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61 found
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  1. Twenty-First Century Anti-Democracy: Theory and Practice in the World.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under democracy has become complacent. Even the recent reaffirmation of communism by influential philosophers such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek failed to inspire a significant following. There has been no radical philosophical reaction to the near-collapse of the capitalist economic system, mainly because any criticism of capitalism would imply a criticism of democracy ("the best possible political shell for capitalism", as Lenin said). Techno-philosophical alternatives (...)
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  2. Identity Crises: Religious Identity, Identity Politics and Social Justice.Desh Raj Sirswal - manuscript
    Identity is a concept that evolves over the course of life. Identity develops over time and can evolve, sometimes drastically; depending on what directions we take in our life. In the age of globalization, a human being is more aware than old times regarding his community, social and national affairs. A person who identifies himself as part of a particular political party, of a particular faith, and who sees himself as upper-middle class, might discover that in later age, he's a (...)
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  3. Monotheism, War, and Intellectual Leadership: The Case of William James.Joe Frank Jones III - forthcoming - Philosophy in the Contemporary World 18.
    This paper revisits William James's 1906 speech, "The Moral Equivalent of War," to look at the relationship of religion, particularly Christianity, to war and violence. Beginning with an anthropological update concerning "biological or sociological necessity," which confirms James's anti-mystical view of war, this paper then offers a case that monotheism, including Christianity, has an extremely ambiguous relationship with war and violence. There is evidence both that doing away with monotheism would have little effect on the prevalence of war and that (...)
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  4. Weighing the Costs and Benefits of Public Policy: On the Dangers of Single Metric Accounting.Johanna Thoma - forthcoming - LSE Public Policy Review.
    This article presents two related challenges to the idea that, to ensure policy evaluation is comprehensive, all costs and benefits should be aggregated into a single, equity-weighted wellbeing metric. The first is to point out how, even allowing for equity-weighting, the use of a single metric limits the extent to which we can take distributional concerns into account. The second challenge starts from the observation that in this and many other ways, aggregating diverse effects into a single metric of evaluation (...)
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  5. Realism Against Legitimacy.Samuel Bagg - 2022 - Social Theory and Practice 48 (1):29-60.
    This article challenges the association between realist methodology and ideals of legitimacy. Many who seek a more “realistic” or “political” approach to political theory replace the familiar orientation towards a state of justice with a structurally similar orientation towards a state of legitimacy. As a result, they fail to provide more reliable practical guidance, and wrongly displace radical demands. Rather than orienting action towards any state of affairs, I suggest that a more practically useful approach to political theory would directly (...)
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  6. The Courage of Thinking in Utopias: Gadamer's "Political Plato".Facundo Bey - 2021 - Analecta Hermeneutica 13:110-134.
    The aim of this article is to explore Gadamer’s early reflections on Plato’s utopian thought and its potential topicality. In the following section, I will show how areté, understood as a hermeneutical and existential virtue, is dialectically related to ethics and politics in Gadamer’s phenomenological reception of Plato’s philosophy. I argue that, in Gadamer’s eyes, Socratic-Platonic self-understanding enables human beings to be aware of their political responsibilities, to recognize how they are existentially and mutually related to the other, and to (...)
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  7. Review of Violence and Political Theory, by Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings. [REVIEW]Lantz Fleming Miller - 2021 - Philosophy in Review 41 (2):65-67.
    Violence seems to be such that, once it has set in, it is hard to extract. Getting rid of violence appears to require violence. It reproduces only itself. Peace appears but a sheep exposed to predators. If the world were to abruptly become peaceful, it would only await the next Thrasymachus to reimpose tyranny. This sticky nature of violence and how to cope with it are the most potent themes of this much-needed work. It provides a fair though critical overview (...)
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  8. Book Review: Is Political Philosophy Impossible? Thoughts and Behaviour in Normative Political Theory, by Jonathan Floyd. [REVIEW]Burke Hendrix - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (1):126-130.
  9. The Short and the Long of It: A Political Phenomenology of Pandemic Time.Cressida J. Heyes - 2020 - Philosophy Today 64 (4):859-863.
