems unconvincing that planetary-wide physical-threat, all-comprehensive macrosecuritization, coupled with deep transformations of international law, global (...)
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  19. added 2019-01-18
    Democracy as Intellectual Taste? Pluralism in Democratic Theory.Pavel Dufek - 2018 - Critical Review 30 (3-4):219-255.
    The normative and metanormative pluralism that figures among core self-descriptions of democratic theory, which seems incompatible with democratic theorists’ practical ambitions, may stem from the internal logic of research traditions in the social sciences and humanities and in the conceptual structure of political theory itself. One way to deal productively with intradisciplinary diversity is to appeal to the idea of a meta-consensus; another is to appeal to the argument from cognitive diversity that fuels recent debates on epistemic democracy. For different (...)
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  20. added 2018-12-10
    Must Politics Be War?: Restoring Our Trust in the Open Society.Kevin Vallier - 2019 - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    Americans today are far less likely to trust their institutions, and each other, than in decades past. This collapse in social and political trust arguably fuels our increasingly ferocious ideological conflicts and hardened partisanship. Many believe that our previously high levels of trust and bipartisanship were a pleasant anomaly and that we now live under the historic norm. Seen this way, politics itself is nothing more than a power struggle between groups with irreconcilable aims: contemporary American politics is war because (...)
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  21. added 2018-09-06
    Political Legitimacy Under Epistemic Constraints : Why Public Reasons Matter.Fabienne Peter - forthcoming - In Melissa Schwartzberg (ed.), Political Legitimacy.
    My aim in this paper is to provide an epistemological argument for why public reasons matter for political legitimacy. A key feature of the public reason conception of legitimacy is that political decisions must be justified to the citizens. Critics of the public reason conception, by contrast, argue that political legitimacy depends on justification simpliciter. Another way to put the point is that the critics of the public reason conception take the justification of political decisions to be based on reasons (...)
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  22. added 2018-08-16
    On Robust Discursive Equality.Thomas M. Besch - 2019 - Dialogue 58 (3):1-26.
    This paper explores the idea of robust discursive equality on which respect-based conceptions of justificatory reciprocity often draw. I distinguish between formal and substantive discursive equality and argue that if justificatory reciprocity requires that people be accorded formally equal discursive standing, robust discursive equality should not be construed as requiring standing that is equal substantively, or in terms of its discursive purchase. Still, robust discursive equality is purchase sensitive: it does not obtain when discursive standing is impermissibly unequal in purchase. (...)
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  23. added 2018-06-01
    XIV—The Truth in Political Instrumentalism.Daniel Viehoff - 2017 - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 117 (3):273-295.
    How can one person’s having political power over another be justified? This essay explores the idea that such justifications must be in an important sense derivative, and that this ‘Derivative Justification Constraint’ bars certain justifications widely endorsed in political and philosophical debates. After critically discussing the most prominent extant articulations of the Constraint (associated with a view often called ‘political instrumentalism’), the essay offers a novel account of what precisely the Constraint bars (in short: justification by appeal to non-derivative goods (...)
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  24. added 2018-03-06
    Universalisierbarkeit und öffentliche Rechtfertigung.Fabian Wendt - 2013 - Zeitschrift für Philosophische Forschung 67 (4):587ß609.
    Das Prinzip öffentlicher Rechtfertigung ist ein Kernprinzip einer Hauptströmung des zeitgenössischen Liberalismus. Es besagt, in einer von Gerald Gaus vertretenen Variante, dass Regeln der Sozialmoral ebenso wie staatliche Institutionen und Gesetze gegenüber allen betroffenen Personen mit ihren je verschiedenen evaluativen Standards rechtfertigbar sein müssen. Die Regeln, Institutionen oder Gesetze sind rechtfertigbar, wenn alle betroffenen Personen vor dem Hintergrund ihrer je verschiedenen evaluativen Standards einen hinreichenden Grund haben, sie zu akzeptieren. Das Universalisierbarkeitsprinzip dagegen ist kein normatives Prinzip der politischen Philosophie, sondern (...)
