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  1. Vernünftige Existenz als Weltbewältigung. Eine Kritik der weltanschaulichen Neutralität säkularer Vernunft bei Jürgen Habermas.Maximilian Runge - 2015
    Since Jürgen Habermas' speech for the Peace Price of the German Book Trade in October 2001, secular reason – personified by one of its main protagonists – has been able to debate with religion anew. For the purpose of an unbiased encounter between philosophy and religion, Habermas introduced the term “postsecular” back then in order to emphasize that this dialogue was inevitably necessary, all the more in the face of religiously motivated terrorism. Nonetheless, this willingness to debate was accompanied by (...)
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  2. Disenfranchisement and the Capacity / Equality Puzzle: Why Disenfranchise Children But Not Adults Living with Cognitive Disabilities?Attila Mráz - 2020 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 7 (2):255-279.
    In this paper, I offer a solution to the Capacity/Equality Puzzle. The puzzle holds that an account of the franchise may adequately capture at most two of the following: (1) a political equality-based account of the franchise, (2) a capacity-based account of disenfranchising children, and (3) universal adult enfranchisement. To resolve the puzzle, I provide a complex liberal egalitarian justification of a moral requirement to disenfranchise children. I show that disenfranchising children is permitted by both the proper political liberal and (...)
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  3. The Morality of Price/Quality and Ethical Consumerism.Julian Fink & Daniel Schubert - 2019 - Res Publica 25 (3):425-438.
    Hussain claims that ethical consumers are subject to democratic requirements of morality, whereas ordinary price/quality consumers are exempt from these requirements. In this paper, we demonstrate that Hussain’s position is incoherent, does not follow from the arguments he offers for it, and entails a number of counterintuitive consequences.
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  4. Why Not a Philosopher King and Other Objections to Epistocracy.Dragan Kuljanin - 2019 - Phenomenology and Mind 16:80-89.
    In this paper, I will examine epistocracy as a form of limiting the political agency of some citizens (by removing their political rights) and offer an internal critique of it. I will argue that epistocracy runs into a number of logical and epistemic problems in trying to define who should be the members of an epistocratic polity. Furthermore, I will argue that the argument for epistocracy cannot ignore unjust background conditions. I will also suggest that some of the problems epistocracy (...)
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  5. Citizen Science for Biomedical Research and Contributive Justice.Cristian Timmermann - 2019 - American Journal of Bioethics 19 (8):60-62.
    Engaging citizens in science projects has a number of epistemic benefits in terms of improving scientific out- comes and adjusting research to develop innovative solu- tions that are likelier to be used. Yet the emphasis on the epistemic benefits of citizen science projects and its risks, such as exploitation and a lack of benefit-sharing, a fail- ure to sufficiently inform participants of possible hazards and privacy issues, and unacknowledged authorship, which we can find in Wiggins and Wilbanks (2019), should not (...)
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  6. Do I Think Corporations Should Be Able to Vote Now?Kenneth Silver - 2018 - Business Ethics Journal Review 6 (4):18-23.
    Many proponents of corporate agency take corporations to be responsible for their conduct, but few take them to merit rights over and above the rights of their members. Hasnas (2016) argues that, given a widely-held view of liberal political theory, corporate agency entails that corporations should have the right to vote. In response, I show that there are problems in appealing to liberal political theory, and that the view of voting Hasnas actually endorses need not be accepted. Should it be, (...)