    Drawing on Françoise Dastur’s suggestion that the event is a permanent possibility that shapes lived experience, but also, when it occurs, a distinctive temporal rupture, I argue that the initial weeks of the COVID-19 epidemic constitute an event, in her sense. Connecting this phenomenological point to literatures on the politics of temporality, I suggest that the distinction between event and normal experience maps to that between epidemic and endemic. Understanding some of the political and ethical erasures of death and debility (...)
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  10. Public Values in the Right Context.Kian Mintz-Woo - 2020 - Australasian Philosophical Review 4 (1):57-62.
    [Comment] I am sympathetic to Avner de Shalit’s position that a political philosophy should incorporate public values, but I see their role differently. Philosophers of science standardly distinguish between values being introduced in the context of discovery (inputs into the investigation or arguments) and in the context of justification (acceptance or rejection of substantive claims in light of the arguments or investigation). I argue that de Shalit is wrong to put the public values in the context of discovery; with respect (...)
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  11. Amartya Sen’s Nonideal Theory.Kristina Meshelski - 2019 - Ethics and Global Politics 12 (2):31-45.
    Amartya Sen argues that Rawls’s theory is not only unnecessary in the pursuit of justice, but it may even be an impediment to justice in so far as it has discouraged more useful work. Against what he considers the dominance of transcendental theory, Sen calls for a more realistic and practical ‘comparative’ theory of justice. Sen’s negative point has been widely discussed, but here I develop a reconstruction of Sen’s positive theory (a combination of Adam Smith’s Impartial Spectator, Social Choice (...)
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  12. Masks and Monsters: On the Transformative Power of Art.Marina Marren - 2018 - Pli 29:102-112.
    Drawing on texts in psychology, philosophy, and literature the paper argues that art avails us of a distance from ourselves. Art has a potential to change our perspective on monstrosity and to make us question our moral categories and presuppositions. The study focuses on a single painting by Paul Gavarni, Two Pierrots Looking into a Box (1852), which I have discovered holds two images in one representation. I turn to Gavarni's work in order to prompt a literal gestalt shift in (...)
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  13. Realism, Utopianism, and Radical Values.Paul Raekstad - 2018 - European Journal of Philosophy 26 (1):145-168.
    One of the more debated topics in the recent realist literature concerns the compatibility of realism and utopianism. Perhaps the greatest challenge to utopian political thought comes from Bernard Williams' realism, which argues, among other things, that political values should be subject to what he calls the ‘realism constraint’, which rules out utopian arguments based on values which cannot be offered by the state as unrealistic and therefore inadmissible. This article challenges that conclusion in two ways. First, it argues that (...)
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  14. The Hegemony of Psychopathy.Lajos L. Brons - 2017 - Santa Barbara, California: Brainstorm Books.
    Any social and political arrangement depends on acceptance. If a substantial part of a people does not accept the authority of its rulers, then those can only remain in power by means of force, and even that use of force needs to be accepted to be effective. Gramsci called this acceptance of the socio-political status quo “hegemony.” Every stable state relies primarily on hegemony as a source of control. Hegemony works through the dissemination of values and beliefs that create acceptance (...)
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  15. Political Realism as Ideology Critique.Janosch Prinz & Enzo Rossi - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20 (3):334-348.
    This paper outlines an account of political realism as a form of ideology critique. Our focus is a defence of the normative edge of this critical-theoretic project against the common charge that there is a problematic trade-off between a theory’s groundedness in facts about the political status quo and its ability to consistently envisage radical departures from the status quo. To overcome that problem we combine insights from three distant corners of the philosophical landscape: theories of legitimacy by Bernard Williams (...)
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  16. Autonomia del "politico" e autonomia de "sociale". Trascendenza e immanenza in Negri e Laclau.Elia Zaru - 2017 - Quaderni Materialisti 15:193-209.
