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  1. On Public Happiness.Vasti Roodt - 2014 - South African Journal of Philosophy 33 (4):455–467.
    Theories of happiness usually consider happiness as something that matters to us from a first-person perspective. In this paper, I defend a conception of public happiness that is distinct from private or first-person happiness. Public happiness is presented as a feature of the system of right that defines the political relationship between citizens, as opposed to their personal mental states, desires or well-being. I begin by outlining the main features of public happiness as an Enlightenment ideal. Next, I relate the (...)
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  • Moral Enhancement, Self-Governance, and Resistance.Pei-Hua Huang - 2018 - Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 43 (5):547-567.
    John Harris recently argues that the moral bioenhancement proposed by Persson and Savulescu can damage moral agency by depriving the recipients of their freedom to fall (freedom to make wrongful choices) and therefore should not be pursued. The link Harris makes between moral agency and the freedom to fall, however, implies that all forms of moral enhancement, including moral education, that aim to make the enhancement recipients less likely to “fall” are detrimental to moral agency. In this paper, I present (...)
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  • Normative Behaviourism and Global Political Principles.Jonathan Floyd - 2016 - Journal of International Political Theory 12 (2):152-168.
    This article takes a new idea, ‘normative behaviourism’, and applies it to global political theory, in order to address at least one of the problems we might have in mind when accusing that subject of being too ‘unrealistic’. The core of this idea is that political principles can be justified, not just by patterns in our thinking, and in particular our intuitions and considered judgements, but also by patterns in our behaviour, and in particular acts of insurrection and crime. The (...)
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  • Are Citizenship Tests Necessarily Illiberal?Michael Blake - 2019 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 22 (2):313-329.
    In recent years, many philosophers have argued that it is inherently illiberal to make citizenship for migrants conditional on a test. On these arguments, liberalism itself demands either that no test be administered, or that the test be so easy as to serve merely a symbolic function. In this paper, I make two claims in response to these ideas. The first is that a citizenship test - even a difficult one - is not inherently illiberal, when what is tested for (...)
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  • Breaking the Filter Bubble: Democracy and Design.Engin Bozdag & Jeroen van den Hoven - 2015 - Ethics and Information Technology 17 (4):249-265.
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  • Brainjacking in Deep Brain Stimulation and Autonomy.Jonathan Pugh, Laurie Pycroft, Anders Sandberg, Tipu Aziz & Julian Savulescu - 2018 - Ethics and Information Technology 20 (3):219-232.
  • Equality, Liberty and the Limits of Person-Centred Care’s Principle of Co-Production.Gabriele Badano - 2019 - Public Health Ethics 12 (2):176-187.
    The idea that healthcare should become more person-centred is extremely influential. By using recent English policy developments as a case study, this article aims to critically analyse an important element of person-centred care, namely, the belief that to treat patients as persons is to think that care should be ‘co-produced’ by formal healthcare providers and patients together with unpaid carers and voluntary organizations. I draw on insights from political philosophy to highlight overlooked tensions between co-production and values like equality and (...)
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  • Educational Equality: A Politico‐Temporal Approach.Tomas Wedin - 2019 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 53 (2):248-272.
    Journal of Philosophy of Education, EarlyView.
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  • Indiscriminate Mass Surveillance and the Public Sphere.Titus Stahl - 2016 - Ethics and Information Technology 18 (1):33-39.
    Recent disclosures suggest that many governments apply indiscriminate mass surveillance technologies that allow them to capture and store a massive amount of communications data belonging to citizens and non-citizens alike. This article argues that traditional liberal critiques of government surveillance that center on an individual right to privacy cannot completely capture the harm that is caused by such surveillance because they ignore its distinctive political dimension. As a complement to standard liberal approaches to privacy, the article develops a critique of (...)
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  • Hobbes and Human Irrationality.Sandra Field - 2015 - Global Discourse 5 (2):207-220.
    Hobbes’s science of politics rests on a dual analysis of human beings: humans as complex material bodies in a network of mechanical forces, prone to passions and irrationality; and humans as subjects of right and obligation, morally exhortable by appeal to the standards of reason. The science of politics proposes an absolutist model of politics. If this proposal is not to be idle utopianism, the enduring functioning of the model needs to be compatible with the materialist analysis of human behaviour. (...)
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  • Beyond the Search for the Subject: An Anti-Essentialist Ontology for Liberal Democracy.Samuel Bagg - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511876388.
