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History/traditions: Violence
1625 found
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  1. Hanan Alexander (2014). Education in Nonviolence: Levinas' Talmudic Readings and the Study of Sacred Texts. Ethics and Education 9 (1):58-68.
  2. Larry Alexander (1993). Self-Defense, Justification and Excuse. Philosophy and Public Affairs 22 (1):53-66.
  3. Andrew Alexandra (2012). Private Military and Security Companies and the Liberal Conception of Violence. Criminal Justice Ethics 31 (3):158-174.
    Abstract The institution of war is the broad framework of rules, norms, and organizations dedicated to the prevention, prosecution, and resolution of violent conflict between political entities. Important parts of that institution consist of the accountability arrangements that hold between armed forces, the political leaders who oversee and direct the use of those forces, and the people in whose name the leaders act and from whose ranks the members of the armed forces are drawn. Like other parts of the institution, (...)
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  4. Elisabeth Anker (2008). National Love in Violent Times. [REVIEW] Political Theory 36 (5):762 - 769.
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  5. Anatole Anton (1990). The Caveman and the Bomb. Social Philosophy Today 3:425-426.
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  6. Hannah Arendt & Hans Jürgen Benedict (2009). Revolution, Violence, and Power: A Correspondence. Constellations 16 (2):302-306.
  7. R. Argullol (2007). What is Left of the Angel? Diogenes 54 (3):77-79.
    The author raises the problem of the presence of terror in contemporary life. He analyzes the continuous dynamic between fear, terror and hopes of peace in contemporary societies. Dignity appears as a blueprint of the ubiquitous presence of terror and fear.
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  8. Samantha Ashenden (2014). On Violence in Habermas's Philosophy of Language. European Journal of Political Theory 13 (4):427-452.
    Habermas does not rule out the possibility of violence in language. In fact his account explicitly licenses a broad conception of violence as ‘systematically distorted communication’. Yet he does rule out the possibility that language simultaneously imposes as it discloses. That is, his argument precludes the possibility of recognizing that there is an antinomy at the heart of language and philosophical reason. This occlusion of the simultaneously world-disclosing and world-imposing character of language feeds and sustains Habermas’s legal and political arguments, (...)
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  9. Alain Badiou (2013). Philosophy for Militants. Verso.
    Enigmatic relationship between philosophy and politics -- Figure of the soldier -- Politics as a nonexpressive dialectics.
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  10. Jeffrey R. Baker, Enjoining Coercion: Squaring Civil Protection Orders with the Reality of Domestic Abuse.
    Every state provides civil protection for victims of domestic abuse, but these regimes typically fixate on physical violence. Domestic abuse, however, does not spring from violent tendencies. Rather, abuse arises from a perpetrator's desire to exert power and control over his victim. Abusers often deploy emotional, economic, political and social tactics to coerce responses from vulnerable partners long before they resort to violence. Violence is the extreme tool to maintain control when a victim challenges the abuser's power over her life. (...)
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  11. Etienne Balibar (2001). Outlines of a Topography of Cruelty: Citizenship and Civility in the Era of Global Violence. Constellations 8 (1):15-29.
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  12. László Levente Balogh (2011). Az Erőszak Kritikája: Tanulmányok. Debreceni Egyetemi Kiadó.
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  13. Tarak Barkawi (2002). Organising Violence in World Politics: A Review Essay. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 5 (1):101-120.
  14. J. Bartelson (1997). Making Exceptions: Some Remarks on the Concept of Coup d'Etat and its History. Political Theory 25 (3):323-346.
  15. David Bates, Constitutional Violence.
    The eighteenth-century is usually looked to as the theoretical source for modern concepts of constitutionality, those political and legal forms that limit conflict. And yet the eighteenth century was also a period of almost constant war, within Europe and in the new global spaces of colonial rule. Though it is well known that new concepts of international law emerged in this period, surprisingly few commentators have established what connections there are between the violence of war and the elaboration of new (...)
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  16. William J. Behre, Ron Avi Astor & Heather Ann Meyer (2001). Elementary- and Middle-School Teachers' Reasoning About Intervening in School Violence: An Examination of Violence-Prone School Subcontexts. Journal of Moral Education 30 (2):131-153.