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  25. added 2018-02-16
    Rawls' Idea of Public Reason and Democratic Legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2007 - Politics and Ethics Review 3 (1):129-143.
    Critics and defenders of Rawls' idea of public reason have tended to neglect the relationship between this idea and his conception of democratic legitimacy. I shall argue that Rawls' idea of public reason can be interpreted in two different ways, and that the two interpretations support two different conceptions of legitimacy. What I call the substantive interpretation of Rawls' idea of public reason demands that it applies not just to the process of democratic decision-making, but that it extends to the (...)
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  26. added 2018-02-14
    Noumenal Power, Reasons, and Justification: A Critique of Forst.Sameer Bajaj & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - In Ester Herlin-Karnell & Matthias Klatt (eds.), Constitutionalism Justified. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    In this essay we criticise Rainer Forst's attempt to draw a connection between power and justification, and thus ground his normative theory of a right to justification. Forst draws this connection primarily conceptually, though we will also consider whether a normative connection may be drawn within his framework. Forst's key insight is that if we understand power as operating by furnishing those subjected to it with reasons, then we create a space for the normative contestation of any exercise of power. (...)
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  27. added 2017-08-30
    Law as Technology Assessment.Edmund Byrne - 1982 - In Paul T. Durbin (ed.), Research in Philosophy and Technology, Vol V. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. pp. 101-115.
    Law and technology , though not equivalent, are intertwined at every phase of a technology's "career." Any technology is directly or indirectly social, and as such becomes a target of regulation intrinsically or in relation to other technologies which it supports or opposes. Competing interests influence major decisions as to which technologies are encouraged or discouraged, heavily regulated or not, banned or not. Examples considered range from bounties to fuel, communication, and transportation preferences.
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  28. added 2017-08-29
    Political Corruption.Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti - 2017 - Philosophy Compass 12 (12):e12461.
    The corruption of public officials and institutions is generally regarded as wrong. But in what exactly does this form of corruption consist and what kind of wrong does it imply? This article aims to take stock of the current philosophical discussion of the different senses in which political corruption is wrong in a general sense, beyond the specific negative legal, economic, and social costs it may happen to have in specific circumstances. Political corruption is usually presented as a pathology of (...)
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  29. added 2017-08-24
    Under Pressure: Political Liberalism, the Rise of Unreasonableness, and the Complexity of Containment.Gabriele Badano & Alasia Nuti - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy:145-168.
  30. added 2017-07-09
    Náboženské racionale v liberální demokracii: Vyloučení, zahrnutí a hledání třetích cest [The Religious Rationale in Democracy: Exclusion, Inclusion and Search for Third Ways].Vojtěch Malý & Pavel Dufek - 2013 - Social Studies / Socialni Studia 10 (3):61–83.
    The article provides a focused overview of the recent debates in political philosophy on the role of religious arguments (as reasons for action) in liberal democracy, as well as a preliminary defence of a particular approach to the issue. Drawing on Christopher Eberle’s typology, we distinguish three main camps – Justificatory Liberalism, basing its advocacy of a “doctrine of religious restraint” on Rawls’s account of public justification; its Liberal Critics, embracing a wholly permissive position vis-à-vis religious arguments in the public (...)
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  31. added 2017-06-06
    On Justification, Idealization, and Discursive Purchase.Thomas Besch - 2019 - Philosophia 47 (3):601-623.
    Conceptions of acceptability-based moral or political justification take it that authoritative acceptability, widely conceived, constitutes, or contributes to, validity, or justification. There is no agreement as to what bar for authoritativeness such justification may employ. The paper engages the issue in relation to (i) the level of idealization that a bar for authoritativeness, ψ, imparts to a standard of acceptability-based justification, S, and (ii) the degree of discursive purchase of the discursive standing that S accords to people when it builds (...)
