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  1. Democratic Deliberation, Public Reason, and Environmental Politics.Scott F. Aikin - 2006 - Environmental Philosophy 3 (2):52-58.
    The activity of democratic deliberation is governed by the norm of public reason – namely, that reasons justifying public policy must both be pursuant of shared goods and be shareable by all reasonable discussants. Environmental policies based on controversial theories of value, as a consequence, are in danger of breaking the rule that would legitimate their enforcement.
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  2. Hanks on Habermas and Democratic Communication.Randall E. Auxier - 1992 - Southwest Philosophy Review 8 (2):97-100.
  3. If You’Re a Rawlsian, How Come You’Re So Close to Utilitarianism and Intuitionism? A Critique of Daniels’s Accountability for Reasonableness.Gabriele Badano - forthcoming - Health Care Analysis:1-16.
    Norman Daniels’s theory of ‘accountability for reasonableness’ is an influential conception of fairness in healthcare resource allocation. Although it is widely thought that this theory provides a consistent extension of John Rawls’s general conception of justice, this paper shows that accountability for reasonableness has important points of contact with both utilitarianism and intuitionism, the main targets of Rawls’s argument. My aim is to demonstrate that its overlap with utilitarianism and intuitionism leaves accountability for reasonableness open to damaging critiques. The important (...)
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  4. Still Special, Despite Everything: A Liberal Defence of the Value of Healthcare in the Face of the Social Determinants of Health.Gabriele Badano - 2016 - Social Theory and Practice 42 (1):183-204.
    Recent epidemiological research on the social determinants of health has been used to attack an important framework, associated with Norman Daniels, that depicts healthcare as special. My aim is to rescue the idea that healthcare has special importance in society, although specialness will turn out to be mainly limited to clinical care. I build upon the link between Daniels's theory and the work of John Rawls to develop a conception of public justification liberalism that is suitable to the field of (...)
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  5. Under Pressure: Political Liberalism, the Rise of Unreasonableness, and the Complexity of Containment.Gabriele Badano & Alasia Nuti - forthcoming - Journal of Political Philosophy.
  6. A Problem Case for Public Reason.Christopher Bennett - 2003 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (3):50-69.
  7. Political Justification, Theoretical Complexity, and Democratic Community.Christopher Bertram - 1997 - Ethics 107 (4):563-583.
  8. On Justification, Idealization, and Discursive Purchase.Thomas M. Besch - manuscript
    Conceptions of acceptability-based moral or political justification take it that authoritative acceptability, widely conceived, constitutes, or contributes to, validity, or justification. There is no agreement as to what bar for authoritativeness such justification may employ. The paper engages the issue in relation to (i) the level of idealization that a bar for authoritativeness, ψ, imparts to a standard of acceptability-based justification, S, and (ii) the degree of discursive purchase of the discursive standing that S accords to people when it builds (...)
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  9. Reflections on the Foundations of Human Rights.Thomas M. Besch - manuscript
    Is there an approach to human rights that justifies rights-allocating moral-political principles as principles that are equally acceptable by everyone to whom they apply, while grounding them in categorical, reasonably non-rejectable foundations? The paper examines Rainer Forst’s constructivist attempt to provide such an approach. I argue that his view, far from providing an alternative to “ethical” approaches, depends for its own reasonableness on a reasonably contestable conception of the good, namely, the good of constitutive discursive standing. This suggests a way (...)
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  10. Public Justification, Inclusion, and Discursive Equality.Thomas M. Besch - forthcoming - Dialogue:1-24.
    The paper challenges the view that public justification sits well with emancipatory and egalitarian intuitions. I distinguish between the depth, scope and the purchase of the discursive standing that such justification allocates, and situate within this matrix Rawls’s view of public justification. A standard objection to this view is that public justification should be more inclusive in scope. This is both plausible and problematic in emancipatory and egalitarian terms. If inclusive public justification allocates discursive standing that is rich in purchase, (...)
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  11. On Discursive Respect.Thomas M. Besch - 2014 - Social Theory and Practice 40 (2):207-231.
    Moral and political forms of constructivism accord to people strong, “constitutive” forms of discursive standing and so build on, or express, a commitment to discursive respect. The paper explores dimensions of discursive respect, i.e., depth, scope, and purchase; it addresses tenuous interdependencies between them; on this basis, it identifies limitations of the idea of discursive respect and of constructivism. The task of locating discursive respect in the normative space defined by its three dimensions is partly, and importantly, an ethical task (...)
