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  1. What Is Wrong with Secession?Pouya Lotfi Yazdi - manuscript
    Briefly, in this article, the writer has argued that the right to secede as a right to territory is multilateral. Next, heterogeneous nationalism will be suggested to avoidance of secession. Moreover, an argument that is Martyr Argument is presented against unilateral or consensual secession. Well, what is wrong with secession?
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  2. Libralism and the Right to Secede.Rachel Brown - unknown - Eidos: The Canadian Graduate Journal of Philosophy 16.
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  3. Territorial Exclusion: An Argument Against Closed Borders.Daniel Weltman - 2021 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 19 (3):257-90.
    Supporters of open borders sometimes argue that the state has no pro tanto right to restrict immigration, because such a right would also entail a right to exclude existing citizens for whatever reasons justify excluding immigrants. These arguments can be defeated by suggesting that people have a right to stay put. I present a new form of the exclusion argument against closed borders which escapes this “right to stay put” reply. I do this by describing a kind of exclusion that (...)
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  4. An Institutional Right of Refugee Return.Andy Lamey - 2020 - European Journal of Philosophy 29 (X):1-17.
    Calls to recognize a right of return are a recurring feature of refugee crises. Particularly when such crises become long-term, advocates of displaced people insist that they be allowed to return to their country of origin. I argue that this right is best understood as the right of refugees to return, not to a prior territory, but to a prior political status. This status is one that sees not just any state, but a refugee's state of origin, take responsibility for (...)
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  5. Democracy Without Shortcuts.Cristina Lafont - 2019 - Constellations 26 (3):355-360.
  6. Rights and Territories: A Reply to Nine, Miller, and Stilz.A. J. Simmons - 2019 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 18 (4):viii-xxiii.
    ‘Rights and Territories: A Reply to Nine, Miller, and Stilz’ defends the Lockean theory of states’ territorial rights against the critiques of Nine, Miller, and Stilz. In response to Nine’s concern that such a Lockean theory cannot justify the right of legitimate states to exclude aliens, it is argued that a consent-based theory like the Lockean one is flexible enough to justify a wide range of possible incidents of territorial rights – importantly including, though not necessarily including, the sort of (...)
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  7. Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-Segmental Societies.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2018 - Politeja 56 (5):86-107.
    There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of power. The (...)
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  8. Entry on Territorial Rights.Amandine Catala - 2017 - Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
    Survey of the literature, issues, and debates about territorial rights.
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  9. Secession and Distributive Justice.Amandine Catala - 2017 - Philosophical Studies 174 (2):529-552.
    The philosophical debate on secession has hitherto revolved primarily around the question of self-determination rather than that of distributive justice. Normative theorists of secession have approached the question of secession mostly in terms of the right that the secessionist group has to secede. Much less attention has been paid to the extent and the nature of obligations or duties that the seceding group might have toward the group it is leaving behind. At best, secession theorists have introduced clauses to the (...)
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  10. Value Individualism and the Popular-Choice Theory of Secession.Eric Cavallero - 2017 - Social Theory and Practice 43 (1):125-153.
    According to the popular-choice theory of secession, the inhabitants of any territory, as a group, should have an internationally recognized right to secede from a sovereign state if their majority chooses by referendum to do so, and if they are capable of sustaining legitimate state institutions. Prior efforts to defend this group right on individualistic grounds—such as the individual right to associate freely or to participate as an equal in democratic decision-making—have failed. As a result, some recent defenders of the (...)
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  11. The Fear of Secession.Maria Laura Lanzillo - 2017 - Governare la Paura. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2.
    The Author presents the theoretical framework of this «Governare lapaura»’ issue on the Fear of Secession. Starting from the recent cases of the Brexit and the Catalonian referendum, the main goal of this issue is reflecting on the relationship between the political crisis of unitary State and the revival of secession.
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  12. Why is secession’ frightening? An update on «the ultimate right».Costanza Margiotta - 2017 - Governare la Paura. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2.