    Il dilemma «autonomia del politico-autonomia del sociale» ha le sue radici in quello tra trascendenza e immanenza, e si riproduce nel corso di tutta l’elaborazione teorica di Laclau e Negri, dagli scritti degli anni ’70 fino agli interventi più recenti. Queste due impostazioni teoriche si intersecano in un dialogo a distanza, la cui analisi permette di cogliere gli aspetti salienti di differenziazione e i motivi profondi di incompatibilità, ma anche di dimostrare che, considerato in questi termini, tale dilemma non ha (...)
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  17. Nietzsche/Foucault.Benedict Kenyah-Damptey - 2016 - Nietzscheforschung 23 (1):179-188.
    In this article I discuss the implications for and impacts of Nietzsche's thoughts of "the political" on the work of Michel Foucault. Therefore I highlight the figure of the "specific intellectual" that appears mostly in Foucaults "Dits et Ecrits" and show how, at times, this "specific intellectual" can be identified with Foucault himself and how notions of "the political" motivate modes for analyses and actions.
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  18. Review of Raymond Geuss, Reality and Its Dreams. [REVIEW]Enzo Rossi - 2016 - Notre Dame Philosophical Review.
    In this review I try and show the ways in which Geuss’ new work may advance the (radical) realist programme. The main contribution in the new essays, as I see it, is the emphasis on the counterintuitively transformative potential of a realist approach, as opposed to the false promise of highly moralised approaches. I also highlight some open questions about Geuss’ realism, primarily to do with his contextualism and with the role of feasibility constraints.
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  19. Can Realism Move Beyond a Methodenstreit?The Political Theory of Political Thinking: The Anatomy of a Practice, by FreedenMichael. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.Liberal Realism: A Realist Theory of Liberal Politics, by SleatMatt. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2013. [REVIEW]Enzo Rossi - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (3):410-420.
    Is there more to the recent surge in political realism than just a debate on how best to continue doing what political theorists are already doing? I use two recent books, by Michael Freeden and Matt Sleat, as a testing ground for realism’s claims about its import on the discipline. I argue that both book take realism beyond the Methodenstreit, though each in a different direction: Freeden’s takes us in the realm of meta-metatheory, Sleat’s is a genuine exercise in grounding (...)
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  20. Liberale Subjekte. Eine affirmative Streitschrift.Frieder Vogelmann - 2016 - Mittelweg 36 25 (2):74-90.
    n diesem Beitrag zum Scherpunkt "Politische Theorie in der Krise" untersuche ich das von liberalen Theorien produzierte Wissen. Der Beitrag folgt dazu drei Selbstbeschreibungen des politischen Liberalismus, der sich erstens selbst als dominierendes Zentrum der gegenwärtigen Politischen Theorie sieht, der zweitens Anspruch darauf erhebt, mit seinem Wissen die politischen Selbstverständnisse von Bürger_innen anleiten und verändern zu können, und der schließlich drittens seine eigene Wirksamkeit in der Wirklichkeit im Rahmen der Diskussion um ideale und nicht-ideale Theorie verhandelt. Im affirmativen Nachvollzug dieser (...)
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  21. Intellectuals in the Age of Capitalist Nihilsim. [REVIEW]Rolando Pérez - 2015 - Radical Philosophy 193:60-62.
  22. Adaptive Preferences: Merging Political Accounts and Well-Being Accounts.Rosa Terlazzo - 2015 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 45 (2):179-196.
    Accounts of adaptive preferences are of two kinds: well-being accounts fully theorized for their own sake and political accounts theorized to facilitate the political project of reducing oppression and marginalization. Given their practical role, the latter are often less fully theorized, and are therefore less robust to theoretical criticism. In this paper, I first draw on well-being accounts to identify the well-theorized elements that political accounts should want to adopt in order to strengthen their project and avoid common criticisms. Second, (...)
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  23. The Relevance of Analytic Philosophy to Personal, Public, and Democratic Life.Matt Chick & Matthew LaVine - 2014 - Essays in Philosophy 15 (1):138-155.
