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Collected Papers

Journal of Philosophy 98 (5):269-272 (2001)

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  1. No Proviso: Habermas on Rawls, Religion and Public Reason.James Gordon Finlayson - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    In this article, I argue that a common view of Habermas’s theory of public reason, which takes it to be similar to Rawls’s ‘proviso’, is mistaken. I explain why that mistake arises, and show that those who have made it have thus overlooked the distinctiveness of Habermas’s theory and approach. Consequently, I argue, they tend to wrongly infer that objections directed at Rawls’s ‘proviso’ apply also to Habermas’s ‘institutional translation proviso’. Ironically, Habermas’s attempt to rebut those objections leads him to (...)
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  • Ontology and Political Theory: A Critical Encounter Between Rawls and Foucault.Irena Rosenthal - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (2):147488511665963.
    Contemporary political thought is deeply divided about the role of ontology in political thinking. Famously, political liberal John Rawls has argued that ontological claims are best to be avoided in political thought. In recent years, however, a number of theorists have claimed that ontology is essential to political philosophy. According to the contributors to this ‘ontological turn’, ontological investigations may foster the politicisation of hegemonic political theories and can highlight new possibilities for political life. This essay aims to contribute to (...)
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  • The Varieties of Normativity: An Essay on Social Ontology.Leo Zaibert & Barry Smith - 2007 - In Savas L. Tsohatzidis (ed.), Intentional Acts and Institutional Facts: Essays on John Searle’s Social Ontology. Springer. pp. 157-173.
    For much of the first fifty years of its existence, analytic philosophy shunned discussions of normativity and ethics. Ethical statements were considered as pseudo-propositions, or as expressions of pro- or con-attitudes of minor theoretical significance. Nowadays, in contrast, prominent analytic philosophers pay close attention to normative problems. Here we focus our attention on the work of Searle, at the same time drawing out an important connection between Searle’s work and that of two other seminal figures in this development: H.L.A. Hart (...)
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  • Tractatus practico-theoreticus.Nythamar De Oliveira - 2016 - Porto Alegre, Brazil: Editora Fi.
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  • Tractatus ethico-politicus.Nythamar De Oliveira - 1999 - Porto Alegre, Brazil: Edipucrs.
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  • Liberal Equality: Political Not Erinaceous.Matthew Clayton - 2016 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 19 (4):416-433.
    Ronald Dworkin’s Justice for Hedgehogs defends liberal political morality on the basis of a rich account of dignity as constitutive of living well. This article raises the Rawlsian concern that making political morality dependent on ethics threatens citizens’ political autonomy. Thereafter, it addresses whether the abandonment of ethical foundations signals the demise of Dworkin’s liberalism and explores the possibility of laundering his conception so as to facilitate a marriage between the political philosophies of Rawls and Dworkin. The article finishes by (...)
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  • Whole Set of Volume 1 No 1 (2010) of Comparative Philosophy.Bo Mou - 2010 - Comparative Philosophy 1 (1).
    Whole Set of Contents of Current Issue (for cross-reference reading and hard-copy preservation of the whole issue).
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  • A Neutral Conception of Reasonableness?Daniel M. Weinstock - 2006 - Episteme 3 (3):234-247.
    Much liberal theorizing of the past twenty years has been built around a conception of neutrality and an accompanying virtue of reasonableness according to which citizens ought to be able to view public policy debates from a perspective detached from their comprehensive conceptions of the good. The view of “justifi catory neutrality” that emerges from this view is discussed and rejected as embodying controversial views about the relationship of individuals to their conceptions of the good. It is shown to be (...)
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  • Raz on Authority and Democracy.David Rondel - 2012 - Dialogue 51 (2):211-230.
    ABSTRACT: I argue that Joseph Raz’s service conception of authority cannot convincingly account for the nature and source of democratic authority. It cannot explain why decisions made democratically are more likely to be sound than decisions made non-democratically, and therefore, why democratic decisions might be understood as constituting moral reasons for action and compliance independently of their instrumental dimensions. My argument is that democratic authority cannot be explained completely in terms of the truth or soundness of the outcomes it tends (...)
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  • The Priority of Respect Over Repair.Gregory C. Keating - 2012 - Legal Theory 18 (3):293-337.
    Contemporary tort theory is dominated by a debate between legal economists and corrective-justice theorists. Legal economists suppose that tortfeasors and tortious wrongs are false targets for cheapest cost-avoiders and avoidable future losses. Corrective-justice theorists argue powerfully that the economic account of tort as search for cheapest cost-avoiders with respect to future accidents does not capture the most fundamental fact about tort adjudication, namely, that the reason we hold defendants liable in tort is that they have wronged their victims and should (...)
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  • Corporate Institutions in a Weakened Welfare State: A Rawlsian Perspective.Sandrine Blanc & Ismael Al-Amoudi - 2013 - Business Ethics Quarterly 23 (4):497-525.