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  12. On Political Legitimacy, Reasonableness, and Perfectionism.Thomas M. Besch - 2013 - Public Reason 5 (1):58-74.
    The paper advances a non-orthodox reading of political liberalism’s view of political legitimacy, the view of public political justification that comes with it, and the idea of the reasonable at the heart of these views. Political liberalism entails that full discursive standing should be accorded only to people who are reasonable in a substantive sense. As the paper argues, this renders political liberalism dogmatic and exclusivist at the level of arguments for or against normative theories of justice. Against that background, (...)
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  13. Political Liberalism, the Internal Conception, and the Problem of Public Dogma.Thomas M. Besch - 2012 - Philosophy and Public Issues 2 (1):153-177.
    According to the “internal” conception (Quong), political liberalism aims to be publicly justifiable only to people who are reasonable in a special sense specified and advocated by political liberalism itself. One advantage of the internal conception allegedly is that it enables liberalism to avoid perfectionism. The paper takes issue with this view. It argues that once the internal conception is duly pitched at its fundamental, metatheoretical level and placed in its proper discursive context, it emerges that it comes at the (...)
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  14. On Practical Constructivism and Reasonableness.Thomas M. Besch - 2004 - Dissertation, University of Oxford
    The dissertation defends that the often-assumed link between constructivism and universalism builds on non-constructivist, perfectionist grounds. To this end, I argue that an exemplary form of universalist constructivism – i.e., O’Neill’s Kantian constructivism – can defend its universalist commitments against an influential particularist form of constructivism – i.e., political liberalism as advanced by Rawls, Macedo, and Larmore – only if it invokes a perfectionist view of the good. (En route, I show why political liberalism is a form of particularism and (...)
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  15. Über John Rawls' Politischen Liberalismus.Thomas M. Besch - 1998 - Peter Lang.
    (In German.) The book addresses Rawls's post-1985 political liberalism. His justification of political liberalism -- as reflected in his arguments from overlapping consensus -- faces the problem that liberal content can be justified as reciprocally acceptable only if the addressees of such a justification already endorse points of view that suitably support liberal ideas. Rawls responds to this legitimacy-theoretical problem by restricting public justification's scope to include reasonable people only, while implicitly defining reasonableness as a substantive liberal virtue. But this (...)
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  16. Giudizio, Autorità E Uso Pubblico Della Ragione.Stefano Biancu - 2011 - Philosophical News 3.
    This paper aims to articulate the nexus of judgement and authority in the public use of reason: in the context, i.e., of the limits and conditions of possibility of public reason. It is an area characterized by a traditional alternative of judgement and authority: an alternative that largely coincides with a kind of «public excommunication» of authority, ie the recognition of the reason as the only acceptable form of argument of authority. This model knows, however, a profound crisis of plausibility: (...)
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  17. Review Essay: Consensus, Convergence, Restraint, and Religion.Paul Billingham - forthcoming - Journal of Moral Philosophy.
    This essay critically assesses the central claim of Kevin Vallier’s Liberal Politics and Public Faith: that public religious faith and public reason liberalism can be reconciled, because the values underlying public reason liberalism should lead us to endorse the ‘convergence view’, rather than the mainstream consensus view. The convergence view is friendlier to religious faith, because it jettisons the consensus view’s much-criticised ‘duty of restraint’. I present several challenges to Vallier’s claim. Firstly, if Vallier is right to reject the duty (...)
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  18. Convergence Liberalism and the Problem of Disagreement Concerning Public Justification.Paul Billingham - 2017 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 47 (4):541-564.
    The ‘convergence conception’ of political liberalism has become increasingly popular in recent years. Steven Wall has shown that convergence liberals face a serious dilemma in responding to disagreement about whether laws are publicly justified. What I call the ‘conjunctive approach’ to such disagreement threatens anarchism, while the ‘non-conjunctive’ approach appears to render convergence liberalism internally inconsistent. This paper defends the non-conjunctive approach, which holds that the correct view of public justification should be followed even if some citizens do not consider (...)
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  19. Citizenship and Political Judgment: Between Discourse Ethics and Phronesis.Ricardo Blaug - 2000 - Res Publica 6 (2):179-198.
    Political judgment is notoriously hard to theorise, and in the recent debates surrounding Habermas's discourse ethics we encounter classic disagreements around the nature, operation and validity of such judgments. This paper evaluates Habermas's account of political judgment and explores the problems raised by his critics. It then focuses on the contentious role played by universals within his account. What emerges is a reformulated theory of judgment based on the thin universalism of fair deliberation, and a description of a sub-set of (...)