    The study compared middle-school and elementary-school teachers' (N = 108) reasoning about their professional roles when violence occurred in "undefined" and potentially violence-prone school subcontexts (e.g. hallways, cafeterias, playgrounds). The study combined concepts from urban planing, architecture, criminology and cognitive developmental domain theory to explore teachers' moral attributions towards school spaces. Participants were asked to locate dangerous locations and discuss their professional roles in those locations. Teachers were also given hypothetical situations where the specific subcontexts (i.e. hallways, classroom, school yard) (...)
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  17. Robert Bernasconi (2011). Perpetual Peace and the Invention of Total War. In Nathan Eckstrand & Christopher S. Yates (eds.), Philosophy and the Return of Violence: Studies From This Widening Gyre. Continuum International Publishing Group.
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  18. Joseph Betz (2001). The Definition of Massacre. Social Philosophy Today 17:9-19.
    Examining the reasons for the conventional application of the term 'massacre' to some sorts of killings but not others, I arrive at this definition of the term. A massacre is the mass murder and mutilation of innocent victims by an assailant or assailants immediately present at the scene. This is a conventional and not a stipulative definition. Many standard definitions are imprecise for several reasons. They might say the killing is unnecessary or indiscriminate or at a distance or they might (...)
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  19. Joseph R. Biden (1998). Commentary: Attacking Youth Violence. Criminal Justice Ethics 17 (1):2-67.
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  20. Peg Birmingham (2011). Agamben on Violence, Language, and Human Rights. In Nathan Eckstrand & Christopher S. Yates (eds.), Philosophy and the Return of Violence: Studies From This Widening Gyre. Continuum International Publishing Group.
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  21. Martin Blanchard (2012). Violence et démocratie délibérative : introduction. Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 7 (1):45-49.
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  22. Jeffrey Bloechl (2011). Towards an Anthropology of Violence: Existential Analyses of Levinas, Girard, Freud. In Nathan Eckstrand & Christopher S. Yates (eds.), Philosophy and the Return of Violence: Studies From This Widening Gyre. Continuum International Publishing Group.
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  23. Geoff Boucher (2010). Slavoj Žižek, Violence. [REVIEW] Critical Horizons 10 (3):425-430.
  24. Richard Bourne, Eli H. Newberger & C. Sue White (forthcoming). Mandated Child Abuse Reporting. Ethics and Behavior.
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  25. Vihren Bouzov (2015). Philosophy of Global Security. In Ioan-Alexandru Tofan Mihai-Dan Chiţoiu (ed.), Proceedings of the International Conference “Humanities and Social Sciences Today. Classical and Contemporary Issues” – Philosophy and Other Humanities. pp. 43-51.
    We are living in an imbalanced and insecure world. It is torn by violent conflicts on a global scale: between the West and the East, between rich and poor countries, between Christianity and Islam, between the Great Forces and naughty countries, between a global capitalist elite and workers and between the global democratic community and global terrorism. An optimistic thesis will be grounded asserting that varied cultures and civilizations can solve all existing problems and contradictions peacefully and can carry out (...)
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  26. Cristian Bratu (2011). Political Violence and/as Evil : Sartre's Dirty Hands. In Scott M. Powers (ed.), Evil in Contemporary French and Francophone Literature. Cambridge Scholars Press.
  27. Torkel Brekke (2004). Wielding the Rod of Punishment – War and Violence in the Political Science of Kautilya. Journal of Military Ethics 3 (1):40-52.
    This article presents Kautilya, the most important thinker in the tradition of statecraft in India. Kautilya has influenced ideas of war and violence in much of South- and Southeast Asia and he is of great importance for a comparative understanding of the ethics of war. The violence inflicted by the king on internal and external enemies is pivotal for the maintenance of an ordered society, according to Kautilya. Prudence and treason are hallmarks of Kautilya's world. The article shows that this (...)
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  28. Bruce Buchan (2001). Liberalism and Fear of Violence. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (3):27-48.
