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  1. E. J. A. (1966). Readings on Logic. [REVIEW] Review of Metaphysics 19 (4):823-823.
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  2. Barbara Abbott (2005). Proper Names and Language. In Greg N. Carlson & Francis Jeffry Pelletier (eds.), Reference and Quantification: The Partee Effect. CSLI Publications. pp. 1--19.
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  3. Dorit Abusch (2005). Causatives and Mixed Aspectual Type. In Greg N. Carlson & Francis Jeffry Pelletier (eds.), Reference and Quantification: The Partee Effect. CSLI Publications.
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  4. Dorit Abusch (1997). Sequence of Tense and Temporal de Re. Linguistics and Philosophy 20 (1):1-50.
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  5. S. Agesthialingom (1972). Nouns of the Badaga Language. Journal of the American Oriental Society 92 (2):276-279.
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  6. AlexOliver & TimothySmiley (2001). Strategies for a Logic of Plurals. Philosophical Quarterly 51 (204):289–306.
  7. Keith Allan (1973). Complement Noun Phrases and Prepositional Phrases, Adjectives and Verbs. Foundations of Language 10 (3):377-397.
  8. Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Spanish de-Clauses Are Not Always in the Right Mood.
    The benchmark theory of conditionals maintains that conditionals quantify over a contextually restricted domain of worlds (Kratzer 1991). They are modal statements. The antecedent contributes to the interpretation of the whole conditional a proposition, a set of worlds. Conditionals quantify over a contextually restricted domain of worlds in which the proposition that the antecedent expresses is true. This is all antecedents do. In particular, the semantic import of its tense and mood inflection is neglected: it is - at most - (...)
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  9. Tomoe Arii, Kristen Syrett & Takuya Goro (forthcoming). Investigating the Form-Meaning Mapping in the Acquisition of English and Japanese Measure Phrase Comparatives. Natural Language Semantics:1-38.
    We present a set of experiments investigating how English- and Japanese-speaking children interpret Measure Phrase comparatives. We show that despite overt cues to the comparative interpretation, children representing both languages diverge from their adult counterparts in that they access a non-adult-like ‘absolute measurement’ interpretation. We propose to account for their response pattern by appealing to proposals by Svenonius and Kennedy and Sawada and Grano that Meas in the head of the DegP, which houses the differential, selects for an absolute minimal (...)
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  10. Ron Artstein (2005). Quantificational Arguments in Temporal Adjunct Clauses. Linguistics and Philosophy 28 (5):541 - 597.
    Quantificational arguments can take scope outside of temporal adjunct clauses, in an apparent violation of locality restrictions: the sentence few secretaries cried after each executive resigned allows the quantificational NP each executive to take scope above few secretaries. I show how this scope relation is the result of local operations: the adjunct clause is a temporal generalized quantifier which takes scope over the main clause (Pratt and Francez, Linguistic and Philosophy 24(2), 187–222. [2001]), and within the adjunct clause, the quantificational (...)
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  11. Ron Artstein & Nissim Francez (2006). Plurality and Temporal Modification. Linguistics and Philosophy 29 (3):251 - 276.
    A semantics with plural entitles and plural times accounts for cumulative relations between plural arguments and temporal expressions. The semantics equips nominal, verbal and sentential meanings with temporal context variables and treats temporal modifiers as temporal generalized quantifiers; cumulative conjunction, however, takes place at types lower than generalized quantifiers. The mediation of temporal context variables allows cumulative relations to percolate between an argument in a main clause and one in a temporal clause, in apparent violation of locality restrictions. Plural times (...)
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  12. Nicholas Asher, Ambiguity and Anaphora with Plurals in Discourse.
    We provide examples of plurals related to ambiguity and anaphora that pose problems or are counterexamples for current approaches to plurals. We then propose a dynamic semantics based on an extension of dynamic predicate logic to handle these examples. On our theory, different readings of sentences or discourses containing plurals don’t arise from a postulated ambiguity of plural terms or predicates applying to plural DPs, but follow rather from different types of dynamic transitions that manipulate inputs and outputs from formulas (...)
