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John Toland: His Methods, Manners, and Mind

McGill-Queen's University Press (1984)

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  1. Abstracts.[author unknown] - 2014 - Russian Sociological Review 13 (1):178-180.
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  • Does Berkeley's Immaterialism Support Toland's Spinozism? The Posidonian Argument and the Eleventh Objection.Eric Schliesser - 2020 - Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 88:33-71.
    This paper argues that a debate between Toland and Clarke is the intellectual context to help understand the motive behind the critic and the significance of Berkeley's response to the critic in PHK 60-66. These, in turn, are responding to Boyle's adaptation of a neglected design argument by Cicero. The paper shows that there is an intimate connection between these claims of natural science and a once famous design argument. In particular, that in the early modern period the connection between (...)
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  • Tensions entre la liberté et l’égalité dans le Discours sur la liberté de penser d’Anthony Collins.Kim Noisette - 2015 - Dialogue 54 (1):91-119.
    Anthony Collins’Discourse on Freethinking(1713) claims an equal right of examining freely any proposition for each human being. However, the right he claims isn’t always clear, and a close reading shows that, in fact, he successively defends three versions of this right, each weighing the role of equality differently. In the first section, where both values appear consistent with one another, claimed freedom and equality of rights are, in fact, in tension with one another and Collins hesitates too much to solve (...)
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  • Proč se hovoří o panteismu v renesanční filosofii?Tomáš Nejeschleba - 2018 - Pro-Fil 19 (1):2.
    Článek se zabývá pojmem panteismus v období renesance. Ačkoli termín panteismus se objevil až na konci 17. století a později v kontextu tzv. “Pantheismusstreit”, za předchůdce moderního panteistického myšlení byl označen renesanční filosof Giordano Bruno. Následně i Mikuláš Kusánský, a to jakožto pokračovatel myšlení Mistra Eckharta, začal být považován za panteistu. Jak Kusánský, tak Bruno v určitém smyslu obhajovali imanenci božského ve světě, avšak zároveň oba zdůrazňovali rozdíl mezi Bohem a přírodou a připisovali Bohu transcendenci nebo přinejmenším transcendentální aspekty. Toto (...)
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  • Heinrich Heine und die Strategie der radikalen Aufklärung Tolands Pantheisticon, Mesliers Mémoire, Holbachs System der Natur.Bodo Morawe - 2007 - Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift für Literaturwissenschaft Und Geistesgeschichte 81 (4):546-583.
    Wie Heine in den Memoiren bemerkt hat, sind ihm »alle Systeme der freyen Denker« seit seiner Schulzeit vertraut gewesen. Sie haben dauerhaft seinen »Unglauben« begründet. Der Aufsatz untersucht, welche Bedeutung das Denken und die Strategie der radikalen Aufklärung für den Dichter gehabt hat. Das betrifft erstens das Prinzip der zweifachen Lehre, zweitens die Methode des ›syllogismus practicus‹ und drittens die Glücksphilosophie.
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  • Sur les origines celtes de John Toland.Alan Harrison - 1995 - Revue de Synthèse 116 (2-3):345-355.
    Cet article établit que John Toland, né à la fin du xvne siècle, partageait la culture des Irlandais de langue maternelle gaélique. Il met en évidence l'intérêt de J. Toland, tout au long de sa vie, pour la culture et les langues celtes et repère l'influence de celles-ci sur le contenu et la présentation de ses idées peu orthodoxes.
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  • Cicero the Pantheist: a radical reading of Ciceronian scepticism in John Toland'sPantheisticon.Katherine A. East - 2016 - Intellectual History Review 26 (2):245-261.
    Towards the end of the philosophical treatise Pantheisticon, published from the imaginary state of Cosmopolis in 1720, the author John Toland acknowledged a debt owed by the Pantheists to Cicero fo...
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  • Toland and Locke in the Leibniz-Burnett Correspondence.Stewart Duncan - 2017 - Locke Studies 17:117-141.
    Leibniz's correspondence with Thomas Burnett of Kemnay is probably best known for Leibniz's attempts to communicate with Locke via Burnett. But Burnett was also, more generally a source of English intellectual news for Leibniz. As such, Burnett provided an important part of the context in which Locke was presented to and understood by Leibniz. This paper examines the Leibniz-Burnett correspondence, and argues against Jolley's suggestion that "the context in which Leibniz learned about Locke was primarily a theological one". That said, (...)
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