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  1. Issues and Nonissues in the Origins of Language.Wendy K. Wilkins & Jennie Wakefield - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):205-226.
    This response clarifies the nature of reappropriation and the definition of language. It explicates the relationship between neural systems and language and between homology and evolutionary gradualism. Through a review of ape capacities in the realms of language and tool use, it distinguishes human language acquisition from nonhuman learning. Finally, it suggests the appropriate sorts of evidence on which to base further evolutionary arguments relevant to the origins of language.
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  • Palaeoneurology of Language: Grounds for Scepticism.Elizabeth Whitcombe - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):204-205.
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  • Bartering Old Stone Tools: When Did Communicative Ability and Conceptual Structure Begin to Interact?Stephen F. Walker - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):203-204.
    Wilkins & Wakefield are clearly right to separate linguistic capacity from communicative ability, if only because other animal species have one without the other. But I question the abruptness of the demarcation they make between a period when hominids evolved enriched conceptual representation for other reasons entirely, and a subsequent later stage when language use became an adaptation.
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  • Stone Tools and Conceptual Structure.James Steele - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):202-203.
    Understanding how conceptual structures inform stone tool production and use would help us resolve the issue of a pongid-hominid dichotomy in brain organisation and cognitive ability. Evidence from ideational apraxia suggests that the planning of linguistic and manipulative behaviours is not colocalized in homologous circuits. An alternative account in terms of the evolutionary expansion of the whole prefrontal-premotor area may be more plausible.
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  • Conceptual Structure and Syntax.Frederick J. Newmeyer - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):202-202.
  • Apes and Language: Human Uniqueness Again?Robert W. Mitchell & H. Lyn Miles - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):200-201.
  • The Hominid Tool-Language Connection: Some Missing Evolutionary Links?A. Maryanski - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):199-200.
    This commentary criticizes Wilkins & Wakefield's thesis that the neurological precursors of language provide a cognitive Rubicon to linguistically divide human from nonhuman primates. A causal model of their theory is presented, followed by a discussion of the relationship between brain expansion and tool use, Broca's area and the parietaloccipital-temporal junction (POT).
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  • Semiogenesis as a Continuous, Not a Discrete, Phenomenon.Jo Liska - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):198-199.
    This commentary confronts one of the central tenets advanced in Wilkins & Wakefield's target article: By adopting a very narrow perspective on language, the authors have effectively limited discussion of earlier linguistic capabilities thought to be at least facilitative of, if not prerequisite to language defined as a An alternative conceptualization for describing semiogenesis is offered.
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  • Manual Versus Speech Motor Control and the Evolution of Language.Philip Lieberman - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):197-198.
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  • Coming of Age in Olduvai and the Zaire Rain Forest.Justin Leiber - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):196-197.
  • Issues in Neo- and Paleoneurology of Language.Harry J. Jerison - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):195-196.
    Wilkins and Wakefield's hypothesis that language is fundamentally a cognitive rather than cominunicational adaptation is reasonable, but there are flaws in their anatomical and fossil evidence. Their analysis of reorganization also needs clarification. Finally, the origin of language ability must have occurred with australopithecine rather than habiline adaptations on entry into the novel hominid adaptive zone.
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  • Language as a Multimodal Sensory Enhancement System.Bob Jacobs & John M. Horner - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):194-195.
    Several claims made by Wilkins & Wakefield require qualification. First, the proposed delineation of the parietal-occipital-temporal junction (POT) is overly restrictive. Second, focusing exclusively on the evolutionary importance of manual manipulation oversimplifies interacting evolutionary preconditions for language. Finally, Wilkins and Wakefield's perspective adheres to a homocentric, formal, linguistic definition of language instead of viewing language as a multimodal sensory enhancement system unique to each species.
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  • Neural Preconditions for Proto-Language.James R. Hurford & Simon Kirby - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):193-194.
  • Evidence for POT Expansion in Early Homo: A Pretty Theory with Ugly (or No) Paleoneurological Facts.Ralph L. Holloway - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):191-193.
