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  1. Nationalism and Crisis.Enrique Camacho - 2017 - Tópicos: Revista de Filosofía 52:427-456.
    Nationalism seems a persistent ideology in academia as much as in politics; despite the fact that it has been shown that nationalism is deeply unjust for minorities. A case for national identity is often invoked to supplement liberalism regarding the inner difficulties that liberal theories have to explain their membership, assure stability and produce endorsement. So, it seems that national identity may also be required for justice. While this controversy continues, I argue that a different approach is available. We can (...)
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  • Democracy and Territory. A Necessary Link?Anna Meine - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-24.
  • Towards a Non-Ideal Theory of Climate Migration.Joachim Wündisch - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-32.
  • Public Health and the Rights of States.A. Miklos - 2009 - Public Health Ethics 2 (2):158-170.
    When exercising their public health powers, states claim various rights against their subjects and aliens. The paper considers whether public health considerations can help justify some of these rights, and explores some constraints on the justificatory force of public health considerations. I outline two arguments about the moral grounds for states’ rights with regard to public health. The principle of fairness emphasizes that those who benefit from public health measures ought to contribute their fair share in upholding them. Alternatively, states’ (...)
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  • Qué está mal con el colonialismo.Lea Ypi - 2016 - Signos Filosóficos 18 (36).
    En este trabajo se pide suponer que algo está mal con el colonialismo, con lo cual se hace una revisión de las principales posturas que intentan justificarlo, para mostrar que no resuelven correctamente ciertos cuestionamientos.
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  • Coercion of Foreigners, Territory and Compensation.Chris Bertram - manuscript
    Justifications for state authority are typically directed towards the good of those subject to that authority. But, because of their territorial nature, states exercise coercion not only towards insiders but also towards non-members. Such coercion can take the form of denying outsiders the right to enter a territory or to settle in it permanently, as well as various restraints on trade and association. When coercion is directed at insiders, it often comes packaged with various claims about distributive justice, including claims (...)
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  • Political Legitimacy.Anthony M. Musonda - unknown
  • The Necessary Connection Between Internal and External State Legitimacy: Concerns Regarding Intervention.Ryan Philip Mott - 2013 - Journal of Global Ethics 9 (1):1-22.
    It has been traditional in political philosophy to take internal and external state legitimacy as resting on distinct criteria. However, this is a view that is currently being challenged. Assuming that internal and external legitimacy rely on the same criterion, a possible worry that arises is that an unacceptable amount of intervention will necessarily become justifiable. I argue that such worries are not significant and that they do not rule out this alternative to the traditional view.
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  • Attachment to Territory: Status or Achievement?Avery Kolers - 2012 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 42 (2):101-123.
    It is by now widely agreed that a theory of territorial rights must be able to explain attachment or particularity: what can link a particular group to a particular place with the kind of normative force necessary to forbid encroachment or colonization?1 Attachment is one of the pillars on which any successful theory of territory will have to stand. But the notion of attachment is not yet well understood, and such agreement as does exist relies on unexamined assumptions. One such (...)
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  • Owning Land Versus Governing a Land: Property, Sovereignty, and Nationalism: Sam Fleischacker.Sam Fleischacker - 2013 - Social Philosophy and Policy 30 (1-2):373-403.
    This essay attempts to clarify the distinction between property and sovereignty, and to bring out the importance of that distinction to a liberal nationalism. Beginning with common intuitions about what distinguishes our rights to our possessions from the state's rightful governance over us, it proceeds to explore some historical sources of these intuitions, and the importance of a sharp distinction between ownership and governance to the rise of liberalism. From here, the essay moves into an exploration of group ownership, and (...)
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  • Do Territorial Rights Include the Right to Exclude?Cara Nine - 2019 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 18 (4):307-322.
    Do territorial rights include the right to exclude? This claim is often assumed to be true in territorial rights theory. And if this claim is justified, a state may have a prima facie right to unil...
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  • What is the Right to Exclude Immigrants?Sune Lægaard - 2010 - Res Publica 16 (3):245-262.
    It is normally taken for granted that states have a right to control immigration into their territory. When immigration is raised as a normative issue two questions become salient, one about what the right to exclude is, and one about whether and how it might be justified. This paper considers the first question. The paper starts by noting that standard debates about immigration have not addressed what the right to exclude is. Standard debates about immigration furthermore tend to result either (...)
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  • The Mystery of Territory.Fernando R. Tesón - 2015 - Social Philosophy and Policy 32 (1):25-50.