    Increasingly, philosophy is being viewed by the public as a non-essential part of non-academic, political life. Moreover, the converse, that philosophy is viewing itself as non-essential to life, is also becoming true. Both trends are deeply troubling. This essay has two aims, both of which stem from these trends. The first is to show that they can partly be explained by a misunderstanding by philosophers of philosophy’s original goals. In fact, we argue that the goal of philosophy from the very (...)
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  24. REFRAMING AND PRACTICING COMMUNITY INCLUSION: THE RELEVANCE OF PHILOSOPHY FOR CHILDREN.Roberto Franzini Tibaldeo - 2014 - Childhood and Philosophy 10 (20):401-420.
    I wish to carry out a philosophical inquiry into contemporary intercultural public spheres. The thesis I will support is that the achievement of inclusive public spheres (namely, with respect to our European and Western experience, the accomplishment of democracy) largely depends on one’s willingness and capacity to foster an “appreciation of diversities” by first, enhancing policies and forms of cooperation between the citizens’ emotional and motivational resources, and then enhancing their cognitive competences. More specifically, my proposal is to understand such (...)
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  25. Adorno’s Politics: Theory and Praxis in Germany’s 1960s.Fabian Freyenhagen - 2014 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 40 (9):0191453714545198.
    Theodor W. Adorno inspired much of Germany’s 1960s student movement, but he came increasingly into conflict with this movement about the practical implications of his critical theory. Others – including his friend and colleague Herbert Marcuse – also accused Adorno of a quietism that is politically objectionable and in contradiction with his own theory. In this article, I recon- struct, and partially defend, Adorno’s views on theory and (political) praxis in Germany’s 1960s in 11 theses. His often attacked and maligned (...)
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  26. Rural Development with Special Reference to Drinking Water, Health and Agriculture in India.Shailendra Kumar - 2014 - SOCRATES 2 (1):210-221.
    Rural India comprises 73 %of the country’s population, but its share in the total national income is less than 45 %. The rural sector is characterized by low income levels, poor quality of life and a weak human capital-base. There are many problems in rural India related with the health, agriculture & drinking water. Generally rural public health facilities across the country are having a difficult time attracting, retaining, and ensuring regular presence of highly trained medical professionals. The higher the (...)
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  27. Existentialism, Philosophy Of.Jack Reynolds - 2014 - In Michael T. Gibbons (ed.), Encyclopedia of Political Thought. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 1194–1199.
    This chapter examines the connections between French existentialism and politics. Fellow travellers like Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, and de Beauvoir saw themselves as engaging with two theoretical trajectories that for them dominated the mid-twentieth century intellectual milieu, one of which was ostensibly apolitical (phenomenology), the other of which involved a politicised understanding of philosophy (Marxism). Part of the motivation behind renewing phenomenology as existential phenomenology, as opposed to classical Husserlian phenomenology, was to allow them both to comprehend what was taking place during (...)
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  28. Realism in Normative Political Theory.Enzo Rossi & Matt Sleat - 2014 - Philosophy Compass 9 (10):689-701.
    This paper provides a critical overview of the realist current in contemporary political philosophy. We define political realism on the basis of its attempt to give varying degrees of autonomy to politics as a sphere of human activity, in large part through its exploration of the sources of normativity appropriate for the political and so distinguish sharply between political realism and non-ideal theory. We then identify and discuss four key arguments advanced by political realists: from ideology, from the relationship of (...)
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  29. Disabling Philosophy.Shelley Tremain - 2014 - The Philosophers' Magazine 65 (63):15-17.
  30. Violence: Thinking Without Banisters.Richard J. Bernstein - 2013 - Polity.
    We live in a time when we are overwhelmed with talk and images of violence. Whether on television, the internet, films or the video screen, we can’t escape representations of actual or fictional violence - another murder, another killing spree in a high school or movie theatre, another action movie filled with images of violence. Our age could well be called “The Age of Violence” because representations of real or imagined violence, sometimes fused together, are pervasive. But what do we (...)
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  31. Maurice Merleau-Ponty on Violence and Marxism.Mihnea Chiujdea - 2013 - Opticon1826 15 (7):01-15.