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  13. Nicholas Asher & Daniel Bonevac (1987). Determiners and Resource Situations. Linguistics and Philosophy 10 (4):567 - 596.
  14. Jay Atlas (2004). Descriptions, Linguistic Topic/Comment, and Negative Existentials: A Case Study in the Application of Linguistic Theory to Problems in the Philosophy of Language. In Marga Reimer & Anne Bezuidenhout (eds.), Descriptions and Beyond. Oxford University Press. pp. 342--360.
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  15. Jay David Atlas (1977). Negation, Ambiguity, and Presupposition. Linguistics and Philosophy 1 (3):321 - 336.
    In this paper I argue for the Atlas-Kempson Thesis that sentences of the form The A is not B are not ambiguous but rather semantically general (Quine), non-specific (Zwicky and Sadock), or vague (G. Lakoff). This observation refutes the 1970 Davidson-Harman hypothesis that underlying structures, as full semantic representations, are logical forms. It undermines the conception of semantical presupposition, removes a support for the existence of truth-value gaps for presuppositional sentences (the remaining arguments for which are viciously circular), and lifts (...)
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  16. Johan Auwera (1993). 'Already' and 'Still': Beyond Duality. [REVIEW] Linguistics and Philosophy 16 (6):613 - 653.
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  17. Edward W. Averill (1980). Why Are Colour Terms Primarily Used as Adjectives? Philosophical Quarterly 30 (January):19-33.
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  18. Emmon Bach (1968). Nouns and Noun Phrases. In Emmon Bach & R. Harms (eds.), Universals in Linguistic Theory. Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. pp. 90--122.
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  19. Emmon Bach & Robin Cooper (1978). The NP-S Analysis of Relative Clauses and Compositional Semantics. Linguistics and Philosophy 2 (1):145 - 150.
    We have sketched how it is possible to give an analysis for adjoined relative clauses which is consistent with the compositionality principle and have shown that the technique which seems necessary for this analysis can be used to provide a compositional semantics for the NP-S analysis of English relative clauses.It is unlikely that anyone working within the framework of a compositional theory would choose the NP-S analysis for English, since it is clearly much less elegant and simple, in some intuitive (...)
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  20. Mark Baker, On Gerunds and the Theory of Categories.
    Some recent theories of gerunds account for their hybrid properties by saying that the gerund is both a noun and a verb simultaneously. Such theories are inconsistent with the Reference-Predication Constraint (RPC), a cornerstone of Baker’s (2003) theory of lexical categories. In contrast, I defend the traditional idea that gerunds are fusions of a true verb and a syntactically distinct nominal Infl. Moreover, I give new evidence in favor of the RPC, showing how it explains the fact that nominal gerunds (...)
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  21. S. Banerjee, N. Ghoniem, G. Lu & N. Kioussis (2007). Non-Singular Descriptions of Dislocation Cores: A Hybridab Initiocontinuum Approach. Philosophical Magazine 87 (27):4131-4150.
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  22. Stephen J. Barker (1994). The Consequent-Entailment Problem Foreven If. Linguistics and Philosophy 17 (3):249 - 260.
    A comprehensive theory ofeven if needs to account for consequent ‘entailing’even ifs and in particular those of theif-focused variety. This is where the theory ofeven if ceases to be neutral between conditional theories. I have argued thatif-focusedeven ifs,especially if andonly if can only be accounted for through the suppositional theory ofif. Furthermore, a particular interpretation of this theory — the conditional assertion theory — is needed to account foronly if and a type of metalinguistic negation ofQ if P. We therefore (...)
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  23. David Barner & Jesse Snedeker (2005). Quantity Judgments and Individuation: Evidence That Mass Nouns Count. Cognition 97 (1):41-66.
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  24. Elizabeth Lane Beardsley (1944). Imperative Sentences in Relation to Indicatives. Philosophical Review 53 (2):175-185.