    This paper re-examines the import of Rawls’s theory of justice for private sector institutions in the face of the decline of the welfare state. The argument is based on a Rawlsian conception of justice as the establishment of a basic structure of society that guarantees a fair distribution of primary goods. We propose that the decline of the welfare state witnessed in Western countries over the past forty years prompts a reassessment of the boundaries of the basic structure in order (...)
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  • Objetificação e intolerância.Zeljko Loparic - 2007 - Natureza Humana 9 (1):51-95.
    Apoiando-se na fenomenologia filosófica e numa ciência factual , o artigo começa formulando dois problemas relativos à tolerância: 1) poder suportar os diferentes sentidos de realidade ou, respectivamente, os diferentes modos de dizer o real, e 2) poder estabelecer relacionamentos objetificantes e não-objetificantes com o mundo. Depois de mostrar que esses problemas foram sistematicamente negligenciados não somente pela literatura teológica, mas também pela filosófica , o artigo prossegue salientando que a linguagem apropriada para descrever a realidade objetificável pode ser invasiva (...)
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  • Rawlsian Objectivity.C. M. Melenovsky - 2018 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 4 (4):545-564.
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  • A Kantian Critique of the Care Tradition: Family Law and Systemic Justice.Helga Varden - 2012 - Kantian Review 17 (2):327-356.
    Liberal theories of justice have been rightly criticized for two things by care theorists. First, they have failed to deal with private care relations’ inherent (inter)dependency, asymmetry and particularity. Second, they have been shown unable properly to address the asymmetry and dependency constitutive of care workers’ and care-receivers’ systemic conditions. I apply Kant’s theory of right to show that current care theories unfortunately reproduce similar problems because also they argue on the assumption that good care requires only virtuous private individuals. (...)
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  • Rawls and Kantian Constructivism.Alexander Kaufman - 2012 - Kantian Review 17 (2):227-256.
    John Rawls's account of Kantian constructivism is perhaps his most striking contribution to ethics. In this paper, I examine the relation between Rawls's constructivism and its foundation in Kantian intuitions. In particular, I focus on the progressive influence on Rawls's approach of the Kantian intuition that the substance of morality is best understood as constructed by free and equal people under fair conditions. Rawls's focus on this Kantian intuition, I argue, motivates the focus on social contract that grounds both his (...)
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  • Wide Reflective Equilibrium and Conductive Argument.Steven Patterson & Charles V. Blatz - unknown
    In this paper I compare and contrast Rawls’s notion of reflective equilibrium with Wellman‘s notion of conductive argument. In the course of so doing I will address two key questions: Are conduc-tive argument and reflective equilibrium best understood as modes of reasoning or types of argument? and What relationship, if any, is there between them?
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  • Looking for the Kernel of Truth in Sandel’s 'The Case Against Perfection'.Faik Kurtulmuş - 2018 - Beytulhikme An International Journal of Philosophy 8 (2):521-534.
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  • Institutions for Global Justice.Nancy Kokaz - 2005 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 35 (sup1):65-107.
  • Two Models of Equality and Responsibility.Michael Blake & Mathias Risse - 2008 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 38 (2):165-199.
  • Pluralist Partially Comprehensive Doctrines, Moral Motivation, and the Problem of Stability.Ross Mittiga - 2017 - Res Publica 23 (4):409-429.
    Recent scholarship has drawn attention to John Rawls’s concern with stability—a concern that, as Rawls himself notes, motivated Part III of A Theory of Justice and some of the more important changes of his political turn. For Rawls, the possibility of achieving ‘stability for the right reasons’ depends on citizens possessing sufficient moral motivation. I argue, however, that the moral psychology Rawls develops to show how such motivation would be cultivated and sustained does not cohere with his specific descriptions of (...)
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  • The Implicit Argument for the Basic Liberties.C. M. Melenovsky - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (4):433-454.
    Most criticism and exposition of John Rawls’s political theory has focused on his account of distributive justice rather than on his support for liberalism. Because of this, much of his argument for protecting the basic liberties remains under explained. Specifically, Rawls claims that representative citizens would agree to guarantee those social conditions necessary for the exercise and development of the two moral powers, but he does not adequately explain why protecting the basic liberties would guarantee these social conditions. This gap (...)
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  • John Rawls Métaéthicien?Ophélie Desmons - 2018 - Dialogue 57 (3):473-497.
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  • Completing Rawls's Arguments for Equal Political Liberty and its Fair Value: The Argument From Self-Respect.Meena Krishnamurthy - 2013 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 43 (2):179-205.
    Despite the vast literature on Rawls's work, few have discussed his arguments for the value of democracy. When his arguments have been discussed, they have received staunch criticism. Some critics have charged that Rawls's arguments are not deeply democratic. Others have gone further, claiming that Rawls's arguments denigrate democracy. These criticisms are unsurprising, since Rawls's arguments, as arguments that the principle of equal basic liberty needs to include democratic liberties, are incomplete. In contrast to his trenchant remarks about core civil (...)
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  • Defending Reasonability: The Centrality of Reasonability in the Later Rawls.D. M. Rasmussen - 2004 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 30 (5-6):525-540.
