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Delibration and democratic legitimacy

In Derek Matravers & Jonathan E. Pike (eds.), Debates in Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology. Routledge, in Association with the Open University (2003)

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  1. Necessary Health Care and Basic Needs: Health Insurance Plans and Essential Benefits. [REVIEW]Andrew Ward & Pamela Jo Johnson - 2013 - Health Care Analysis 21 (4):355-371.
    According to HealthCare.gov, by improving access to quality health for all Americans, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) will reduce disparities in health insurance coverage. One way this will happen under the provisions of the ACA is by creating a new health insurance marketplace (a health insurance exchange) by 2014 in which “all people will have a choice for quality, affordable health insurance even if a job loss, job switch, move or illness occurs”. This does not mean that everyone will have (...)
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  • Dissident Citizenship: Democratic Theory, Political Courage, and Activist Women.Holloway Sparks - 1997 - Hypatia 12 (4):74-110.
    In this essay, I argue that contemporary democratic theory gives insufficient attention to the important contributions dissenting citizens make to democratic life. Guided by the dissident practices of activist women, I develop a more expansive conception of citizenship that recognizes dissent and an ethic of political courage as vital elements of democratic participation. I illustrate how this perspective on citizenship recasts and reclaims women's courageous dissidence by reconsidering the well-known story of Rosa Parks.
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  • Doxa and Deliberation.Clarissa Rile Hayward - 2004 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 7 (1):1-24.
    Recent democratic theorists have drawn on the work of the late Pierre Bourdieu to make the case that patterned inequalities in the social capacity to engage in deliberation can undermine deliberative theory?s democratic promise. They have proposed a range of deliberative democratic responses to the problem of cultural inequality, from enabling the marginalised to adopt the communicative dispositions of the dominant, to broadening the standards that define legitimate deliberation, to strengthening deliberative counter?publics. The author interprets Bourdieu?s theory of the linguistic (...)
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  • L’énigme démocratique.Philip Pettit & Bandini - 2013 - Philosophiques 40 (2):351.
    Philip Pettit ,Aude Bandini | : La démocratie signifie d’abord et avant toute chose l’idée d’un contrôle populaire, et ce par l’ensemble des moyens possibles. Ces moyens donnent lieu à la légitimité. Mais ces contrôles populaires, du moins tels qu’ils sont entendus dans de nombreuses discussions, ne donnent pas lieu à la légitimité espérée. Les théories de la démocratie ne partagent pas une même conception des choses à ce sujet, ce qui donne lieu à une pluralité d’approches. Dans cet article, (...)
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  • Deliberative Democracy and the Discursive Dilemma.Philip Pettit - 2001 - Philosophical Issues 11 (1):268-299.
    Taken as a model for how groups should make collective judgments and decisions, the ideal of deliberative democracy is inherently ambiguous. Consider the idealised case where it is agreed on all sides that a certain conclusion should be endorsed if and only if certain premises are admitted. Does deliberative democracy recommend that members of the group debate the premises and then individually vote, in the light of that debate, on whether or not to support the conclusion? Or does it recommend (...)
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  • Consensus, Legitimacy, and the Exercise of Judgement in Political Deliberation.Cillian McBride - 2003 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 6 (3):104-128.
  • Scientific Freedom: Its Grounds and Their Limitations.Torsten Wilholt - 2010 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 41 (2):174-181.
    In various debates about science, appeal is made to the freedom of scientific research. A rationale in favor of this freedom is rarely offered. In this paper, two major arguments are reconstructed that promise to lend support to a principle of scientific freedom. According to the epistemological argument, freedom of research is required in order to organize the collective cognitive effort we call science efficiently. According to the political argument, scientific knowledge needs to be generated in ways that are independent (...)
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  • Scientific Second-Order ’Nudging’ or Lobbying by Interest Groups: The Battle Over Abdominal Aortic Aneurysm Screening Programmes.Thomas Ploug, Søren Holm & John Brodersen - 2014 - Medicine, Health Care and Philosophy 17 (4):641-650.
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  • Toward a New Feminist Liberalism: Okin, Rawls, and Habermas.Amy R. Baehr - 1996 - Hypatia 11 (1):49 - 66.