    Reading Foucault’s work on power and subjectivity alongside “developmentalist” approaches to evolutionary biology, this article endorses poststructuralist critiques of political ideals grounded in the value of subjective agency. Many political theorists embrace such critiques, of course, but those who do are often skeptical of liberal democracy, and even of normative theory itself. By contrast, those who are left to theorize liberal democracy tend to reject or ignore poststructuralist insights, and have continued to employ dubious ontological assumptions regarding human agents. Against (...)
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  • Poetry and Ethics: Inventing Possibilities in Which We Are Moved to Action and How We Live Together.Obiora Ike, Andrea Grieder & Ignace Haaz (eds.) - 2018 - Geneva, Switzerland: Globethics Publications.
    This book on the topic of ethics and poetry consists of contributions from different continents on the subject of applied ethics related to poetry. It should gather a favourable reception from philosophers, ethicists, theologians and anthropologists from Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America and allows for a comparison of the healing power of words from various religious, spiritual and philosophical traditions. The first part of this book presents original poems that express ethical emotions and aphorism related to a philosophical questioning (...)
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  • Donation Without Domination: Private Charity and Republican Liberty.Robert S. Taylor - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy 26 (4):441-462.
    Contemporary republicans have adopted a less-than-charitable attitude toward private beneficence, especially when it is directed to the poor, worrying that rich patrons may be in a position to exercise arbitrary power over their impoverished clients. These concerns have led them to support impartial public provision by way of state welfare programs, including an unconditional basic income (UBI). In contrast to this administrative model of public welfare, I will propose a competitive model in which the state regulates and subsidizes a decentralized (...)
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  • Reclaiming Two Concepts of Liberty.Gideon Elford - 2013 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (3):228-246.
    The article responds to an influential critique of the view that there is a conceptual distinction between kinds of liberty. The critique in question began with Gerald MacCallum Jr’s famous argument that liberty is a single concept that has a triadic structure between agent, constraint, and end. Against this view, the article argues that the triadic structure offered by MacCallum is unable to conceptualize a particular distinct understanding of liberty. Following Charles Taylor, the article defends the view that there is (...)
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  • The Ethics of Resisting Deportation.Rutger Birnie - 2019 - Proceedings of the 2018 ZiF Workshop “Studying Migration Policies at the Interface Between Empirical Research and Normative Analysis”.
    Can anti-deportation resistance be justified, and if so how and by whom may, or perhaps should, unjust deportations be resisted? In this paper, I seek to provide an answer to these questions. The paper starts by describing the main forms and agents of anti-deportation action in the contemporary context. Subsequently, I examine how different justifications for principled resistance and disobedience may each be invoked in the case of deportation resistance. I then explore how worries about the resister’s motivation for engaging (...)
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  • Because It is Normative, Stupid! On the Role of Political Theory in Political Science.Roland Pierik - 2011 - Res Publica (Misc) 53 (1):9-29.
  • Democratic Freedom of Expression.Ricardo Restrepo - 2013 - Open Journal of Philosophy 3 (3):380-390.
    This paper suggests the democratic direction in which the right of freedom of expression should be conceived and applied. In the first two sections it suggests some counter-examples to, and diagnoses of, the libertarian and liberal conceptions of freedom of expression, taking Scanlon (1972) and Scanlon (1979), respectively, to be their chief proponents. The paper suggests that these conceptions cannot take into account clear examples, like fraudulent propaganda, which should not be legal. The democratic conception takes it to heart that (...)
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  • Self-Censorship for Democrats.Matthew Festenstein - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):324-342.
    On the face of it, self-censorship is profoundly subversive of democracy, particularly in its talk-centric forms, and undermines the culture of openness and publicity on which it relies. This paper has two purposes. The first is to develop a conception of self-censorship that allows us to capture what is distinctive about the concept from a political perspective and which allows us to understand the democratic anxiety about self-censorship: if it is not obvious that biting our tongues is always wrong, we (...)
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  • Right Relation and Right Recognition in Public Health Ethics: Thinking Through the Republic of Health.Bruce Jennings - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):168-177.
    The further development of public health ethics will be assisted by a more direct engagement with political theory. In this way, the moral vocabulary of the liberal tradition should be supplemented—but not supplanted—by different conceptual and normative resources available from other traditions of political and social thought. This article discusses four lines of further development that the normative conceptual discourse of public health ethics might take. The relational turn. The implications for public health ethics of the new ‘ecological’ or ‘relational’ (...)