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  25. Erika Benini (2015). Recensione E. Alloa, M. Fischer (a cura di), Leib und Sprache. Zur Reflexivität verkörperter Ausdrucksformen. [REVIEW] La Cultura: Rivista di filosofia, letteratura, storia:144-148.
  26. Jonathan Bennett (1994). The “Namely” Analysis of the “by”-Locution. Linguistics and Philosophy 17 (1):29 - 51.
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  27. Jonathan Bennett (1982). Even If. Linguistics and Philosophy 5 (3):403 - 418.
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  28. Paul Berckmans (1993). The Quantifier Theory Ofeven. Linguistics and Philosophy 16 (6):589 - 611.
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  29. Angelika Bergien (2007). Iconicity and Economy as Creative Forces in Noun-Name Constructions. In Christian Todenhagen & Wolfgang Thiele (eds.), Nominalization, Nomination and Naming. Stauffenburg Verlag. pp. 44.
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  30. John C. Bigelow (1977). Semantics of Probability. Synthese 36 (4):459--72.
  31. Edward A. Bilodeau & Ina Mcd Bilodeau (1958). Variation of Temporal Intervals Among Critical Events in Five Studies of Knowledge of Results. Journal of Experimental Psychology 55 (6):603.
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  32. Maria Bittner, Nominal (Re)Centering: From Kalaallisut to Uc.
    • A UC1-model M = 〈{Da| a ∈ Θ}, ⋅〉 assigns to each constant of type a, A ∈ Cona a value which is an object of type a, A ∈ Da.
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  33. Andrea Bonomi (2002). Peter Ludlow, Semantics, Tense and Time, an Essay in the Metaphysics of Natural Language. Linguistics and Philosophy 25 (1):81-95.
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  34. Emma Borg (2006). Reference Without Referents – R. M. Sainsbury. Ratio 19 (3):370–375.
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  35. Denis Bouchard (1987). A Few Remarks on Past Participle Agreement. Linguistics and Philosophy 10 (4):449 - 474.
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  36. Martin D. S. Braine (1979). On Some Claims Aboutif-Then. Linguistics and Philosophy 3 (1):35 - 47.
    The paper has sought to show two things. One is that the apparent variety of Stalnaker and Lewis's counterexamples is misleading. Several of their examples are quite unsatisfactory because they depend on unguarded language behavior. There is in fact only one type of counterexample that is worth serious discussion, and that has the form of Barense's.For Barense's example, I try to show that it fails as a counterexample to transitivity because one of the premisses is false within the context of (...)
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  37. Michael K. Brame (1977). Alternatives to the Tensed S and Specified Subject Conditions. Linguistics and Philosophy 1 (3):381 - 411.
    The original evidence advanced to support the Tensed S Condition (TSC) and the Specified Subject Condition (SSC) in Chomsky's Conditions on Transformations is reconsidered and viable alternatives to these constraints are provided. It is shown that TSC and SSC, in some instances, lead to a loss of linguistically significant generalization. Satisfactory alternatives can account for the relevant range of data and provide a more general account of additional data. Finally, counterevidence to Subjacency and Superiority is adduced, but explicit alternatives to (...)
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  38. Adrian Brasoveanu (2008). Donkey Pluralities: Plural Information States Versus Non-Atomic Individuals. Linguistics and Philosophy 31 (2):129-209.
    The paper argues that two distinct and independent notions of plurality are involved in natural language anaphora and quantification: plural reference (the usual non-atomic individuals) and plural discourse reference, i.e., reference to a quantificational dependency between sets of objects (e.g., atomic/non-atomic individuals) that is established and subsequently elaborated upon in discourse. Following van den Berg (PhD dissertation, University of Amsterdam, 1996), plural discourse reference is modeled as plural information states (i.e., as sets of variable assignments) in a new dynamic system (...)
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  39. C. Brisson (2003). Plurals, All, and the Nonuniformity of Collective Predication. Linguistics and Philosophy 26 (2):129-184.
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  40. Alexander Broadie (1972). Imperatives. Mind 81 (322):179-190.
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  41. Berit Brogaard (2010). Descriptions. In Oxford Annotated Bibliographies Online.