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  20. Strong Inclusionist Accounts of the Role of Religion in Political Decision-Making.James W. Boettcher - 2005 - Journal of Social Philosophy 36 (4):497–516.
  21. Citizenship and Norms of Publicity.J. Bohman - 1999 - Political Theory 27 (2):176-202.
  22. Partisanship and Public Reason.Matteo Bonotti - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (3):314-331.
  23. Towards a Digressive Society.Christophe Bruchansky - 2015
    This paper is a copy of Digressive Society’s conclusions. In the book Digressive Society, I describe a society that would be based on the principle that no one is allowed to impose a principle on others. This paradoxical principle is, as I demonstrate, equivalent to the global maximisation of individual choices as well as the combating of all forms of alienation. A digression should be understood in the positive sense, it is distancing ourselves from an initial intention, deviate from a (...)
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  24. Sincerity and Reconciliation in Public Reason.Richard M. Buck - 2001 - Social Philosophy Today 17:21-35.
    In Political Liberalism and the essay "The Idea of Public Reason Revisited" John Rawls argues that citizens must refrain from introducing sectarian values intopolitical debate over fundamental political questions unless the positions they are endorsing can be supported by public reasons. I will argue that this duty allows for a more limited use of non-public ideas and values than is suggested in Rawls's discussion. ln addition, I will argue that reconciliation between citizens and the reinvigoration of free exchange and debate (...)
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  25. Law as Technology Assessment.Edmund Byrne - 1982 - In Paul T. Durbin (ed.), Research in Philosophy and Technology, Vol V. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. pp. 101-115.
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  26. Pratiques Chrétiennes Pour le Vivre-Ensemble Dans des Démocraties Plurielles, L’Église Et L’État Selon Augustin.Manuel Lencastre Cardoso - 2017 - Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 73 (1):101-132.
    The variety of religious communities present in today’s western-European countries, and their subsequent political impact, urgently calls for a new model of articulation between church and state, religion and politics. This essay makes some suggestions for one such model based on Saint Augustine’s sermons and letters. In those writings, Augustine shows us the everyday political practices of his Christian community – practices based on which this article proposes a model where both the religious communities are entitled to be present in (...)
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  27. Political Justification Through Democratic Participation.Emanuela Ceva - 2015 - Social Theory and Practice 41 (1):26-50.
    On a proceduralist account of democracy, collective decisions derive their jus- tification—at least in part—from the qualities of the process through which they have been made. To fulfill its justificatory function, this process should ensure that citizens have an equal right to political participation as a respectful response to their equal status as agents capable of self-legislation. How should democratic participation be understood if it is to offer such a procedural justification for democratic decisions? I suggest that, in order to (...)
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  28. Political Corruption.Emanuela Ceva & Maria Paola Ferretti - forthcoming - Philosophy Compass:e12461.
    The corruption of public officials and institutions is generally regarded as wrong. But in what exactly does this form of corruption consist and what kind of wrong does it imply? This article aims to take stock of the current philosophical discussion of the different senses in which political corruption is wrong in a general sense, beyond the specific negative legal, economic, and social costs it may happen to have in specific circumstances. Political corruption is usually presented as a pathology of (...)
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  29. Public Justification.Fred D'Agostino - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  30. The Democratic Ideology of Right–Left and Public Reason in Relation to Rawls's Political Liberalism.Torben Bech Dyrberg - 2005 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 8 (2):161-176.
    This article aims to outline a perspective on democratic ideology centred on orientation and justification, which is discussed in relation to the right?left dyad and public reason. Ideology is approached in terms of the orientational structuring of identification processes, which is discussed in relation to the articulation between four pairs of orientational metaphors (up?down, in?out, front?back and right?left), which shape the political terrain and the terms of political justification. The latter is expressed in public reason based on political equality, pluralism (...)
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  31. Thin Universalism and the "Limits" of Justification.Mark Evans - 2006 - In B. A. Haddock, Peri Roberts & Peter Sutch (eds.), Principles and Political Order: The Challenge of Diversity. Routledge.
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  32. Public Reason and the Normativity of the Reasonable.A. Ferrara - 2004 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 30 (5-6):579-596.