    This essay explores the fear of secession in two different context: the exit of a member State from EU and the secession of a territorially concentrated group from a member State of the EU. The case of the recent Brexit and the crisis in Catalonia are taken as case studies to comprehend theoretically which secession could «constitute» EU as a Federation. In the second part, I exemplify how from the international perspective secession can be considered as an «ultimate right» and (...)
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  13. Freedom From the State in Rio: The Classical Liberal Ideals of Frei Caneca, Leader of the 1824 Confederation of the Equator Movement in Northeastern Brazil.Plínio de Góes Jr - 2016 - Libertarian Papers 8:193-210.
    Latin American religious political thought includes colonial Spanish and Portuguese ideologies that preceded independence but have survived into the post-independence era, authoritarian ideologies supportive of military governments in the twentieth century, and progressive liberation theologies. In this article, I present a distinct tradition: a version of classical liberal thought. This tradition is skeptical of big government, opposed to caste systems, supportive of a high degree of federalism, uneasy with militarism, and supportive of democratic institutions while affirming religious social norms. This (...)
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  14. Self-Determination, Dissent, and the Problem of Population Transfers.Matthew Lister - 2016 - In Fernando R. Tesón (ed.), The Theory of Self-Determination. Cambridge University Press. pp. 145-165.
    Many of the major self-determination movements of the 20th and early 21st Centuries did not go smoothly, but resulted in forced or semi-forced transfers of groups of people from one country to another. Forced population transfers are not, of course, supported by major theorists of self-determination and secession. However, the problems that make population transfers extremely common in actual cases of self-determination and secession, are not squarely faced in many theories of self-determination. And, I shall argue, certain leading theories of (...)
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  15. Secession and Annexation: The Case of Crimea.Amandine Catala - 2015 - German Law Journal 16 (3):581-607.
    The recent crisis involving the territory of Crimea has been characterized both as a case of wrongful annexation and as one of rightful secession. Territory and competing territorial claims lie at the heart of the normative questions of secession and annexation. Any normative theory of secession or of annexation must therefore address their territorial aspect: It must explain why one agent rather than another has a valid claim to the disputed territory. One of the most interesting, yet controversial, normative accounts (...)
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  16. Ethnonationalism and Conflict Resolution.Naupess K. Kibiswa - 2015 - Globethics Publications.
    Based on evidence collected and analyzed about repetitive armed conflicts in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo in Africa, Dr. Kibiswa establishes in this book that Bany2 armed group leaders, involved in insurgencies, fit into the two Van Evera’s criteria of ethnonationalist groups. Indeed, they display more loyalty to their ethnic group than to the DRC nation and are moved by their desire to achieve statehood. As such, this underlying motivation of their never-ending fights is hard for the DRC (...)
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  17. Institutional Morality and the Principle of National Self-Determination.Hsin-wen Lee - 2015 - Philosophical Studies 172 (1):207-226.
    Allen Buchanan proposes a methodological framework with which theorists may evaluate different theories of secession, including the National Self-Determination theory. An important claim he makes is, because the right to secede is inherently institutional, any adequate theory of secession must include, as an integral part, an analysis of institutional morality. Because the National Self-Determination theory blatantly lacks such an analysis, Buchanan concludes that this theory is inherently flawed. In this paper, I consider Buchanan’s framework and the responses from supporters of (...)
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  18. The International Dimension of the Problem of Contested Secession.Allen Buchanan - 2014 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche 4 (1).
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  19. Talking Secession.Neera Chandhoke - 2014 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche 4 (1).
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  20. A Precis to Contested Secessions. Rights, Self-Determination, Democracy and Kashmir.Neera Chandhoke - 2014 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche 4 (1).
  21. Secession of the Rich: A Qualified Defence.Frank Dietrich - 2014 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 13 (1):62-81.
    The secession of prosperous regions may negatively affect the redistributive scheme of an established state. As a consequence, the capacity of its welfare system to support the inhabitants of poorer regions may be significantly reduced. Some authors assert that affluent groups who opt for full political independence violate duties of solidarity. This objection to the secession of prosperous regions can be based on different views of distributive justice. Here, following a distinction that has been introduced by Allen Buchanan, ‘subject centred’ (...)