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  • Democracy, Law and Relationships of Domination—A Response to ‘Can Republicanism Tame Public Health?’.Paul Scott - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):134-135.
    This brief comment responds to some of the issues raised by Daniel Weinstock’s paper on the application of the republican ideal to public health. It considers the application outside of that specific context of both the problem Weinstock identifies and the solution he proposes. It queries, with reference to the different sorts of relationships of domination which exist, whether a republican approach to public health might not be better to seek to begin from private relationships of domination and to define (...)
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  • Introduction: Towards a Republic of Health?Jurgen De Wispelaere & John Coggon - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):123-124.
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  • Epistocracy for Online Deliberative Bioethics.Giuseppe Schiavone, Matteo Mameli & Giovanni Boniolo - 2015 - Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 24 (3):272-280.
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  • Freedom as Non-Domination and Democratic Inclusion.Ludvig Beckman & Jonas Hultin Rosenberg - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (2):181-198.
    According to neo-republicans, democracy is morally justified because it is among the prerequisites for freedom as non-domination. The claim that democracy secures freedom as non-domination needs to explain why democratic procedures contribute to non-domination and for whom democracy secures non-domination. This requires an account of why domination is countered by democratic procedures and an account of to whom domination is countered by access to democratic procedures. Neo-republican theory of democracy is based on a detailed discussion of the former but a (...)
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  • A Further Defence of the Right Not to Vote.Ben Saunders - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (1):93-108.
    Opponents of compulsory voting often allege that it violates a ‘right not to vote’. This paper seeks to clarify and defend such a right against its critics. First, I propose that this right must be understood as a Hohfeldian claim against being compelled to vote, rather than as a mere privilege to abstain. So construed, the right not to vote is compatible with a duty to vote, so arguments for a duty to vote do not refute the existence of such (...)
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  • The Normativity of Democracy.Roberto Frega - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (3):371-392.
    The aim of this paper is to advance our understanding of the normative grammar of the concept of democracy by distinguishing two levels at which a political concept may play a normative function, a...
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  • Towards a Modest Legal Moralism.R. A. Duff - 2014 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 8 (1):217-235.
    After distinguishing different species of Legal Moralism I outline and defend a modest, positive Legal Moralism, according to which we have good reason to criminalize some type of conduct if it constitutes a public wrong. Some of the central elements of the argument will be: the need to remember that the criminal law is a political, not a moral practice, and therefore that in asking what kinds of conduct we have good reason to criminalize, we must begin not with the (...)
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  • Why Nothing is Justified by Justifiactory Liberalism.Philip D. Shadd - 2014 - Public Reason 6 (1-2).
    According to justificatory liberalism legal coercion is legitimate only when exercised for reasons that all reasonable persons can accept. That is, laws are legitimate only if they satisfy JL’s unanimity condition. This principle entails that if no law meets the unanimity condition, then no law is legitimate. However, given the diversity of persons who meet JL’s own twofold criteria of ‘reasonable’ – commitment to fair cooperation and recognition of reasonable pluralism – no law would be supported by all reasonable persons (...)
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  • Workers Without Rights as Citizens at the Margins.Virginia Mantouvalou - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (3):366-382.
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  • Defining the Demos.Ben Saunders - 2012 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 11 (3):280-301.
    Until relatively recently, few democrats had much to say about the constitution of the ‘demos' that ought to rule. A number of recent writers have, however, argued that all those whose interests are affected must be enfranchised if decision-making is to be fully democratic. This article criticizes this approach, arguing that it misunderstands democracy. Democratic procedures are about the agency of the people so only agents can be enfranchised, yet not all bearers of interests are also agents. If we focus (...)
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  • The European Union as a Demoicracy: Really a Third Way?Miriam Ronzoni - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (2):210-234.
    Should the EU be a federal union or an intergovernmental forum? Recently, demoicrats have been arguing that there exists a third alternative. The EU should be conceived as a demoicracy, namely a ‘Union of peoples who govern together, but not as one’. The demoi of Europe recognise that they affect one another’s democratic health, and hence establish a union to guarantee their freedom qua demoi – which most demoicrats cash out as non-domination. This is more than intergovernmentalism, because the demoi (...)