    The main purpose of the paper is to contribute to reconstructing the kind of normativity underlying Rawls’s notion of public reason and of the reasonable. The implicit target is the somewhat popular view according to which the transition from the framework of A Theory of Justice to that of Political Liberalism would entail a loss of normativity. On the contrary, the related ideas of public reason and the reasonable are argued to presuppose a notion of normativity – linked with judgment (...)
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  33. Is The Order of Public Reason a Mere Modus Vivendi?Andrew Forcehimes - 2013 - Southwest Philosophy Review 29 (1):127-134.
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  34. Social Contract Theory Should Be Abandoned.Danny Frederick - 2013 - Rationality, Markets and Morals 4:178-89.
    I argue that social-contract theory cannot succeed because reasonable people may always disagree, and that social-contract theory is irrelevant to the problem of the legitimacy of a form of government or of a system of moral rules. I note the weakness of the appeal to implicit agreement, the conflation of legitimacy with stability, the undesirability of “public justification” and the apparent blindness to the evolutionary critical-rationalist approach of Hayek and Popper. I employ that approach to sketch answers to the theoretical, (...)
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  35. Utilitarianism and Public Justification.Christopher Freiman - 2013 - Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (3):250-269.
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  36. Public Reason: Mediated Authority in the Liberal State.Fred M. Frohock - 1999 - Cornell University Press.
    What resources do we have, Frohock asks, to develop a version of public reason which can succed even in the deep pluralism anticipated in democratic practices ...
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  37. Does Public Reason Require Super-Majoritarian Democracy? Liberty, Equality, and History in the Justification of Political Institutions.S. Ganghof - 2013 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (2):179-196.
    The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of (...)
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  38. Justification, Choice and Promise: Three Devices of the Consent Tradition in a Diverse Society.Gerald Gaus - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):109-127.
    The twin ideas at the heart of the social contract tradition are that persons are naturally free and equal, and that genuine political obligations must in some way be based on the consent of those obligated. The Lockean tradition has held that consent must be in the form of explicit choice; Kantian contractualism has insisted on consent as rational endorsement. In this paper I seek to bring the Kantian and Lockean contract traditions together. Kantian rational justification and actual choice are (...)
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  39. Public Justification and Democratic Adjudication.Gerald F. Gaus - 2009 - In Matt Zwolinski (ed.), Arguing About Political Philosophy. Routledge. pp. 106--122.
  40. The Roles of Religious Conviction in a Publicly Justified Polity: The Implications of Convergence, Asymmetry and Political Institutions.Gerald Gaus & Kevin Vallier - 2009 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 35 (1-2):51-76.
    Our concern in this essay are the roles of religious conviction in what we call a “publicly justified polity” — one in which the laws conform to the Principle of Public Justification, according to which (in a sense that will become clearer) each citizen must have conclusive reason to accept each law as binding. According to “justificatory liberalism,”1 this public justification requirement follows from the core liberal commitment of respect for the freedom and equality of all citizens.2 To respect each (...)
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  41. Rawls, Public Reason and the Limits of Liberal Justification.John Horton - 2003 - Contemporary Political Theory 2 (1):5-23.
    This article is a contribution to a critical exploration of the liberal project of normatively justifying basic political principles. The specific focus is John Rawls's use of the idea of public reason. After briefly discussing the evolution of Rawls's ideas from A Theory of Justice to his most recent writings, the key components of his conception of public reason are set out. Two principal lines of criticism are developed. The first is that the criteria of legitimacy Rawls establishes for a (...)
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  42. Dumnezeu, Constituțía Și Imperativul Neutralitățíi. O Analiză Critică a Ideii de Revizuire a Constituției În Sens Creștin.Eugen Huzum - 2013 - In Sorin Bocancea (ed.), Constituția României. Opinii esențiale pentru legea fundamentală. Iasi: Institutul European.
    Unul dintre cele mai importante subiecte de dezbatere în contextul deliberărilor publice privind revizuirea Constituției a fost lansat, fără îndoială, de solicitările de revizuire a ei in sens creștin. Solicitările în discuție au fost făcute, după cum este cunoscut, de Sinodul mitropolitan al Mitropoliei Moldovei și Bucovinei în 5 martie 2013. Potrivit acestor solicitări, ar fi dezirabil ca, printre altele, noua Constituție „să facă referire la numele lui Dumnezeu”, să „sublinieze ... importanța tradiției creștine a poporului român”, să evidențieze „rolul (...)
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  43. Neutralismul liberal.Eugen Huzum - 2013 - In Teorii si ideologii politice. Iasi: Institutul European. pp. 133-153.