    While Okin's feminist appropriation of Rawls's theory of justice requires that principles of justice be applied directly to the family, Rawls seems to require only that the family be minimally just. Rawls's recent proposal dulls the critical edge of liberalism by capitulating too much to those holding sexist doctrines. Okin's proposal, however, is insufficiently flexible. An alternative account of the relation of the political and the nonpolitical is offered by Jürgen Habermas.
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  • The Hermeneutics of the Causal Powers of Meaningful Objects.Amit Ron - 2010 - Journal of Critical Realism 9 (2):155-171.
    Much of the interest of critical realists in the hermeneutic character of social inquiry has been shaped by debates with critics. Critical realists insist that the meaningful character of societies does not exclude the possibility of treating them as objects that have causal powers and that these objects are more than the sum-total of their meanings. In what follows, I want to go beyond this debate. Working within critical realist ontology, the question I want to ask is what kind of (...)
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  • Survey Article: Citizen Panels and the Concept of Representation.Mark B. Brown - 2006 - Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (2):203–225.
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  • Constituting Politics: Power, Reciprocity, and Identity.Lori Watson - 2007 - Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy 22 (4):96-112.
    This essay considers whether liberal political theory has tools with which to count gender, and so gender relations, as political. Can liberal political theory count sub-ordination among the harms of sex inequality that the state ought to correct? Watson defends a version of deliberative democracy—liberalism—as able to place issues of social inequality in the form of hierarchical social identities at the center of its normative commitments, and so at the center of securing justice.
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  • "Singing for Our Lives": Women's Music and Democratic Politics.Nancy Sue Love - 2002 - Hypatia 17 (4):71-94.
    : Although democratic theorists often employ musical metaphors to describe their politics, musical practices are seldom analyzed as forms of political communication. In this article, I explore how the music of social movements, what is called "movement music," supplements deliberative democrats' concept of public discourse as rational argument. Invoking energies, motions, and voices beyond established identities and institutions anticipates a different, more musical democracy. I argue that the "women's music" of Holly Near, founder of Redwood Records and Redwood Cultural Work, (...)
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  • Deliberative Democracy and the Discursive Dilemma.Philip Pettit - 2001 - Noûs 35 (s1):268-299.
    Taken as a model for how groups should make collective judgments and decisions, the ideal of deliberative democracy is inherently ambiguous. Consider the idealised case where it is agreed on all sides that a certain conclusion should be endorsed if and only if certain premises are admitted. Does deliberative democracy recommend that members of the group debate the premises and then individually vote, in the light of that debate, on whether or not to support the conclusion? Or does it recommend (...)
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  • Computer Decision-Support Systems for Public Argumentation: Assessing Deliberative Legitimacy. [REVIEW]William Rehg, Peter McBurney & Simon Parsons - 2005 - AI and Society 19 (3):203-228.
    Recent proposals for computer-assisted argumentation have drawn on dialectical models of argumentation. When used to assist public policy planning, such systems also raise questions of political legitimacy. Drawing on deliberative democratic theory, we elaborate normative criteria for deliberative legitimacy and illustrate their use for assessing two argumentation systems. Full assessment of such systems requires experiments in which system designers draw on expertise from the social sciences and enter into the policy deliberation itself at the level of participants.
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  • ?Singing for Our Lives?: Women's Music and Democratic Politics.Nancy S. Love - 2002 - Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy 17 (4):71-94.
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  • Constituting Politics: Power, Reciprocity, and Identity.Lori Watson - 2007 - Hypatia 22 (4):96-112.
    : This essay considers whether liberal political theory has tools with which to count gender, and so gender relations, as political. Can liberal political theory count subordination among the harms of sex inequality that the state ought to correct? Watson defends a version of deliberative democracy—liberalism—as able to place issues of social inequality in the form of hierarchical social identities at the center of its normative commitments, and so at the center of securing justice.
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  • Multiculturalism and Equal Human Dignity: An Essay on Bhikhu Parekh.Joshua Preiss - 2011 - Res Publica 17 (2):141-156.
    Bhikhu Parekh is an internationally renowned political theorist. His work on identity and multiculturalism is unquestionably thoughtful and nuanced, benefiting from a tremendous depth of knowledge of particular cases. Despite his work’s many virtues, however, the normative justification for Parekh’s recommendations is at times vague or ambiguous. In this essay, I argue that a close reading of his work, in particular his magnum opus Rethinking Multiculturalism and the selfproclaimed sequel A New Politics of Identity, reveals that his claims frequently rely (...)
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