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  1. How Successful Is Nation-State?[author unknown] - unknown
    We have been witnessing more than two hundred years of successful formation and spread of the nation-state. As a historical reminder, let me quote great French historian of the nineteenth century, Jules Michelet; in spite of its somewhat sentimental tone, his view on the unification of France is typical of what any nationalist would like to say about the successful creation of an ethno-national state: "This unification of France, this destruction of parochial spirit is often considered as the simple result (...)
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  2. Sovereign Jurisdiction, Territorial Rights, and Membership in Hobbes.Arash Abizadeh - 2016 - In A. Martinich & Kinch Hoekstra (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Hobbes. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Although sovereign jurisdictional authority is not itself a kind of property right for Hobbes, it is the object of the sovereign’s (not the state’s) proprietary rights. Jurisdictional authority for Hobbes is foundationally over persons rather than territory, so that the sovereign’s territorial jurisdiction is parasitic on jurisdiction over persons. Territory nevertheless plays a significant role in determining subjects’ political obligations because the sovereign’s ability to protect subjects is necessary for such obligations, and control over space is necessary to protect subjects. (...)
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  3. Quality of Government: Toward a More Complex Definition.Marcus Agnafors - unknown
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  4. Industrial Relations in Europe-Transnational Relations and Global Challenges.Armando Aliu - unknown
    This study investigates transnational relations and global challenges which the European Industrial Relations have been facing recently. The paper, methodologically, was structured with taking into account both socio- political and judicial arguments. The social theory, and ergo, the practice in Europe were analyzed according to Marxist point of view. Basically, industrial relations and employment relationship were examined from the perspectives of employees, employee representatives and nation-states. The influence of the Charter of Fundamental Rights which is legally binding with the Lisbon (...)
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  5. Meditations on National Identity.Bat‐ami Bar On - 1994 - Hypatia 9 (2):40-62.
    This essay is about my coming to awareness of my national identity as a Jewish-Israeli while building a friendship with a Palestinian woman, Amal Kawar, and the place of such an awareness in the process of the re-formation of identity. To the extent that it has a conclusion, it is that, at least in the Jewish-Israeli-Palestinian context, a peace that does not reproduce the past necessitates an ethico-politically based self-examination and change.
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  6. Self-Defense, Proportionality, and Defensive War Against Mitigated Aggression.Jacob Blair - 2013 - International Journal of Applied Philosophy 27 (2):207-224.
    A nation commits mitigated aggression by threatening to kill the citizens of a victim nation if and only if they do not submit to being ruled in a non-egregiously oppressive way. Such aggression primarily threatens a nation’s common way of life . According to David Rodin, a war against mitigated aggression is automatically disproportionate, as the right of lethal self-defense only extends to protecting against being killed or enslaved. Two strategies have been adopted in response to Rodin. The first strategy (...)
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  7. There Are Peoples and There Are Peoples: A Critique of Rawls' Law of Peoples.Brian E. Butler - 2001 - Florida Philosophical Review 1 (2):1-24.
    In this paper, I aim to show that the arguments offered and conclusions at which Rawls aims in his book, The Law of Peoples, are telling as to the intellectual legitimacy of his larger theoretical project. To show this I first investigate how (1) non-liberal peoples fit within the limitations Rawls describes in The Law of Peoples and (2) how liberal peoples would react to such rules. I argue from the answers to these questions to the further conclusion that by (...)
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  8. The Transfer of Duties: From Individuals to States and Back Again.Stephanie Collins & Holly Lawford-Smith - 2016 - In Michael Brady & Miranda Fricker (eds.), The Epistemic Life of Groups. Oxford University Press. pp. 150-172.
    Individuals sometimes pass their duties on to collectives, which is one way in which collectives can come to have duties. The collective discharges its duties by acting through its members, which involves distributing duties back out to individuals. Individuals put duties in and get (transformed) duties out. In this paper we consider whether (and if so, to what extent) this general account can make sense of states' duties. Do some of the duties we typically take states to have come from (...)
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  9. La dualité démocratique : entre l’État administratif et la société civile.Hugo Cossette-Lefebvre - 2016 - Ithaque 19:169-187.