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  • Education and Non-Domination: Reflections From the Radical Tradition.Judith Suissa - 2019 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 38 (4):359-375.
    This paper explores the implications of a radical republican conception of freedom as non-domination, rooted in the anarchist tradition. In discussing both the non-statist theoretical frameworks and the practical educational experiments associated with this tradition, I suggest that it can add a valuable dimension to recent critical work in philosophy of education that draws on the republican idea of freedom as non-domination.
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  • Hayek’s Neo-Roman Liberalism.Sean Irving - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory.
    This article argues that Hayek employed a neo-Roman concept of liberty. It will show that Hayek’s definition of liberty conforms to that provided by Philip Pettit and Quentin Skinner, respectively...
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  • Ambiguity and Vagueness in Political Terminology: On Coding and Referential Imprecision.Keith Dowding & William Bosworth - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    Analytic political philosophy tries to make our political language more precise. But in doing so it risks departing from our natural language and intuitions. This article examines this tension. We...
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  • A Socialist Republican Theory of Freedom and Government.James Muldoon - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    In response to the republican revival of the ideal of freedom as non-domination, a number of ‘radical’, ‘labour’ and ‘workplace’ republicans have criticised the limitations of Philip Pettit’s accou...
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  • Republican Food Sovereignty.Matteo Bonotti - forthcoming - Philosophy and Social Criticism.
    This article defends a republican understanding of food sovereignty, according to which food sovereignty is the freedom of people to make choices related to food production, distribution and consum...
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  • Towards a Theory of Criminal Law?R. A. Duff - 2010 - Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 84 (1):1-28.
    After an initial discussion (§i) of what a theory of criminal law might amount to, I sketch (§ii) the proper aims of a liberal, republican criminal law, and discuss (§§iii–iv) two central features of such a criminal law: that it deals with public wrongs, and provides for those who perpetrate such wrongs to be called to public account. §v explains why a liberal republic should maintain such a system of criminal law, and §vi tackles the issue of criminalization—of how we (...)
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  • Should Surfers Be Ostracized? Basic Income, Liberal Neutrality, and the Work Ethos.Simon Birnbaum - 2011 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (4):396-419.
    Neutralists have argued that there is something illiberal about linking access to gift-like resources to work requirements. The central liberal motivation for basic income is to provide greater freedom to choose between different ways of life, including options attaching great importance to non-market activities and disposable time. As argued by Philippe Van Parijs, even those spending their days surfing should be fed. This article examines Van Parijs' dual commitment to a ‘real libertarian’ justification of basic income and the public enforcement (...)
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  • For the People: A Republican Stand on International Intervention.Maria Victoria Kristan - 2018 - Revista Latinoamericana de Filosofía Política 7 (1).
    International interventions have traditionally been justified on the basis of human rights violations, insofar as these strike us as intolerably unjust. In this paper I will argue that there are compelling reasons for the international community to consider political legitimacy as an additional value to be protected. I offer three independent arguments in favour of my claim. The first two arguments dwell on the relationship between democracy and human rights. The third aims to show that political legitimacy has logical and (...)
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  • Is Governance Democratic?Haye Hazenberg - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (3):285-307.
  • Unequal Residence Statuses and the Ideal of Non-Domination.Marit Hovdal-Moan - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (1):70-89.
  • Critical Notice of On the People's Terms: A Republican Theory and Model of Democracy, by Philip Pettit, Cambridge University Press, 2012, Xii+333pp. [REVIEW]David Dyzenhaus - 2013 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 43 (4):494-513.
    This paper is a critical notice of Philip Pettit's On the People's Terms: A Republican Theory and Model of Democracy. Pettit argues that only Republicanism can respond appropriately to the ‘evil of subjection to another's will – particularly in important areas of personal choice’ because its ideal of liberty – freedom as non-domination – both captures better than liberalism our commitment to individual liberty and explains better our commitment to the legitimacy of democratic decision-making than standard democrat accounts. If this (...)
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  • Republican Dignity: The Importance of Taking Offence.Jan-Willem van der Rijt - 2009 - Law and Philosophy 28 (5):465-492.
    This paper analyses the republican notion of non-domination from the viewpoint of individual dignity. It determines the aspect of individual dignity that republicans are concerned with and scrutinises how it is safeguarded by non-domination. I argue that the notion of non-domination as it is formulated by Pettit contains a number of ambiguities that need to be addressed. I discuss these ambiguities and argue for specific solutions that place great importance on a person's moral beliefs and his status as a moral (...)