    Descriptions are phrases of the form ‘an F’, ‘the F’, ‘Fs’ and ‘the Fs’. They can be indefinite (e.g., ‘an F’ and ‘Fs’), definite (e.g. ‘the F’ and ‘the Fs’), singular (e.g., ‘an F’, ‘the F’) and plural (e.g., ‘the Fs’, ‘Fs’). In English plural indefinite descriptions lack an article and are for that reason also known as ‘bare plurals’.
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  42. Berit Brogaard (2008). The Trivial Argument for Epistemic Value Pluralism. Or How I Learned to Stop Caring About Truth. In Adrian Haddock, Alan Millar & D. Pritchard (eds.), Epistemic Value. Oxford University Press.
    Relativism offers a nifty way of accommodating most of our intuitions about epistemic modals, predicates of personal taste, color expressions, future contingents, and conditionals. But in spite of its manifest merits relativism is squarely at odds with epistemic value monism: the view that truth is the highest epistemic goal. I will call the argument from relativism to epistemic value pluralism the trivial argument for epistemic value pluralism. After formulating the argument, I will look at three possible ways to refute it. (...)
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  43. Berit Brogaard (2007). Number Words and Ontological Commitment. Philosophical Quarterly 57 (226):1–20.
    With the aid of some results from current linguistic theory I examine a recent anti-Fregean line with respect to hybrid talk of numbers and ordinary things, such as ‘the number of moons of Jupiter is four’. I conclude that the anti-Fregean line with respect to these sentences is indefensible.
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  44. Brian Buccola & Benjamin Spector (2016). Modified Numerals and Maximality. Linguistics and Philosophy 39 (3):151-199.
    In this article, we describe and attempt to solve a puzzle arising from the interpretation of modified numerals like less than five and between two and five. The puzzle is this: such modified numerals seem to mean different things depending on whether they combine with distributive or non-distributive predicates. When they combine with distributive predicates, they intuitively impose a kind of upper bound, whereas when they combine with non-distributive predicates, they do not. We propose and explore in detail four solutions (...)
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  45. Noel Burton-Roberts (1984). Modality and Implicature. Linguistics and Philosophy 7 (2):181 - 206.
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  46. C. Cacciari & M. C. Levorato (1991). Spilling the Beans on Childrens Comprehension and Production of Idioms. Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society 29 (6):498-498.
  47. Elisabeth Camp & John Hawthorne (2008). Sarcastic ‘Like’: A Case Study in the Interface of Syntax and Semantics. Philosophical Perspectives 22 (1):1-21.
    The expression ‘Like’ has a wide variety of uses among English and American speakers. It may describe preference, as in (1) She likes mint chip ice cream. It may be used as a vehicle of comparison, as in (2) Trieste is like Minsk on steroids.
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  48. Ben Caplan, Review of Terms and Truth. [REVIEW]
    Alan Berger’s Terms and Truth covers various expressionsparticularly names and anaphoric pronouns, but also demonstratives and general termsas they occur in various linguistic contexts, including identity sentences, belief ascriptions, and negative existentials. A central thesis of Berger’s book is that all of these expressions are rigid designators. (So I assume that Berger would say, contrary to what the subtitle might suggest, that anaphoric reference is direct reference.).
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  49. Wolfgang Carl (2014). 1. The Use of ‘I’ Sentences. In The First-Person Point of View. De Gruyter. pp. 27-54.
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  50. Greg N. Carlson (1979). Generics and Atemporalwhen. Linguistics and Philosophy 3 (1):49 - 98.
    Beginning with analyses of English generic sentences and English plural indefinite noun phrases (e.g.dogs), we proceed to apply mechanisms there motivated to a characterization of atemporalwhen, a sense ofwhen which does not appear to involve time. Dealt with are such examples as Dogs are intelligent when they have blue eyes, and their relationships to examples like Dogs that have blue eyes are intelligent. The proposed treatment of atemporalwhen helps motivate the existence of a generic verb phrase operator in English, as (...)
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