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  7. Should Children Have the Right to Vote?Eric Wiland - 2018 - In David Boonin, Katrina L. Sifferd, Tyler K. Fagan, Valerie Gray Hardcastle, Michael Huemer, Daniel Wodak, Derk Pereboom, Stephen J. Morse, Sarah Tyson, Mark Zelcer, Garrett VanPelt, Devin Casey, Philip E. Devine, David K. Chan, Maarten Boudry, Christopher Freiman, Hrishikesh Joshi, Shelley Wilcox, Jason Brennan, Eric Wiland, Ryan Muldoon, Mark Alfano, Philip Robichaud, Kevin Timpe, David Livingstone Smith, Francis J. Beckwith, Dan Hooley, Russell Blackford, John Corvino, Corey McCall, Dan Demetriou, Ajume Wingo, Michael Shermer, Ole Martin Moen, Aksel Braanen Sterri, Teresa Blankmeyer Burke, Jeppe von Platz, John Thrasher, Mary Hawkesworth, William MacAskill, Daniel Halliday, Janine O’Flynn, Yoaav Isaacs, Jason Iuliano, Claire Pickard, Arvin M. Gouw, Tina Rulli, Justin Caouette, Allen Habib, Brian D. Earp & Andrew Vierra (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Philosophy and Public Policy. Springer Verlag. pp. 215-224.
    No citizen should be denied the right to vote due solely to her age. We can see this by showing that all objections to it fail. It might be objected that it is not unjust to so deprive children because children as a group are unintelligent or irrational, have their interests already represented by the parents, or are justly deprived of many other rights, among other reasons. But all these objections fail because there is no evidence to support it, even (...)
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  8. Political Participation as Self-Cultivation: Towards a Participatory Theory of Confucian Democracy.Jingcai Ying - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 20 (2):290-311.
    Challenging the popular perception that Confucianism provides mostly a moral defense of political hierarchy, this article demonstrates that Confucianism is more than compatible with democracy and f...
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  9. Questioning Participation and Solidarity as Goals of Citizenship Education.Piet van der Ploeg & Laurence Guérin - 2016 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 28 (2):248-264.
    ABSTRACTAccording to many governments and educationalists, education should aim to develop dispositions conducive to political participation and solidarity, because democratic citizenship presupposes participation and solidarity. But there are radically different views on the nature of good citizenship. We examine the implications of this dissensus for citizenship education. Education, we contend, should involve and develop autonomy and open-mindedness. We argue that this requires a more critical approach than is possible when political participation and solidarity are conceived of as goals of education.
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  10. Participation and Organizational Commitment During Change: From Utopist to Realist Perspectives.Rune Lines & Marcus Selart - 2013 - In Skipton Leonard, Rachel Lewis, Arthur Freedman & Jonathan Passmore (eds.), Handbook of the psychology of leadership, change, and organizational development. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 289-313.
    Trust has a great potential for furthering our understanding of organizational change and learning. This potential however remains largely untapped. It is argued that two reasons as for why this potential remains unrealized are: (i) A narrow conceptualization of change as implementation and (ii) an emphasis on direct and aggregated effects of individual trust to the exclusion of other effects. It is further suggested that our understanding of the effects of trust on organizational change, should benefit from including effects of (...)
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  11. There is No Human Right to Democracy. But May We Promote It Anyway?Matthew Lister - 2012 - Stanford Journal of International Law 48 (2):257.
    The idea of “promoting democracy” is one that goes in and out of favor. With the advent of the so-called “Arab Spring”, the idea of promoting democracy abroad has come up for discussion once again. Yet an important recent line of thinking about human rights, starting with John Rawls’s book The Law of Peoples, has held that there is no human right to democracy, and that nondemocratic states that respect human rights should be “beyond reproach” in the realm of international (...)
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  12. Wizja państwa pozapartyjnego w myśli Kwasi Wiredu, czyli o utopii zrodzonej z doświadczeń rzeczywistości.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - In A. Żukowski (ed.), Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce. Olsztyn: pp. 43-71.
    Wywodzący się z Ghany, a tworzący w Stanach Zjednoczonych Kwasi Wiredu należy do grona najwybitniejszych współczesnych filozofów afrykańskich. W swych rozprawach politycznych obnaża wady demokracji liberalnej i postuluje, by demokracja w Afryce była budowana w oparciu o rodzime tradycje polityczne, które mają, w jego opinii, charakter demokratyczny. Wiredu negatywnie ocenia kondycję współczesnych demokracji liberalnych przede wszystkim z powodu charakteryzującej je dalece antagonistycznej praktyki uprawiania polityki, która kontrastuje z typową dla niektórych społeczeństw afrykańskich tradycją koncyliacyjną. Ghański filozof optuje za wykorzystaniem w (...)