    Les démocraties s’articulent autour de deux pôles qui ne se réduisent pas l’un à l’autre, mais qui doivent communiquer constamment : la société civile et l’État. Or, l’équilibre à rechercher entre ces deux éléments est mis à mal par la consolidation de l’État administratif qui tend à autonomiser son action par rapport au reste de la société ; la société civile y est d’ordinaire exclue des prises de décisions. Cette exclusion peut toutefois être considérée positivement ou négativement. Comme il sera (...)
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  10. Citizenship, Political Obligation, and the Right-Based Social Contract.Simon Cushing - 1998 - Dissertation, University of Southern California
    The contemporary political philosopher John Rawls considers himself to be part of the social contract tradition of John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Immanuel Kant, but not of the tradition of Locke's predecessor, Thomas Hobbes. Call the Hobbesian tradition interest-based, and the Lockean tradition right-based, because it assumes that there are irreducible moral facts which the social contract can assume. The primary purpose of Locke's social contract is to justify the authority of the state over its citizens despite the fact that (...)
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  11. The sins of the nation and the ritual of apologies de Danielle Celermajer.César Schirmer Dos Santos - 2010 - Filosofia Unisinos 11 (3):340-342.
  12. Holy Alliance.Dustin Garlitz - 2014 - In Timothy C. Dowling (ed.), Russia at War: From the Mongol Conquest to Afghanistan, Chechnya, and Beyond. ABC-Clio.
  13. Habermas and European Integration: Afterword.Shivdeep Grewal & John Goff - 2012 - Manchester University Press.
    This is an afterword to the book by Shivdeep Grewal - in this afterword I offer some thoughts about a 'philosophy of the European Union' and whether the EU is to be understood as a political means or an end. This distinction turns on whether one considers the EU as a network (patterns of connection) or as a system (structured relations of parts to the whole).
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  14. Why the U.S. Is Not the Best Country in the World.Steven D. Hales - 2006 - The Good Society 15 (2):35-40.
    In this article I consider the common claim that the United States is the best country in the world. I examine the factors of freedom, literacy, health, happiness, and wealth, and conclude that the U.S. is 13th best, and that actually Norway is the best country in the world.
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  15. The Normative Limits to the Dispersal of Territorial Sovereignty.Daniel Kofman - 2007 - The Monist 90 (1):65-85.
  16. An Examination of the Feasibility of Cultural Nationalism as Ideal Theory.Hsin-wen Lee - 2014 - Ethical Perspectives 21 (199-224).
    The principle of national self-determination holds that a national community, simply by virtue of being a national community, has a prima facie right to create its own sovereign state. While many support this principle, not as many agree that it should be formally recognized by political institutions. One of the main concerns is that implementing this principle may lead to certain types of inequalities—between nations with and without their own states, members inside and outside the border, and members and nonmembers (...)
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  17. The Identity Argument for National Self-Determination.Hsin-wen Lee - 2012 - Public Affairs Quarterly 26 (2):123-139.
    A number of philosophers argue that the moral value of national identity is sufficient to justify at least a prima facie right of a national community to create its own independent, sovereign state. In the literature, this argument is commonly referred to as the identity argument. In this paper, I consider whether the identity argument successfully proves that a national group is entitled to a state of its own. To do so, I first explain three important steps in the argument (...)
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  18. Self-Determination, Dissent, and the Problem of Population Transfers.Matthew Lister - 2016 - In Fernando R. Tesón (ed.), The Theory of Self-Determination. Cambridge University Press. pp. 145-165.
    Many of the major self-determination movements of the 20th and early 21st Centuries did not go smoothly, but resulted in forced or semi-forced transfers of groups of people from one country to another. Forced population transfers are not, of course, supported by major theorists of self-determination and secession. However, the problems that make population transfers extremely common in actual cases of self-determination and secession, are not squarely faced in many theories of self-determination. And, I shall argue, certain leading theories of (...)
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  19. The State of 'Sorry': Official Apologies and Their Absence. [REVIEW]Alice MacLachlan - 2010 - Journal of Human Rights 9 (3):373-385.