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  • The Republican Ideal of Freedom as Non-Domination and the Rojava Experiment.Can Cemgil - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (4-5):419-428.
    This article problematizes the republican reliance on contemporary ‘states as they are’ as protectors and guarantors of the republican notion of freedom as non-domination. While the principle of freedom as non-domination constitutes an advance over the liberal principle of freedom as non-interference, its reliance on the national, territorial, legal-technical and extra-economic contemporary state prevents the theoretical uncovering of its full potential. The article argues that to make the most of the principle of freedom as non-domination, a strong Athenian element is (...)
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  • Tying Legitimacy to Political Power: Graded Legitimacy Standards for International Institutions.Antoinette Scherz - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511983813.
    International institutions have become increasingly important not only in the relations between states, but also for individuals. When are these institutions legitimate? The legitimacy standards for international institutions are predominantly either minimal or democratic and cannot capture the large variety of international institutions. This article develops an autonomy-based conception of legitimacy based on the justification of political power that is applicable to both international and domestic institutions. Political power as rule-setting is a particular normative threat to the personal and political (...)
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  • Sartre’s Analysis of Anti-Semitism and its Relevance for Today.Geoffrey Hinchliffe - 2018 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 51 (1):97-106.
    In the second half of 1944, Jean-Paul Sartre wrote an essay entitled ‘Anti-Semite and Jew’. He analyses what might be termed the moral pathology of the anti-Semite. Such a person, Sartre suggests, has chosen to enact a passion, a passion of hatred. The motive is the desire for ‘impenetrability’ – a disavowal of reasoned argument – and a pleasure taken in the assertion and re-assertion of what is known to be false. Sartre’s essay was written hurriedly and looking back over (...)
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  • Neorepublicanism and the Domination of Posterity.Corey Katz - 2017 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 20 (3):294-313.
    Some have recently argued that the current generation dominates future generations by causing long-term climate change. They relate these claims to Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett's neorepublican theory of domination. In this paper, I examine their claims and ask whether the neorepublican conception of domination remains theoretically coherent when the relation is between current agents and nonoverlapping future subjects. I differentiate between an ‘outcome’ and a ‘relational’ conception of domination. I show how both are theoretically coherent when extended to posterity (...)
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  • Responsibility in Practice: Hans Jonas as Environmental Political Theorist.Lewis Coyne - 2018 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 21 (2):229-245.
    ABSTRACTHans Jonas’ philosophy of responsibility is a major contribution to environmental ethics and political theory, but aspects of it have proven controversial. Jonas’ critics, in particular Richard Wolin, have argued that his thought is deeply reactionary. By contrast, Nathan Dinneen has sought to show that Jonas’ apparent eco-authoritarianism is misunderstood. I argue here that Dinneen’s interpretation is too probably too generous, but also that Wolin’s wholesale critique is fundamentally misguided. Rather, the vast majority of Jonas’ thought is of enduring value, (...)
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  • Epistemic Freedom and Education.Geoffrey Hinchliffe - 2018 - Ethics and Education 13 (2):191-207.
    First of all, I define the concept of epistemic freedom in the light of the changing nature of educational practice that prioritise over-prescriptive conceptions of learning. I defend the ‘reality’ of this freedom against possible determinist-related criticisms. I do this by stressing the concept of agency as characterised by ‘becoming’. I also discuss briefly some of the technical literature on the subject. I then move on to discuss Gramsci’s concept of hegemony and Foucault’s idea of ‘productive power’: I argue for (...)
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  • Political Reconciliation at the Level of Global Governance.Henning Hahn - 2017 - Journal of Global Ethics 13 (3):298-311.
    ABSTRACTThis article applies the idea of political reconciliation to current debates on the role and legitimacy of global governance. My underlying thesis is that the idea of reconciliation fits better with the non-ideal circumstances of global injustice. To this end, I will first of all develop a three-tiered model of political reconciliation and introduce the related concept of restorative justice. I will then look at some of the most obvious forms of international and global injustice – historical injustice, economic exploitation, (...)
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  • Smoke and Mirrors: Subverting Rationality, Positive Freedom, and Their Relevance to Nudging and/or Smoking Policies.Timothy Houk, Russell DiSilvestro & Mark Jensen - 2016 - American Journal of Bioethics 16 (7):20-22.
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