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  32. added 2017-04-28
    Pratiques Chrétiennes Pour le Vivre-Ensemble Dans des Démocraties Plurielles, L’Église Et L’État Selon Augustin.Manuel Lencastre Cardoso - 2017 - Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 73 (1):101-132.
    The variety of religious communities present in today’s western-European countries, and their subsequent political impact, urgently calls for a new model of articulation between church and state, religion and politics. This essay makes some suggestions for one such model based on Saint Augustine’s sermons and letters. In those writings, Augustine shows us the everyday political practices of his Christian community – practices based on which this article proposes a model where both the religious communities are entitled to be present in (...)
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  33. added 2017-03-30
    If You’Re a Rawlsian, How Come You’Re So Close to Utilitarianism and Intuitionism? A Critique of Daniels’s Accountability for Reasonableness.Gabriele Badano - 2018 - Health Care Analysis 26 (1):1-16.
    Norman Daniels’s theory of ‘accountability for reasonableness’ is an influential conception of fairness in healthcare resource allocation. Although it is widely thought that this theory provides a consistent extension of John Rawls’s general conception of justice, this paper shows that accountability for reasonableness has important points of contact with both utilitarianism and intuitionism, the main targets of Rawls’s argument. My aim is to demonstrate that its overlap with utilitarianism and intuitionism leaves accountability for reasonableness open to damaging critiques. The important (...)
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  34. added 2017-03-30
    Towards a Digressive Society.Christophe Bruchansky - 2015
    This paper is a copy of Digressive Society’s conclusions. In the book Digressive Society, I describe a society that would be based on the principle that no one is allowed to impose a principle on others. This paradoxical principle is, as I demonstrate, equivalent to the global maximisation of individual choices as well as the combating of all forms of alienation. A digression should be understood in the positive sense, it is distancing ourselves from an initial intention, deviate from a (...)
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  35. added 2017-02-15
    Giudizio, Autorità E Uso Pubblico Della Ragione.Stefano Biancu - 2011 - Philosophical News 3.
    This paper aims to articulate the nexus of judgement and authority in the public use of reason: in the context, i.e., of the limits and conditions of possibility of public reason. It is an area characterized by a traditional alternative of judgement and authority: an alternative that largely coincides with a kind of «public excommunication» of authority, ie the recognition of the reason as the only acceptable form of argument of authority. This model knows, however, a profound crisis of plausibility: (...)
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  36. added 2017-02-14
    Partisanship and Public Reason.Matteo Bonotti - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (3):314-331.
  37. added 2017-02-14
    The Politics of Public Reason.Miguel Vatter & Rogers M. Smith - 2008 - Political Theory 36 (2):239-300.
  38. added 2017-02-13
    Public Justification and Democratic Adjudication.Gerald F. Gaus - 2009 - In Matt Zwolinski (ed.), Arguing About Political Philosophy. Routledge. pp. 106--122.
  39. added 2017-02-12
    Is The Order of Public Reason a Mere Modus Vivendi?Andrew Forcehimes - 2013 - Southwest Philosophy Review 29 (1):127-134.
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  40. added 2017-02-10
    Does Public Reason Require Super-Majoritarian Democracy? Liberty, Equality, and History in the Justification of Political Institutions.S. Ganghof - 2013 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (2):179-196.
    The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of (...)
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  41. added 2017-02-09
    Public Reason, Religious Restraint and Respect.Richard North - 2012 - Philosophia 40 (2):179-193.
    In recent years liberals have had much to say about the kinds of reasons that citizens should offer one another when they engage in public political debates about existing or proposed laws. One of the more notable claims that has been made by a number of prominent liberals is that citizens should not rely on religious reasons alone when persuading one another to support or oppose a given law or policy. Unsurprisingly, this claim is rejected by many religious citizens, including (...)