    Liberal political thought is underwritten by an enduring fear of civil and state violence. It is assumed within liberal thought that self?interest characterises relations between individuals in civil society, resulting in violence. In absolutist doctrines, such as Hobbes?, the pacification of private persons depended on the Sovereign's command of a monopoly of violence. Liberals, by contrast, sought to claim that the state itself must be pacified, its capacity for cruelty (e.g., torture) removed, its capacity for violence (e.g., war) reduced and (...)
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  29. Richard M. Buck (2004). Beyond Retribution. Social Philosophy Today 20:67-80.
    The very nature of terrorism and the context in which it typically occurs make responding to it much more complicated, morally speaking, than responding to conventional military attacks. Two points are particularly important here: (1) terrorism often arises in the midst of conflicts that can only be resolved at the negotiating table; (2) responses to terrorist acts almost always present significant risks to the lives and well-being of noncombatants. The history of the Israel-Palestinian conflict suggests that its resolution will only (...)
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  30. C. C. (1975). Reason and Violence. Review of Metaphysics 29 (1):152-153.
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  31. Delwin D. Cahoon & Ed M. Edmonds (1984). Guns/No Guns and the Expression of Social Hostility. Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society 22 (4):305-308.
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  32. Dom Helder Camara (1969). Violence and Misery. New Blackfriars 50 (589):491-496.
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  33. Nicole Gastineau Campos & Paul Farmer (2003). Partners: Discernment and Humanitarian Efforts in Settings of Violence. Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 31 (4):506-515.
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  34. Terrell Carver (2010). Sex, Violence and Crime: Foucault and the |[Lsquo]|Man|[Rsquo]| Question. Contemporary Political Theory 9 (3):347.
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  35. Marc Champagne & Mimi Reisel Gladstein (2015). Beauvoir and Rand: Asphyxiating People, Having Sex, and Pursuing a Career. The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 15 (1):23-41.
    In an attempt to start rectifying a lamentable disparity in scholarship, we evince fruitful points of similarity and difference in the ideas of Simone de Beauvoir and Ayn Rand, paying particular attention to their views on long-term projects. Endorsing what might be called an “Ethic of Resolve,” Rand praises those who undertake sustained goal-directed actions such as careers. Beauvoir, however, endorses an “Ethic of Ambiguity” that makes her more skeptical about the prospects of carrying out lifelong projects without deluding oneself. (...)
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  36. Noam Chomsky, Commentary: Moral Truisms, Empirical Evidence, and Foreign Policy.
    Many studies of world politics fail to take evidence seriously or consider basic moral truisms (for example, that the standards we apply to others we must apply to ourselves). This commentary illustrates these assessments in relation to two subjects which have attracted much interest in the West recently – terrorism and just war to combat terrorism. The evidence shows that the United States has engaged extensively in terrorism and that application of just war principles would entitle the victims of that (...)
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  37. Noam Chomsky & Tim Dunne, Who Are the Global Terrorists?
    The condemnations of terrorism are sound, but leave some questions unanswered. The first is: What do we mean by "terrorism"? Second: What is the proper response to the crime? Whatever the answer, it must at least satisfy a moral truism: If we propose some principle that is to be applied to antagonists, then we must agree -- in fact, strenuously insist -- that the principle apply to us as well. Those who do not rise even to this minimal level of (...)
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  38. Jacek Chrobaczyński & Wojciech Wrzesiński (eds.) (2004). Dramat Przemocy W Historycznej Perspektywie. Wydawnictwo Wam.
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  39. C. A. J. Coady (2007). Morality and Political Violence. Cambridge University Press.
    Political violence in the form of wars, insurgencies, terrorism and violent rebellion constitutes a major human challenge. C. A. J. Coady brings a philosophical and ethical perspective as he places the problems of war and political violence in the frame of reflective ethics. In this book, Coady re-examines a range of urgent problems pertinent to political violence against the background of a contemporary approach to just war thinking. The problems examined include: the right to make war and conduct war, terrorism, (...)
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  40. C. A. J. Coady (1985). The Idea of Violence. Philosophical Papers 14 (1):3-19.
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  41. Matthew Jordan Cochran, Come Heller High Water: Can the Felony Firearms Act Withstand Scrutiny?