  20. History and Critique: A Response to Habermas's Misreading of Hegel.Nicholas Mowad - 2012 - Clio 42 (1):53-72.
    Habermas has alleged: (1) that Hegel has given a social theory that is abstract and technical, separating theory from practice ; and (2) that the criticism Hegel exercises at times is compromised by his uncritical acceptance of modern western culture. Both allegations amount to the claim that in some way Hegel proscribes internal critique, a citizen’s critique of her own nation-state. However, this charge is based on a misunderstanding of the role that history plays in Hegel’s account, and the difference (...)
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  21. Pragmatic Alternatives to the Melting Pot Theory and Solutions for Modern Immigration Problems.Trenton Ogden - manuscript
    This paper shall begin by exploring the work of R. Bourne and his concept of transnationalism. The case shall be made for its advantages in contrast to the melting-pot theory but this essay shall further argue that it alone is not a sufficient alternative. Instead, the paper shall shift its focus to H. Kallen and his notions of cultural pluralism. In conjunction with one another, they will be used to argue against the melting-pot theory and more specifically, against Samuel Huntington (...)
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  22. History as a System: And Other Essays Toward a Philosophy of History.Jose Ortega Y. Gasset - 1961 - W. W. Norton & Company.
    Contents: The Sportive Origin of the State – Unity and Diversity of Europe – Man the Technician – History as a System. Translation of "El origen deportivo del Estado"; (1924); "Prólogo para franceses" (1937); and Meditación de la técnica (1939). "History as a System" was published originally in English in Philosophy and History: Essays Presented to Ernst Cassirer. Edited by Raymond Klibansky and H. J. Paton. Oxford: at the Clarendon Press (London, H. Milford), 1936, pp. 283-322.
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  23. Online Exclusive: How To Punish Collective Agents: Non-Compliance With Moral Duties By States.Anne Schwenkenbecher - 2010 - Ethics & International Affairs 24 (3).
    If individual moral agents do wrong they usually deserve and are liable to some kind of punishment. But how can states be punished for failing to comply with moral duties without therewith also punishing their citizens who are not necessarily deserving of any punishment?
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  24. Two Conceptions of Liberal Global Toleration.Kok-Chor Tan - 2011 - The Monist 94 (4):489-505.
  25. Puzzling About State Excuses as an Instance of Group Excuses.François Tanguay-Renaud - forthcoming - In R. A. Duff, L. Farmer, S. Marshall & V. Tadros (eds.), The Constitution of Criminal Law. Oxford University Press.
    Can the state, as opposed to its individual human members in their personal capacity, intelligibly seek to avoid blame for unjustified wrongdoing by invoking excuses (as opposed to justifications)? Insofar as it can, should such claims ever be given moral and legal recognition? While a number of theorists have denied it in passing, the question remains radically underexplored. -/- In this article (in its penultimate draft version), I seek to identify the main metaphysical and moral objections to state excuses, and (...)
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  26. Criminalizing the State.François Tanguay-Renaud - 2013 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 7 (2):255-284.
    In this article, I ask whether the state, as opposed to its individual members, can intelligibly and legitimately be criminalized, with a focus on the possibility of its domestic criminalization. I proceed by identifying what I take to be the core objections to such criminalization, and then investigate ways in which they can be challenged. First, I address the claim that the state is not a kind of entity that can intelligibly perpetrate domestic criminal wrongs. I argue against it by (...)
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  27. The Emergence of Borders: Moral Questions Mapped Out.Joel Walmsley & Cara Nine - 2014 - Russian Sociological Review 13 (4):42-59.
    In this paper, we examine the extent to which the concept of emergence can be applied to questions about the nature and moral justification of territorial borders. Although the term is used with many different senses in philosophy, the concept of “weak emergence”—advocated by, for example, Sawyer (2002, 2005) and Bedau (1997)—is especially applicable, since it forces a distinction between prediction and explanation that connects with several issues in the dis-cussion of territory. In particular, we argue, weak emergentism about borders (...)
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  28. Natural Resources and Government Responsiveness.David Wiens - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (1):84-105.
    Pogge and Wenar have recently argued that we are responsible for the persistence of the so-called ‘resource curse’. But their analyses are limited in important ways. I trace these limitations to their undue focus on the ways in which the international rules governing resource transactions undermine government accountability. To overcome the shortcomings of Pogge’s and Wenar’s analyses, I propose a normative framework organized around the social value of government responsiveness and discuss the implications of adopting this framework for future normative (...)
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