    This article aims to examine the main tenets of Merleau-Ponty’s political thought. To this end, his early Marxism and his later support for Liberalism are contextualised within Merleau-Ponty’s philosophical work, put into relation and both criticised. The focus of the discussion is shifted onto the role and locus of the political thinker in order to evaluate the scope of a political project such as Marxism might have. It is divided into three sections. The first explores the themes of the philosophy (...)
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  32. Does Philosophy Betray Both Reason and Humanity?Nicholas Maxwell - 2013 - The Philosophers' Magazine 62 (62):17-18.
    A bad philosophy of inquiry, built into the intellectual/institutional structure of universities round the world, betrays both reason and humanity.
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  33. Misconceptions Concerning Wisdom.Nicholas Maxwell - 2013 - Journal of Modern Wisdom 2:92-97.
    If our concern is to help wisdom to flourish in the world, then the central task before us is to transform academia so that it takes up its proper task of seeking and promoting wisdom instead of just acquiring knowledge. Improving knowledge about wisdom is no substitute; nor is the endeavour of searching for the correct definition of wisdom.
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  34. Fair Climate Policy in an Unequal World: Characterising Responsibilities and Designing Institutions for Mitigation and International Finance.Jonathan Pickering - 2013 - Dissertation, Australian National University
    The urgent need to address climate change poses a range of complex moral and practical concerns, not least because rising to the challenge will require cooperation among countries that differ greatly in their wealth, the extent of their contributions to the problem, and their vulnerability to environmental and economic shocks. This thesis by publication in the field of climate ethics aims to characterise a range of national responsibilities associated with acting on climate change (Part I), and to identify proposals for (...)
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  35. L'attenzione altrove. Sintomatologie di quel che ci accade.Paolo Vignola - 2013 - Orthotes.
    Il libro affronta il disagio, innanzitutto collettivo, della società in Rete, prendendosi cura del logos attraverso il pathos e immergendo così la filosofia nei problemi del linguaggio, dell’attenzione e dell’affettività: lo sfruttamento intensivo di tali facoltà ne mette infatti a rischio la salute e le stesse condizioni di possibilità. L’obiettivo è perciò analizzare le esperienze collettive di sofferenza, precarietà e disturbi dell’attenzione, per riportare il vissuto dell’esperienza sul piano della filosofia e concepire una sorta di empirismo diagnostico che si muova (...)
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  36. That Was the New Labour That Wasn't.Stuart White & Martin O'Neill - 2013 - Fabian Review.
    The New Labour we got was different from the New Labour that might have been, had the reform agenda associated with stakeholding and pluralism in the early-1990s been fully realised. We investigate the road not taken and what it means for ‘one nation’ Labour.
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  37. Governmentality and State Theory: Reinventing the Reinvented Wheel?Thomas Biebricher & Frieder Vogelmann - 2012 - Theory and Event 15 (3).
    In this paper we pose the question what constitutes the originality of governmentality as a state analytical framework by confronting it with alternative contemporary approaches in state theory, suggesting that the latter may already contain many of the insights Foucaultians sometimes tend to ascribe to the governmentality perspective exclusively and thus run the risk of reinventing the state theoretical wheel. Still, we argue that there is something unique to the governmentality perspective, namely a particular kind of unwieldy knowledge about the (...)
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  38. Immigration and Global Justice.Christian Barry - 2011 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric 4:30-38.
  39. Dewey and the Task Before Us: The Making of the Democratic Experience. [REVIEW]Nuria Sara Miras Boronat - 2011 - European Journal of Pragmatism and American Philosophy (1):181-186.
    Review of essays by Bernstein, in translation. This book review could also be entitled “John Dewey: Old and New”, recalling a distant resemblance to one of the most well known books of Dewey, Individualism Old and New (1930). But in this case the subject pursued under this title would be the development in the reception of John Dewey’s work in the past century. This is a genuine hermeneutical reflection on the significance of one of the most important American intellectuals in (...)