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  22. An Examination of the Feasibility of Cultural Nationalism as Ideal Theory.Hsin-wen Lee - 2014 - Ethical Perspectives 21 (1):199-224.
    The principle of national self-determination holds that a national community, simply by virtue of being a national community, has a prima facie right to create its own sovereign state. While many support this principle, not as many agree that it should be formally recognized by political institutions. One of the main concerns is that implementing this principle may lead to certain types of inequalities—between nations with and without their own states, members inside and outside the border, and members and nonmembers (...)
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  23. Remedial Theories of Secession and Territorial Justification.Amandine Catala - 2013 - Journal of Social Philosophy 44 (1):74-94.
    Because secession centrally involves taking away a territory, a successful normative theory of secession must give a credible account of when a seceding group has a valid territorial claim. One of the most prominent types of normative theory of secession is remedial theories of secession. I argue that while remedial theories address the question of territorial justification, they fail to do so adequately, because their account is both arbitrary and internally inconsistent. I argue that addressing the question of territorial justification (...)
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  24. Secession.Margaret Moore - 2013 - In Hugh LaFollette (ed.), The International Encyclopedia of Ethics. Wiley-Blackwell.
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  25. Autonomy-Based Accounts of the Right to Secede.Steven Weimer - 2013 - Social Theory and Practice 39 (4):625-642.
    Voluntarist accounts of secession are those that attempt to ground a moral right to secede in autonomy. This paper argues that no such account is likely to succeed. After describing the serious problems that plague the most straightforward Voluntarist approach, I examine two recent accounts that employ novel approaches designed to avoid those difficulties. I argue that both accounts fail, shedding considerable doubt on the possibility of a plausible autonomy-based account of the moral right to secede. I go on to (...)
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  26. La justification des droits juridictionnels.Daniel Kofman - 2012 - Philosophiques 39 (2):379-392.
    Daniel Kofman | : La littérature philosophique récente concernant les droits juridictionnels suppose qu’on puisse les justifier par une « théorie des droits territoriaux », sans faire appel à une théorie de l’autodétermination. Or les principes d’autodétermination des peuples devraient déterminer les principes des frontières juridictionnelles, et non le contraire. Les « droits territoriaux » sont essentiellement des droits de gouvernance, lesquels découlent eux-mêmes des principes d’autodétermination. Pour défendre ces thèses, je critique les arguments de Brilmayer, Simmons, et Stilz. | (...)
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  27. The Identity Argument for National Self-Determination.Hsin-wen Lee - 2012 - Public Affairs Quarterly 26 (2):123-139.
    A number of philosophers argue that the moral value of national identity is sufficient to justify at least a prima facie right of a national community to create its own independent, sovereign state. In the literature, this argument is commonly referred to as the identity argument. In this paper, I consider whether the identity argument successfully proves that a national group is entitled to a state of its own. To do so, I first explain three important steps in the argument (...)
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  28. Initial Citizenship and Rectificatory Secession.Jouni Reinikainen - 2012 - In Eva Erman & Ludvig Beckman (eds.), Territories of Citizenship. Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 146.
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  29. Violence de masse et sécession comme réparation : le cas du Kosovo.Philippe Roseberry - 2012 - Philosophiques 39 (2):421.
    L’interprétation d’un acte de violence de masse est toujours délicate puisqu’elle confère un certain statut au groupe visé. Ce statut peut devenir un facteur important dans la décision de la communauté internationale de reconnaître ou non l’indépendance d’un groupe et de son territoire. Cet article examine le cas de la reconnaissance du Kosovo par la communauté internationale, en février 2008, et soutient que cette reconnaissance a été rendue possible par l’utilisation d’arguments basés sur le statut collectif de victime de nettoyage (...)
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  30. Call for Papers: Territory, Belonging: Secession, Self-Determination and Territorial Rights in the Age of Identity Politics. Scarta - 2012 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche.
