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In defence of nationality

In Derek Matravers & Jonathan E. Pike (eds.), Debates in Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Anthology. Routledge, in Association with the Open University. pp. 3-16 (2003)

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  1. Interaction‐Dependent Justice and the Problem of International Exclusion.Raffaele Marchetti - 2005 - Constellations 12 (4):487-501.
  • Self-Determination and Resource Rights: In Defence of Territorial Jurisdiction Over Natural Resources.Ayelet Banai - 2016 - Res Publica 22 (1):9-20.
    Is territorial jurisdiction over natural resources justified? This paper argues that a freedom-based account of self-determination coupled with ‘functionalist’ justifications of territorial right support territorial jurisdiction over natural resources. This justification simultaneously gives rise to limits on the permissible exercise of the right: the principles of reciprocity and generality, and of equal freedom. This ‘reciprocal’ view on territorial jurisdiction over natural resources, defended here, differs from two alternatives: the traditional sovereignty view on the one hand and the transnational jurisdiction view—which (...)
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  • Inherited Obligations and Generational Continuity.Janna Thompson - 1999 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 29 (4):493-515.
    Those who believe that they have special obligations to their community — to their family, state or nation, clan, tribe, or cultural group — often insist that they have duties not merely to present and future members. They also claim to have responsibilities to, or in respect to, their predecessors. David Miller, in his defence of ‘nationality,’ claims that the existence of a nation as a historical community is one of the features which make it ‘a community of obligation.’ ‘“Because (...)
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  • Inherited Obligations and Generational Continuity.Janna Thompson - 1999 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 29 (4):493-515.
    Those who believe that they have special obligations to their community — to their family, state or nation, clan, tribe, or cultural group — often insist that they have duties not merely to present and future members. They also claim to have responsibilities to, or in respect to, their predecessors. David Miller, in his defence of ‘nationality,’ claims that the existence of a nation as a historical community is one of the features which make it ‘a community of obligation.’ ‘“Because (...)
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  • What Is Wrong with Secession?Pouya Lotfi Yazdi - manuscript
    In this article, it is argued that the right to secede represents a political act and both necessarily and multilaterally, a right to secede is a right to territory. Next, to tackle the trouble related to secession, some normative strategies on nationalist concerns of secession are suggested. Moreover, an institutional argument of the Remedial Right Theories is criticized and a noninstitutional argument against unilateral or consensual secession is presented. Lastly, the legal aspect of this theory will be discussed philosophically. Well, (...)
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  • Facts, Principles, and Global Justice: Does the ‘Real World’ Matter?Johann Go - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-21.
    The world is undeniably full of injustice. Many feel that much political philosophy is practically impotent and engaged instead in overly abstract theorising insufficiently sensitive to the realities of the world. One response to this concern is David Miller’s influential model of evidence-based political philosophy, which claims to be sensitive to empirical evidence from the social sciences, takes seriously people’s opinions, and defends the role of facts in grounding normative principles. Using various examples from the field of global justice, one (...)
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  • The Possibility of Nationalist Feminism.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2003 - Hypatia 18 (3):135-160.
    Most Third World feminists consider nationalism as detrimental to feminism. Against this general trend, I argue that “polycentric” nationalism has potentials for advocating feminist causes in the Third World. “Polycentric” nationalism, whose proper goal is the attainment and maintenance of national self-determination, is still relevant in this neocolonial age of capitalist globalization and may serve feminist purposes of promoting the well-being of the majority of Third World women who suffer disproportionately under this system.
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  • Non-Citizen Children and the Right to Stay – a Discourse Ethical Approach.Jonathan Josefsson - 2019 - Ethics and Global Politics 12 (3):32-49.
  • Transnational Standards of Social Protection: Contrasting European and International Governance.Poul F. Kjaer & Christian Joerges (eds.) - 2008 - Oslo: ARENA.
    The Report presents insights which illuminates the intertwinements of European regulatory policies and global governance arrangements. By pinning down the exact nature of the interaction between these two levels, the EU’s dilemma becomes obvious: On the one hand, stronger global governance can be a chance, through which the EU can clarify its own raison d’être of increased integration to the wider world. On the other hand, the design of the European project is being challenged by more assertive global structures. This (...)
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  • Justice and Peaceful Cooperation.Michael Moehler - 2009 - Journal of Global Ethics 5 (3):195-214.
    Justice is important, but so is peaceful cooperation. In this article, I argue that if one takes seriously the autonomy of individuals and groups and the fact of moral pluralism, a just system of cooperation cannot guarantee peaceful cooperation in a pluralistic world. As a response to this consideration, I develop a contractarian theory that can secure peace in a pluralistic world of autonomous agents, assuming that the agents who exist in this world expect that peaceful cooperation is the most (...)
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  • Bioconservatism, Partiality, and the Human-Nature Objection to Enhancement.Pugh Jonathan, Guy Kahane & Julian Savulescu - 2016 - The Monist 99 (4):406-422.