    Against arguments that suggest that Rawls’s notion of reasonability is ‘obscure’ and ‘unclear’ I argue in this essay that the idea of reasonability in the later Rawls can be defended in three ways. First, it can be shown that reasonability is fundamental to the architectonic of the later work. Reasonability, and the subordination of reason to reasonability, is fundamental to the later (post-1980) writings. Second, it can be shown that reasonability is not necessarily a vague term as many have claimed. (...)
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  • Human Rights and the Rights of States: A Relational Account.Ariel Zylberman - 2016 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 46 (3):291-317.
    What is the relationship between human rights and the rights of states? Roughly, while cosmopolitans insist that international morality must regard as basic the interests of individuals, statists maintain that the state is of fundamental moral significance. This article defends a relational version of statism. Human rights are ultimately grounded in a relational norm of reciprocal independence and set limits to the exercise of public authority, but, contra the cosmopolitan, the state is of fundamental moral significance. A relational account promises (...)
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  • An Agency‐Based Capability Theory of Justice.Rutger Claassen - 2017 - European Journal of Philosophy 25 (4):1279-1304.
    The capability approach is one of the main contenders in the field of theorizing social justice. Each citizen is entitled to a set of basic capabilities. But which are these? Martha Nussbaum formulated a set of ten central capabilities. Amartya Sen argued they should be selected in a process of public reasoning. Critics object that the Nussbaum-approach is too perfectionist and the Sen-approach is too proceduralist. This paper presents a third alternative: a substantive but non-perfectionist capability theory of justice. It (...)
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  • What the Liberal State Should Tolerate Within Its Borders. [REVIEW]Andrew Jason Cohen - 2007 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 37 (4):479-513.
    Two normative principles of toleration are offered, one individual-regarding, the other group-regarding. The first is John Stuart Mill’s harm principle; the other is “Principle T,” meant to be the harm principle writ large. It is argued that the state should tolerate autonomous sacrifices of autonomy, including instances where an individual rationally chooses to be enslaved, lobotomized, or killed. Consistent with that, it is argued that the state should tolerate internal restrictions within minority groups even where these prevent autonomy promotion of (...)
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  • Science as Public Reason: A Restatement.Cristóbal Bellolio Badiola - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (4):415-432.
    According to John Rawls, the methods and conclusions of science—when these are non-controversial—constitute public reasons. However, several objections have been raised against this view. This paper focuses on two objections. On the one hand, the associational objection states that scientific reasons are the reasons of the scientific community, and thus paradigmatically non-public in the Rawlsian sense. On the other hand, the controversiality objection states that the non-controversiality requirement rules out their public character when scientific postulates are resisted by a significant (...)
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  • Formulating Moral Objectivity.Elizabeth Tropman - 2018 - Philosophia 46 (4):1023-1040.
    Objective moral facts are supposed to be independent from us, but it has proven difficult to provide a clear account of this independence condition. Objective moral facts cannot be overly independent of us, as even an objective morality would depend, in important respects, on features of us. The challenge is to respect these moral mind-dependencies without inappropriately counting too many moral facts as objective. In this paper, I delineate and evaluate several different versions of the independence condition in moral objectivity. (...)
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  • Stability and the Sense of Justice.Colin Grey - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (9):927-949.
    In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls’s first argument for the inherent stability of a well-ordered society seeks to establish that citizens of such a society would come to share the same or similar senses of justice. In his late work, Rawls significantly revised his second argument for stability, but he repeatedly pronounced himself satisfied with the first. However, the pluralism that so drastically reoriented Rawls’s mature theory also creates destabilizing forces absent in Theory. These destabilizing forces suggest that a (...)
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  • Is It Distinctively Wrong to Simulate Doing Wrong?John Tillson - 2018 - Ethics and Information Technology 20 (3):205-217.
    This paper is concerned with whether there is a moral difference between simulating wrongdoing and consuming non-simulatory representations of wrongdoing. I argue that simulating wrongdoing is (as such) a pro tanto wrong whose wrongness does not tarnish other cases of consuming representations of wrongdoing. While simulating wrongdoing (as such) constitutes a disrespectful act, consuming representations of wrongdoing (as such) does not. I aim to motivate this view in part by bringing a number of intuitive moral judgements into reflective equilibrium, and (...)
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  • Rawls.Sebastiano Maffettone - 2012 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 38 (9):901-915.
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  • Mind the Gap: Three Models of Democracy, One Missing; Two Political Paradigms, One Dwindling.Gerard Drosterij - 2007 - Contemporary Political Theory 6 (1):45-66.
    The article revisits two basic questions of political theory posed by Jon Elster. First, should the political process be defined as private or public, and second, should its purpose be understood instrumentally or intrinsically? Having posed these questions, Elster arrives at three views of politics: social choice , republican and discourse theory . I argue for a fourth view , and explain Elster's omission of this model by referring to his underlying paradigm of politics, that is, as will formation. The (...)
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