    Symposium: Territory, Belonging: secession, self-determination and territorial rights in the age of identity politics With a discussion of Neera Chandhoke’s Contested Secessions. Rights, Self-determination, Democracy and Kashmir (OUP 2012) Guest Editor: Valentina Gentile Submission Deadline Long(1,000 words max): November 15, 2012 Full paper (10,000 words max, upon acceptance): March 15, 2013 Invited Contributors Allen Buchanan (DukeUniversity), Will Kymlicka (Queen’s University), Margaret Moore (Queen’s University) and Neera Chandhoke (University of Delhi).
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  31. Changing Borders by Secession: Normative Assessment of Territorial Claims.Frank Dietrich - 2011 - In A. Pavković & P. Radan (eds.), The Ashgate Research Companion on Secession. Ashgate. pp. 81-95.
    In this chapter I will survey the philosophical discussion on the justification of territorial rights which has developed during the last two decades. By a territorial right I will understand a moral entitlement to exert jurisdictional power, i.e. to enact and to enforce laws, within a certain area. The theories of territorial rights which are currently debated in political philosophy can be broadly classified into four groups. In the following I will examine various forms of property theories, justice-based arguments, national (...)
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  32. National Identity and the Right to Self-Government.Hsin-wen Lee - 2011 - Dissertation, University of Southern California
    Although national identity is valuable in a variety of ways, I argue that its value is not sufficient to justify a group’s right to govern itself, either in the form of an independent, sovereign state or an autonomous, sub-state government. My thesis is somewhat unusual—most philosophers who affirm the value of national identity also endorse the right of a national community to some form of self-government, and most philosophers who deny that a national community has the right to any form (...)
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  33. The Ashgate Research Companion on Secession.A. Pavković & P. Radan (eds.) - 2011 - Ashgate.
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  34. The Status of Kosovo – Reflections on the Legitimacy of Secession.Frank Dietrich - 2010 - Ethics and Global Politics 3 (2):123-142.
    On 17 February 2008, the province of Kosovo formally declared its independence from Serbia. The most important normative theories of secession*choice theories and just cause theories* appear to justify the creation of a second Albanian state on the Balkans. Kosovo’s independence reflects the will of the vast majority of its inhabitants and can be seen as a remedy for grave human rights violations in the era of Slobodan Milos?evic´. Two problems, however, need to be thoroughly discussed. Firstly, the secession of (...)
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  35. Analysis of Secessions: Creating New States: Theory and Practice of Secession, Ashgate, 2007.Ivana Ješić - 2010 - Theoria: Beograd 53 (3):147-164.
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  36. The Future of the Multi-Ethnic African State: On the Perspective of Ifeanyi A. Menkiti.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2010 - Hemispheres 25:73-94.
    In this article, I present and critically analyze the main ideas of the Nigerian thinker, Ifeanyi A. Menkiti, on the future of the multi-ethnic state in Africa. Menkiti appears to consider that the basic condition for the successful coexistence of the various groups occupying the states of Africa is for relations between them to rest on just principles. Justice should involve the fair and equitable division amongst peoples of the burdens and benefits of living in a common state. To realize (...)
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  37. In the Trap of Post-Socialist Stagnation: On Political Development of the Belarusian Society in the Years 1986-2006.Krzysztof Brzechczyn - 2009 - In Tadeusz Buksiński (ed.), Democracy in Western and Post-Communist Countries. Twenty Years after the Fall of Communism. Peter Lang.
    The aim of this paper is to analyze the political development of the Belarusian society in the years 1986–2006 in order to answer the following questions: (i) what was the impact of support the nomenclature of the Belarusian Communist Party gave to the Belarusian independence after August 1991 on the process of decrease in power regulation (or in other words – democratization), (ii) why initial period of decrease in power regulation was replaced by its growth and (iii) why this growth (...)
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  38. Review of Burke Hendrix, Ownership, Authority, and Self-Determination. [REVIEW]Nicolas Maloberti - 2009 - Review of Metaphysics 63 (2):483-485.
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  39. Public Intellectuality: Academies of Exhibition and the New Disciplinary Secession.Patricia Mooney Nickel - 2009 - Theory and Event 12 (4).