    If POT (parieto-occipital-temporal junction) reorganization came earlier in australopithecines than in Homo, it is likely that the selective pressures were different, and not necessarily directed toward language. The brain endocast evidence for the POT in A. afarensis is actually better than it is for early Homo.
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  • Human Language: Are Nonhuman Precursors Lacking?Marc D. Hauser & Nathan D. Wolfea - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):190-191.
    Contra Wilkins & Wakefield, we argue that an evolutionarily inspired approach to language must consider different facets of language (i.e., more than syntax and semantics), and must explore the possibility of nonhuman precursors. Several examples are discussed, illustrating the power of the comparative approach in illuminating our understanding of language evolution.
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  • Solving the Language Origins Puzzle: Collecting and Assembling All Pertinent Pieces.Kathleen R. Gibson - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):189-190.
    Wilkins & Wakefield fall short of solving the language origin puzzle because they underestimate the cognitive and linguistic capacities of great apes. A focus on ape capacities leads to the recognition of varied levels of cognition and language and to a gradualistic model of language emergence in which early hominid language skills exceed those of the apes but fall far short of those of modern humans or later fossil hominid groups.
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  • A Case for Auditory Temporal Processing as an Evolutionary Precursor to Speech Processing and Language Function.Roslyn Holly Fitch & Paula Tallal - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):189-189.
  • Neurolinguistic Models and Fossil Reconstructions.Merlin Donald - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):188-189.
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  • Complex Behaviors: Evolution and the Brain.William O. Dingwall - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):186-188.
    Three issues are addressed in this commentary. (1) Wilkins & Wakefield are commended for placing the complex behavior they discuss within an evolutionary matrix. (2) They err on a number of points in regard to their treatment of this complex behavior. These involve (a) their emphasis on the evolution of conceptual structure rather than language, (b) their equation of meaning with reference, (c) their minimalist view of learning theory, and (d) their separation of the evolution of speech from that of (...)
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  • Lending a Hand.Michael C. Corballis - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):185-186.
  • Single Words, Multiple Words, and the Functions of Language.A. Charles Catania - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):184-185.
    Wilkins & Wakefield assign importance to motor systems but skip from anatomy to cognitive structure with little attention to behavior. Organisms, no matter how sophisticated, that do not behave in accord with what they know will fall by the evolutionary wayside. Facts about behavior can supplement the authors' theory, whose hierarchical structures can accommodate an evolutionary scenario in which a million years or more of functionally varied utterances mainly limited to single words is followed by an explosion of linguistic diversity (...)
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  • Is Preadaptation for Language a Necessary Assumption?David J. Bryant - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):183-184.
    Preadaptation for language is an unnecessary assumption because intermediate stages of linguistic ability are possible and adaptive. Language could have evolved through gradual selection from structures exhibiting few features associated with modern structures. Without physical evidence pertaining to language ability in prehabilis hominids, it remains possible that selective pressures for language use preceded and necessitated modern neurolinguistic structures.
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  • Finding the True Place of Homo Habilis in Language Evolution.Derek Bickerton - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):182-183.
    Despite some sound basic assumptions, Wilkins & Wakefield portray a Homo habilis too linguistically sophisticated to fit in with the subsequent fossil record and thereby lose a reasoned explanation for human innovativeness. They err, too, in accepting a single-level model of conceptual structure and in deriving initial linguistic units from calls, a process far more dubious than the derivation of home-sign from naive gesture.
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  • Brains Evolution and Neurolinguistic Preconditions.Wendy K. Wilkins & Jennie Wakefield - 1995 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 18 (1):161-182.
    This target article presents a plausible evolutionary scenario for the emergence of the neural preconditions for language in the hominid lineage. In pleistocene primate lineages there was a paired evolutionary expansion of frontal and parietal neocortex (through certain well-documented adaptive changes associated with manipulative behaviors) resulting, in ancestral hominids, in an incipient Broca's region and in a configurationally unique junction of the parietal, occipital, and temporal lobes of the brain (the POT). On our view, the development of the POT in (...)
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  • Connectionist Psycholinguistics: Capturing the Empirical Data.Morten H. Christiansen & Nick Chater - 2001 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 5 (2):82-88.