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  13. Źródła legitymacji tradycyjnego władztwa we współczesnej Afryce jako przyczynek do lepszego zrozumienia jego roli i fenomenu trwania.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - Afryka 29 (30):47-70.
    Legitymacja należy do kluczowych zagadnień myśli politycznej i jest nierozerwalnie powiązana między innymi z takimi terminami jak państwo, władza, obywatele, poddani, prawa i obowiązki. Pojęcie legitymacji jest niezwykle ważne i być może właśnie z tego powodu jego istota stanowi temat wielu dyskusji. W tym artykule nie będziemy jednak analizować sporów definicyjnych. Ograniczymy się do podejścia, jakie proponuje Roger Scruton, unikając przedstawienia ścisłej definicji. Termin ‘legitymacja’ określa, jego zdaniem, to samo, co pojęcia ‘prawomocność władzy’ bądź ‘prawowite panowanie’. Gdy rządzący dzierżą władzę (...)
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  14. 'A Liberal Defence of Compulsory Voting': Some Reasons for Scepticism.Annabelle Lever - 2008 - POLITICS 28 (1):61-64.
    Liberal egalitarians such as Rawls and Dworkin, insist that a just society must try to make sure that socio-economic inequalities do not undercut the value of the vote, and of other political liberties. They insist on this not just for instrumental reasons, but because they assume that democratic forms of political participation can be desirable ends in themselves. However, compulsory voting laws seem to conflict with respect for reasonable differences of belief and value, essential to liberal egalitarians. Nor is it (...)
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  15. Civil Disobedience.Kimberley Brownlee - 2007 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
  16. Zmierzch obywatelstwa patriarchalnego w nowożytnej Europie. Szkic do badań procesu.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2005 - Szkice Humanistyczne 1:235-244.
    Poprzez wieki ewolucji idei i instytucji obywatelstwa w Europie, płeć (obok wolności osobistej, wieku, pochodzenia, miejsca urodzenia, domicylu czy majętności ) należała do głównych kryteriów posiadania pełnoprawnego statusu obywatelskiego w państwie. Obywatelstwo aż do XX wieku miało charakter patriarchalny, jednak jego współczesna definicja implikuje równouprawnienie obu płci. Egalitaryzacja dostępu do pełnego obywatelstwa w nowożytnej Europie następowała wieloetapowo. Proces ten wiązał się ze zmianami mentalności społecznej i stopniowym znoszeniem prawnego upośledzenia kobiet w różnych dziedzinach życia.
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  17. Odwrócenie perspektywy: poddany jako obywatel w monarchii absolutnej, czyli o wieloznaczności pojęć lub ich różnym rozumieniu.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2004 - Przegląd Politologiczny 3:93-106.
    Artykuł, choć traktuje głównie o statusie jednostki w realiach i myśli politycznej monarchii absolutnej doby Bodinusa i Pufendorfa, odnosi się – toutes proportions gardées – do następującej kwestii: Czy członków państw niedemokratycznych, pozbawionych pełni praw i wolności politycznych, można określać mianem obywateli? Krzysztof Trzciński, Odwrócenie perspektywy: poddany jako obywatel w monarchii absolutnej, czyli o wieloznaczności pojęć lub ich różnym rozumieniu, „Przegląd Politologiczny” 3/2004, s. 93-106.
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  18. حکمت و حکومت (Hekmat Va Hokumat).Mehdi Haeri Yazdi - 1994 - Londan: Shadi.
  19. From despotism to constitutionalism: Building constitutional order in Russia.Andrej Poleev - manuscript
    The historical roots of despotism in Russia are long, the tradition of arbitrariness seems to be unbreakable. But this status quo can't persist endless: Growing mass protests indicate that the time nears when Russia will unhorse the self-constituted disposers and will demonstrate again its re-invention potential. -/- This expected and hoped egression from despotism into a new phase of Russian history needs to be carefully elaborated and arranged. Starting with the writing and publishing of my essays following mass political protests (...)
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