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  40. On the Process of Liberation of the Baltic Countries From the Soviet Domination in Years 1985-1991: Attempt at a Model.Krzysztof Brzechczyn - 2008 - In Marek Rutkowski (ed.), Relacje nowych krajów Unii Europejskiej z Federacją Rosyjską (w aspekcie politycznym, ekonomicznym, kulturowym i społecznym). Wyższa Szkoła Finansów i Zarządzania w Białymstoku.
    The aim of this paper is to analyze the beginnings and growth of civil movements in the Baltic republics in years 1985-1991, which led to their state independence. Proces of liberation of Baltic societies will be analyzed according to the following criteria: size and range of the civil movement and forms of its institutionalization (i), political concession made by republican authorities (ii) and level of control over the republican structure of power exercised by the civil movements (iii). Finally, I will (...)
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  41. Secession.Allen Buchanan - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  42. A Theory of Secession: The Case for Political Self-Determination - by Christopher Heath Wellman.Robert K. Fullinwider - 2008 - Philosophical Books 49 (1):83-85.
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  43. On the Foundation of Rights to Political Self-Determination: Secession, Nonintervention, and Democratic Governance.David Lefkowitz - 2008 - Journal of Social Philosophy 39 (4):492-511.
  44. Paths to Democracy of the Post-Soviet Republics: Attempt at Conceptualization.Krzysztof Brzechczyn - 2007 - In Ewa Czerwińska-Schupp (ed.), Values and Norms in the Age of Globalization. Peter Lang. pp. 1--30.
    The paper conceptualizes five basic developmental paths the post-Soviet republics followed. The conceptual framework of this paper is expanded theory of real socialism in non-Marxian historical materialism, namely proposed the model of secession from socialist empire. The first developmental path was followed by societies in which an independent civil revolution took place. This path of development bifurcates into two furhter sub-variants. Namely civil revolutions in the Baltic republics (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia) resulted in the independence and stable democracies. Civil revolution in (...)
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  45. Christopher Wellman, A Theory of Secession: The Case for Political Self-Determination Reviewed By.Patti Tamara Lenard - 2007 - Philosophy in Review 27 (3):232-234.
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  46. Review of Christopher Heath Wellman, A Theory of Secession: The Case for Political Self-Determination[REVIEW]Christopher W. Morris - 2007 - Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews 2007 (5).
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  47. Secession as a Remedial Right.Michel Seymour - 2007 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 50 (4):395 – 423.
    Allen Buchanan holds that nations do not have a general primary unilateral right to secede. However, nations could legitimately secede if there were a special right to do so, if it were the result of negotiations and, more importantly, if some previous injustice had to be repaired. According to Buchanan, the three kinds of injustice that allow for unilateral secession are: violation of human rights, unjust annexation of territories, and systematic violations of previous agreements on self-government. I agree that nations (...)
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  48. 10 France and Québec.Carole Biewener - 2006 - In Betsy Jane Clary, Wilfred Dolfsma & Deborah M. Figart (eds.), Ethics and the Market: Insights From Social Economics. Routledge. pp. 126.
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  49. Zur Legitimation territorialer Ansprüche.Frank Dietrich - 2006 - Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 54 (4):577-596.
    Der Aufsatz beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, auf welcher Grundlage sich territoriale Ansprüche, die von Staaten erhoben werden, rechtfertigen lassen. Zunächst werden vier Legitimationstheorien, die in der aktuellen Diskussion häufig vertreten werden, untersucht und aus verschiedenen Gründen zurückgewiesen. Als Basis der Rechtfertigung scheiden damit individuelle Eigentumsrechte, der Verlauf der Geschichte, die Gerechtigkeit der staatlichen Herrschaft sowie die Selbstbestimmung nationaler Gemeinschaften aus. Abschließend wird die Auffassung vertreten, die Legitimität der staatlichen Gebietshoheit gründe in dem – gegebenenfalls in einem Referendum zu klärenden (...)
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  50. Subsidiarity, Secession, and Cosmopolitan Democracy.Avery Kolers - 2006 - Social Theory and Practice 32 (4):659-669.
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