  • Comprehension of Reversible Sentences in “Agrammatism”: A Meta-Analysis.Rita Sloan Berndt, Charlotte C. Mitchum & Anne N. Haendiges - 1996 - Cognition 58 (3):289-308.
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  • When Passives Are Easier Than Actives: Two Case Studies of Aphasic Comprehension.Judit Druks & John C. Marshall - 1995 - Cognition 55 (3):311-331.
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  • The Brain Circuitry of Syntactic Comprehension.Edith Kaan & Tamara Y. Swaab - 2002 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 6 (8):350-356.
  • Sensitivity to Grammatical Structure in Agrammatic Aphasics: A Reply to Linebarger, Schwartz and Saffran.Edgar Zurif & Yosef Grodzinsky - 1983 - Cognition 15 (1-3):207-213.
  • Syntactic Processing in Agrammatism: A Reply to Zurif and Grodzinsky.Marcia C. Linebarger, Myrna F. Schwartz & Eleanor M. Saffran - 1983 - Cognition 15 (1-3):215-225.
  • Language Mechanisms and Reading Disorder: A Modular Approach.Donald Shankweiler & Stephen Crain - 1986 - Cognition 24 (1-2):139-168.
  • Processing Distinctions Between Stems and Affixes: Evidence From a Non-Fluent Aphasic Patient.Lorraine K. Tyler, Susan Behrens, Howard Cobb & William Marslen-Wilson - 1990 - Cognition 36 (2):129-153.
  • Disorders of Lexical Selection.Merrill Garrett - 1992 - Cognition 42 (1-3):143-180.
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  • Syntactic Loss Versus Processing Deficit: An Assessment of Two Theories of Agrammatism and Syntactic Comprehension Deficits.Randi C. Martin, W. Frederick Wetzel, Carol Blossom-Stach & Edward Feher - 1989 - Cognition 32 (2):157-191.
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  • Language Deficits, Localization, and Grammar: Evidence for a Distributive Model of Language Breakdown in Aphasic Patients and Neurologically Intact Individuals.Frederic Dick, Elizabeth Bates, Beverly Wulfeck, Jennifer Aydelott Utman, Nina Dronkers & Morton Ann Gernsbacher - 2001 - Psychological Review 108 (4):759-788.
  • Paragrammatisms.Brian Butterworth & David Howard - 1987 - Cognition 26 (1):1-37.
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  • Syntactic Determinants of Sentence Comprehension in Aphasia.David Caplan, Catherine Baker & Francois Dehaut - 1985 - Cognition 21 (2):117-175.
  • On the Parity of Structural Persistence in Language Production and Comprehension.Kristen M. Tooley & Kathryn Bock - 2014 - Cognition 132 (2):101-136.
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  • In Defense of Agrammatism.David Caplan - 1986 - Cognition 24 (3):263-276.
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  • How Verbs and Non-Verbal Categories Navigate the Syntax/Semantics Interface: Insights From Cognitive Neuropsychology.Michele Miozzo, Kyle Rawlins & Brenda Rapp - 2014 - Cognition 133 (3):621-640.
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  • What Do Double Dissociations Prove?G. Van Orden - 2001 - Cognitive Science 25 (1):111-172.
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  • Grammatical Morphemes and Conceptual Structure in Discourse Processing.Daniel G. Morrow - 1986 - Cognitive Science 10 (4):423-455.
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  • What Do Double Dissociations Prove?Guy C. Orden, Bruce F. Pennington & Gregory O. Stone - 2001 - Cognitive Science 25 (1):111-172.
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  • A Probabilistic Constraints Approach to Language Acquisition and Processing.Mark S. Seidenberg & Maryellen C. MacDonald - 1999 - Cognitive Science 23 (4):569-588.
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  • The Battle for Broca’s Region.Yosef Grodzinsky & Andrea Santi - 2008 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 12 (12):474-480.
  • A Computer Model of the Temporal Course of Agrammatic Sentence Understanding: The Effects of Variation in Severity and Sentence Complexity.Henk J. Haarmann & Herman H. J. Kolk - 1991 - Cognitive Science 15 (1):49-87.
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