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  40. Review of Gerald Gaus, The Order of Public Reason. [REVIEW]Matthew Lister - 2011 - Notre Dame Philosophical Review.
  41. A War of One's Own: Mercenaries and the Theme of Arma Aliena in Machiavelli's Il Principe.Séan Erwin - 2010 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 18 (4):541-574.
    Treatments of the status of mercenary arms in Machiavelli typically concentrate on Machiavelli’s discussions of the theme of the ‘arms of others’ in chapters XII and XIII of the Prince. Generally they place special importance on the exaggerated disdain Machiavelli voices for mercenary arms, sometimes entirely passing over the related issue of auxiliaries, and sometimes grouping this issue together with Machiavelli’s treatment of mercenaries as constituting essentially the same issue – the arms of others. Further, though the importance of this (...)
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  42. Pragmatism and Democracy.Roberto Frega & Fabrizio Trifirò (eds.) - 2010 - Ethics & Politics, 12, 1 2010.
  43. Reality and Imagination in Political Theory and Practice: On Raymond Geuss’s Realism. [REVIEW]Enzo Rossi - 2010 - European Journal of Political Theory 9 (4):504-512.
    Can political theory be action-guiding without relying on pre-political normative commitments? I answer that question affirmatively by unpacking two related tenets of Raymond Geuss’ political realism: the view that political philosophy should not be a branch of ethics, and the ensuing empirically-informed conception of legitimacy. I argue that the former idea can be made sense of by reference to Hobbes’ account of authorization, and that realist legitimacy can be normatively salient in so far as it stands in the correct relation (...)
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  44. Review of Bert van den Brink and David Owen (eds.), Recognition and Power. Axel Honneth and the Tradition of Critical Social Theory. [REVIEW]Marco Solinas - 2010 - Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica (59):223-224.
  45. The Political Identity of the Philosopher: Resistance, Relative Power, and the Endurance of Potential.Samuel McCormick - 2009 - Philosophy and Rhetoric 42 (1):pp. 72-91.
  46. Review of Hauke Brunkhorst, Habermas. [REVIEW]Marco Solinas - 2009 - Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica (56):253-254.
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  47. Richard Rorty, Philosophy as Cultural Politics.Michael Bacon - 2008 - Critical Horizons 9 (1):102-104.
  48. Moism and Self-Interest.Chris Fraser - 2008 - Journal of Chinese Philosophy 35 (3):437-454.
    The aim of this article is to clarify the role of self-interest in Moist thought and by doing so to refute the Self-Interest Thesis. Toward these ends, I will examine passages from the Mozi bearing on the role of self-interest in Moist ethics and psychology and show that, in each case, an alternative interpretation explains them better than the Self-Interest Thesis does. I will argue that the Moists recognize the obvious truth that self-interest figures among people’s basic motives, but they (...)
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  49. Are Philosophers Responsible for Global Warming?Nicholas Maxwell - 2008 - Philosophy Now 65 (65):12-13.
    The suggestion that philosophers are responsible for global warming seems, on the face of it, absurd. However, that we might cause global warming has been known for over a century. If we had had in existence a more rigorous kind of academic inquiry devoted to promoting human welfare, giving priority to problems of living, humanity might have become aware of the dangers of global warming long ago, and might have taken steps to meet these dangers decades ago. That we do (...)
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  50. The Philosopher as a “Secret Agent” for Peace: Taking Seriously Kant’s Revival of the “Old Question”.Stephen R. Palmquist - 2008 - In Valerio Rohden, Ricardo R. Terra & Guido A. De Almeida (eds.), Recht und Frieden in der Philosophie Kants, vol. 4 of Akten des X. Internationalen Kant-Kongresses. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 597-608.
    This essay interprets the much-neglected Second Part of The Conflict of the Faculties, entitled “An old question raised again: Is the human race constantly progressing?”, by showing the close relationship between the themes it deals with and those Kant addresses in the Supplements and Appendices of Perpetual Peace. In both works, Kant portrays the philosopher as having the duty to promote a “secret article”, without which his vision of a lasting international peace through the agency of a federation of states (...)
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