    The question for North Carolina (in light of the District of Columbia v. Heller decision) is whether the Felony Firearms Act in its current form - which outlaws all gun possession by persons having any felony conviction- represents a constitutional response to gun violence, or whether the State's decision to dispossess all felons of all firearms in all places is instead a policy choice which the Constitution, through Heller's recognition of a fundamental right of self-defense, has taken off the table. (...)
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  42. Clare Connors (2010). Force From Nietzsche to Derrida. Legenda, Modern Humanities Research Association and Maney Publishing.
  43. Stanley Corngold (1989). Potential Violence in Paul De Man. Critical Review 3 (1):117-137.
    PAUL DE MAN: DECONSTRUCTION AND THE CRITIQUE OF AESTHETIC IDEOLOGY by Christopher Norris New York: Routledge, 1988. 218pp. $12.95 (paper).
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  44. Juan E. Corradi (2001). On Violence and Terror. Telos: Critical Theory of the Contemporary 2001 (120):147-153.
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  45. Cory A. Crane, Samuel W. Hawes, Dolores Mandel & Caroline J. Easton (2013). Informed Consent: An Ethical Issue in Conducting Research with Male Partner Violent Offenders. Ethics and Behavior 23 (6):477-488.
    Ethical codes help guide the methods of research that involves samples gathered from ?at-risk? populations. The current article reviews general as well as specific ethical principles related to gathering informed consent from partner violent offenders mandated to outpatient treatment, a group that may be at increased risk of unintentional coercion in behavioral sciences research due to court mandates that require outpatient treatment without the ethical protections imbued upon prison populations. Recommendations are advanced to improve the process of informed consent within (...)
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  46. Simon Critchley (2011). Violent Thoughts About Slavoj Zizek. In Nathan Eckstrand & Christopher S. Yates (eds.), Philosophy and the Return of Violence: Studies From This Widening Gyre. Continuum International Publishing Group. pp. 183-204.
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  47. Lisa Curtis-Wendlandt (2012). No Right to Resist? Elise Reimarus's "Freedom" as a Kantian Response to the Problem of Violent Revolt. Hypatia 27 (4):755 - 773.
    One of the greatest woman intellectuals of eighteenth-century Germany is Elise Reimarus, whose contribution to Enlightenment political theory is rarely acknowledged today. Unlike other social contract theorists, Reimarus rejects a people's right to violent resistance or revolution in her philosophical dialogue Freedom (1791). Exploring the arguments in Freedom, this paper observes a number of similarities in the political thought of Elise Reimarus and Immanuel Kant. Both, I suggest, reject violence as an illegitimate response to perceived political injustice in a way (...)
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  48. Howard J. Curzer (2006). Admirable Immorality, Dirty Hands, Ticking Bombs, and Torturing Innocents. Southern Journal of Philosophy 44 (1):31-56.
    Is torturing innocent people ever morally required? I rebut responses to the ticking-bomb dilemma by Slote, Williams, Walzer, and others. I argue that torturing is morally required and should be performed when it is the only way to avert disasters. In such situations, torturers act with dirty hands because torture, though required, is vicious. Conversely, refusers act wrongly, yet virtuously, thus displaying admirable immorality. Vicious, morally required acts and virtuous, morally wrong acts are odd, yet necessary to preserve the ticking-bomb (...)
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  49. Kim Dammers, Anthony B. Iton, Karen J. Mathis, Patricia M. Speck & David E. Nahmias (2007). Innovative Tools to Fight Gang Violence. Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 35 (s4):118-119.
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  50. Zachary Davis (2009). A Phenomenology of Political Apathy: Scheler on the Origins of Mass Violence. [REVIEW] Continental Philosophy Review 42 (2):149-169.
    In his criticisms of the German youth movement and the emergence of fascism across Europe during the early 1920s, Max Scheler draws a distinction between the different senses of political apathy that give rise to mass political movements. Recent studies of mass apathy have tended to treat all forms of apathy as the same and as a consequence reduced the diverse expressions of mass violence to the same, stripping mass movements of any critical function. I show in this paper that (...)
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