    În acest capitol prezint neutralismul liberal urmând, în esență, patru pași. Încep cu definirea neutralismului și cu unele precizări și explicații importante pentru înțelegerea adecvată a susținerii lui fundamentale. Al doilea pas este dedicat evidențierii și explicării celor mai importante argumente neutraliste. Mă concentrez apoi asupra caracterizării principalelor versiuni ale acestei teorii politice și a reliefării argumentelor pe baza cărora se legitimează ele. În sfârșit, într-un ultim pas, expun obiecțiile sau argumentele anti-neutraliste și – totodată – replicile neutraliștilor liberali la (...)
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  44. Limited Epistocracy and Political Inclusion.Anne Jeffrey - 2017 - Episteme:1-21.
    In this paper I defend a form of epistocracy I call limited epistocracy— rule by institutions housing expertise in non-political areas that become politically relevant. This kind of limited epistocracy, I argue, isn’t a far-off fiction. With increasing frequency, governments are outsourcing political power to expert institutions to solve urgent, multidimensional problems because they outperform ordinary democratic decision-making. I consider the objection that limited epistocracy, while more effective than its competitors, lacks a fundamental intrinsic value that its competitors have; namely, (...)
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  45. And, I Mean Every Word of It: Comments on Francis Dupuis-D�Ri�s �Global Protesters Versus Global Elite: Are Direct Action and Deliberative Politics Compatible?�.Genevieve Fuji Johnson - 2012 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 7 (1):103-111.
    Focusing on how recent protests centered on global economic and environmental injustices can contribute to furthering deliberative politics and realizing deliberative democracy, Francis Dupuis- D � ri examines the important and historical tension between force and persuasion. However, casting protest as legitimate in the framework of deliberative politics and as serving deliberative democracy obscures its own value in endeavors to achieve social, economic, and environmental justice. Being sympathetic to Dupuis- D � ri � s work, I wish to make several, (...)
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  46. Review Article: Come o Liberals, Try Harder … Glyn Morgan The Idea of a European Superstate: Public Justification and European Integration. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2005. Jan-Werner Müller Constitutional Patriotism. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2007. [REVIEW]Justine Lacroix - 2010 - European Journal of Political Theory 9 (2):227-234.
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  47. Reasonableness, Intellectual Modesty, and Reciprocity in Political Justification.R. J. Leland & Han van Wietmarschen - 2012 - Ethics 122 (4):721-747.
    Political liberals ask citizens not to appeal to certain considerations, including religious and philosophical convictions, in political deliberation. We argue that political liberals must include a demanding requirement of intellectual modesty in their ideal of citizenship in order to motivate this deliberative restraint. The requirement calls on each citizen to believe that the best reasoners disagree about the considerations that she is barred from appealing to. Along the way, we clarify how requirements of intellectual modesty relate to moral reasons for (...)
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  48. The Discursive Dilemma and Public Reason.Christian List - 2006 - Ethics 116 (2):362-402.
    Political theorists have offered many accounts of collective decision-making under pluralism. I discuss a key dimension on which such accounts differ: the importance assigned not only to the choices made but also to the reasons underlying those choices. On that dimension, different accounts lie in between two extremes. The ‘minimal liberal account’ holds that collective decisions should be made only on practical actions or policies and that underlying reasons should be kept private. The ‘comprehensive deliberative account’ stresses the importance of (...)
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  49. Public Justification and the Limits of State Action.Andrew Lister - 2010 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 9 (2):151-175.
    One objection to the principle of public reason is that since there is room for reasonable disagreement about distributive justice as well as about human flourishing, the requirement of reasonable acceptability rules out redistribution as well as perfectionism. In response, some justificatory liberals have invoked the argument from higher-order unanimity, or nested inclusiveness. If it is not reasonable to reject having some system of property rights, and if redistribution is just the enforcement of a different set of property rights, redistribution (...)
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  50. Liberal Foundations of Democratic Authority.Andrew Lister - 2010 - Representation 46 (1):19-34.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund argues that decision-procedures are to be judged solely by their tendency to generate morally superior decisions, but that because any relationship of authority must be acceptable to all qualified moral points of view, the epistemic benefits of less equal procedures must be evident beyond qualified objection. If all doctrines involved in political justification must be qualifiedly acceptable, however, the qualified acceptability requirement must itself be acceptable to qualified points of view. This article provides reasons for (...)
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