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  42. added 2017-02-09
    Sincerity and Reconciliation in Public Reason.Richard M. Buck - 2001 - Social Philosophy Today 17:21-35.
    In Political Liberalism and the essay "The Idea of Public Reason Revisited" John Rawls argues that citizens must refrain from introducing sectarian values intopolitical debate over fundamental political questions unless the positions they are endorsing can be supported by public reasons. I will argue that this duty allows for a more limited use of non-public ideas and values than is suggested in Rawls's discussion. ln addition, I will argue that reconciliation between citizens and the reinvigoration of free exchange and debate (...)
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  43. added 2017-02-08
    Is Public Justification Self-Defeating?Steven Wall - 2002 - American Philosophical Quarterly 39 (4):385 - 394.
  44. added 2017-02-07
    Is Public Reason Innocuous?Patrick Neal - 2008 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (2):131-152.
    Rawls?s controversial idea of public reason is often criticized for being exclusionary and unfair. Yet it is possible to read the idea of public reason as being largely innocuous, especially if one attends to all the qualifications and specifications of the idea that Rawls articulated. This essay pursues such a reading, by systematically considering each element of qualification that Rawls built into the idea of public reason. Considered together and in terms of their cumulative effect, they make the innocuous reading (...)
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  45. added 2017-02-07
    The Democratic Ideology of Right–Left and Public Reason in Relation to Rawls's Political Liberalism.Torben Bech Dyrberg - 2005 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 8 (2):161-176.
    This article aims to outline a perspective on democratic ideology centred on orientation and justification, which is discussed in relation to the right?left dyad and public reason. Ideology is approached in terms of the orientational structuring of identification processes, which is discussed in relation to the articulation between four pairs of orientational metaphors (up?down, in?out, front?back and right?left), which shape the political terrain and the terms of political justification. The latter is expressed in public reason based on political equality, pluralism (...)
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  46. added 2017-02-06
    Public Justification and the Limits of State Action.Andrew Lister - 2010 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 9 (2):151-175.
    One objection to the principle of public reason is that since there is room for reasonable disagreement about distributive justice as well as about human flourishing, the requirement of reasonable acceptability rules out redistribution as well as perfectionism. In response, some justificatory liberals have invoked the argument from higher-order unanimity, or nested inclusiveness. If it is not reasonable to reject having some system of property rights, and if redistribution is just the enforcement of a different set of property rights, redistribution (...)
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  47. added 2017-02-02
    The Roles of Religious Conviction in a Publicly Justified Polity: The Implications of Convergence, Asymmetry and Political Institutions.Gerald Gaus & Kevin Vallier - 2009 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):51-76.
    Our concern in this essay are the roles of religious conviction in what we call a “publicly justified polity” — one in which the laws conform to the Principle of Public Justification, according to which (in a sense that will become clearer) each citizen must have conclusive reason to accept each law as binding. According to “justificatory liberalism,”1 this public justification requirement follows from the core liberal commitment of respect for the freedom and equality of all citizens.2 To respect each (...)
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  48. added 2017-02-02
    Public Justification.Fred D'Agostino - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  49. added 2017-02-02
    Public Reason: Mediated Authority in the Liberal State.Fred M. Frohock - 1999 - Cornell University Press.
    What resources do we have, Frohock asks, to develop a version of public reason which can succed even in the deep pluralism anticipated in democratic practices ...
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  50. added 2017-01-25
    Limited Epistocracy and Political Inclusion.Anne Jeffrey - 2017 - Episteme:1-21.
    In this paper I defend a form of epistocracy I call limited epistocracy— rule by institutions housing expertise in non-political areas that become politically relevant. This kind of limited epistocracy, I argue, isn’t a far-off fiction. With increasing frequency, governments are outsourcing political power to expert institutions to solve urgent, multidimensional problems because they outperform ordinary democratic decision-making. I consider the objection that limited epistocracy, while more effective than its competitors, lacks a fundamental intrinsic value that its competitors have; namely, (...)
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