    “Bioconservatives” in the human enhancement debate endorse the conservative claim that we should reject the use of biotechnologies that enhance natural human capacities. However, they often ground their objections to enhancement with contestable claims about human nature that are also in tension with other common tenets of conservatism. We argue that bioconservatives could raise a more plausible objection to enhancement by invoking a strain of conservative thought developed by G.A. Cohen. Although Cohen’s conservatism is not sufficient to fully revive the (...)
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  • Is There a Liberal Right to Secede From a Liberal State?Matthew J. Webb - 2006 - TRAMES 10 (4):371-386.
    This paper explores the question of whether there can be a right to secede from a liberal state by examining the concept of a liberal state and the different forms of liberalism that may be appealed to in order to justify secession. It argues that where the foundations of the state’s legitimacy are conceived in terms of a non-derivative right to self-determination, then secession from a liberal state may be a justified form of action for different types of groups including (...)
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  • Children at the Borders.Josefsson Jonathan - 2016 - Dissertation, Linköping University
    In the wake of a steady flow of child migrants attempting to cross borders and states’ efforts to restrict immigration, various public controversies have arisen about the rights of asylum-seeking children. The ‘moral gap’ between the outcome of democratically enacted laws and the aim of controlling immigration, on the one hand, and public calls to protect the universal rights of asylum seeking children, on the other, have created a political challenge for Western democracies. This thesis sets out to examine two (...)
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  • Liberalism, Nationality and Education.John White - 1996 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 15 (1-2):193-199.
  • Against Nationalism.Harry Brighouse - 1996 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy, Supplementary Volume 22:365-405.
  • Rawls and International Justice.Juha Räikkä - 1997 - Philosophia 25 (1-4):163-189.
  • Education and Nationality.John White - 1996 - Philosophy of Education 30 (3):327-343.
    The paper argues that nationality and national sentiment have been, until recently, neglected concepts in liberal, as distinct from conservative, political and educational philosophy, It claims that, appropriately detachedfrom nationalistic ideas associated with the political right, the promotion of national sentiment as an educational aim is not incompatible with liberalism and, more strongly, may be desirablefor reasons of personal and cultural identity as well asfor redistributive reasons. The paper then explores issues to do with British nationality inparticular, arguingfor a remodelled (...)
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  • Remedial Responsibilities Beyond Nations.Thom Brooks - 2014 - Journal of Global Ethics 10 (2):156-166.
    David Miller's theory of nationalism and national responsibility offers the leading alternative ‘anticosmopolitan’ theory of global justice. His theory claims that ‘nations’ may be held responsible for the benefits and harms resulting from their collective decisions. Nations may be held remedially responsible to help nations in need even where the former lack causal or moral responsibility, for example. This article critically examines Miller's position that remedial responsibilities – the responsibilities of nations to remedy others in need – can and should (...)
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  • Liberalism, Communitarianism, and Political Community.Chandran Kukathas - 1996 - Social Philosophy and Policy 13 (1):80.
    The primary concern of this essay is with the question “What is a political community?” This question is important in its own right. Arguably, the main purpose of political philosophy is to provide an account of the nature of political association and, in so doing, to describe the relations that hold between the individual and the state. The question is also important, however, because of its centrality in contemporary debate about liberalism and community.
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  • Social Unity in a Liberal State.Will Kymlicka - 1996 - Social Philosophy and Policy 13 (1):105.
    Around the world, multiethnic states are in trouble. Many have proven unable to create or sustain any sense of solidarity across ethnic lines. The members of one ethnic group are unwilling to respect the rights of the members of other groups, or to make sacrifices for them, and have no trust that any sacrifice they might make will be reciprocated. Recent events show that where this sort of solidarity and trust is lacking, the consequences can be disastrous. In some countries, (...)
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  • National Sentiment in Civic Education.Kevin Williams - 1995 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 29 (3):433–440.
  • Collective Agents and Group Moral Rights.Anna Moltchanova - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (1):23-46.
  • National Sentiment in Civic Education.Kevin Williams - 1995 - Philosophy of Education 29 (3):433-440.
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  • Lydia L. Moland. Hegel On Political Identity. Patriotism, Nationality, Cosmopolitanism. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 2011. ISBN 978-0-8101-2857-6, Pbk. Pp. 223. [REVIEW]Louis Carré - 2015 - Hegel Bulletin 36 (1):122-128.
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  • Education and Nationality.John White - 1996 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 30 (3):327–343.
    The paper argues that nationality and national sentiment have been, until fairly recently, neglected topics in liberal, as distinct from conservative, political and educational philosophy. It claims that the promotion of national sentiment as an educational aim is not incompatible with liberalism, and may indeed be desirable for reasons of personal and cultural identity as well as for redistributive reasons. It then explores a remodelled conception of British nationality in particular; and finally looks at curricular implications.
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  • Motivating the Global Demos.Daniel Weinstock - 2009 - Metaphilosophy 40 (1):92-108.
    Abstract: Debates about the possibility of global democracy and justice are plagued by a fallacious assumption made by all parties. That assumption is that there is a "naturalness" to relations among fellow nationals to which a global demos could never aspire. In fact, nation builders employed a great many tools that mobilized the psychological and moral susceptibilities of individuals in order to create a sense of solidarity out of initially heterogeneous elements. Two such tools are described and then applied to (...)
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