    :This essay argues that the territorial rights of states derive from the property rights of the individuals that make up those states. The argument draws from the Lockean tradition of justification of political powers. Persons in the state of nature have natural rights. Those rights are first-order substantive rights, and second-order executive rights In the social contract, individuals transfer to the state their executive rights, not their substantive rights. The state can thus define the boundaries of property rights and adjudicate (...)
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  • Clean Trade, Anti-Paternalism, and Resources’ Entitlement.Valentina Gentile - 2017 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche 7 (1):79-94.
    In this paper, I examine whether Wenar's Bloody Oil ( 2016) succeeds in providing a theory able to accommodate the statist commitment to peoples’ sovereignty without dismissing the cosmopolitan concern regarding a just global market. Contextualising Blood Oil within the broader debate on global justice and resource ownership, I focus on some specific aspects of Wenar’s Clean Trade scheme and explain why it comes to quite radical conclusions. Yet, if these conclusions are taken seriously, Clean Trade seems too demanding from (...)
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  • The Basic Structure and the Principles of Justice.András Miklós - 2011 - Utilitas 23 (2):161-182.
    This paper develops an account of how economic and political institutions can limit the applicability of principles of justice even in non-relational cosmopolitan conceptions. It shows that fundamental principles of justice underdetermine fair distributive shares as well as justice -based requirements. It argues that institutions partially constitute the content of justice by determining distributive shares and by resolving indeterminacies about justice -based requirements resulting from strategic interaction and disagreement. In the absence of existing institutions principles of justice might not be (...)
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  • La justification des droits juridictionnels.Daniel Kofman - 2012 - Philosophiques 39 (2):379-392.
    Daniel Kofman | : La littérature philosophique récente concernant les droits juridictionnels suppose qu’on puisse les justifier par une « théorie des droits territoriaux », sans faire appel à une théorie de l’autodétermination. Or les principes d’autodétermination des peuples devraient déterminer les principes des frontières juridictionnelles, et non le contraire. Les « droits territoriaux » sont essentiellement des droits de gouvernance, lesquels découlent eux-mêmes des principes d’autodétermination. Pour défendre ces thèses, je critique les arguments de Brilmayer, Simmons, et Stilz. | (...)
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  • Justice et théories contestées du territoire.Margaret Moore - 2012 - Philosophiques 39 (2):339.
    Les questions de justice soulevées par la possession du territoire sont nombreuses. Qui a droit à quoi ? La distribution est-elle équitable ? Quels sont les droits censés découler d’un droit au territoire ? Et il y en a bien d’autres. Le présent article met en évidence que ces questions de justice sont abordées sous une perspective plutôt différente selon la conception que l’on se fait du territoire. Il existe à ce dernier égard deux courants dominants : le premier, souvent (...)
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  • On Rights to Land, Expulsions, and Corrective Justice.Margaret Moore - 2013 - Ethics and International Affairs 27 (4):429-447.
    This article examines the nature of the wrongs that are inflicted on individuals and groups who have been expelled from the land that they previously occupied, and asks what they might consequently be owed as a matter of corrective justice. I argue that there are three sorts of potential wrongs involved in such expulsions: being deprived of the moral right of occupancy; being denied collective self-determination; and having one's property rights violated. Although analytically distinct, all of these wrongs are likely (...)
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  • The Quest for the Legitimacy of the People: A Contractarian Approach.Marco Verschoor - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (4):391-428.
    This article addresses the problem of ‘the legitimacy of the people’, that is, what constitutes the legitimate demarcation of the political units within which democracy is practiced? It is commonplace among philosophers to argue that this problem cannot be solved by appeal to democratic procedure because every attempt to do so results in an infinite regress. Based on a social contract theoretical analysis of the problem, this view is rejected. Although contract theorists have ignored the problem of the legitimacy of (...)
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  • Territorial Rights and Exclusion.Lea Ypi - 2013 - Philosophy Compass 8 (3):241-253.
    Is it possible to justify territorial rights? Provided a justification for territorial rights can be found, does it ground claims toparticularterritories? And provided a claim to particular territories can be justified, what kind of claim is it? Is it a claim to jurisdiction? A claim to control resources? A claim to control the movement of people across borders? In this paper I review some prominent accounts seeking to answer these questions. After outlining their main features, I focus on some difficulties (...)
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  • Compromise and Original Acquisition: Explaining Rights to the Arctic.Cara Nine - 2015 - Social Philosophy and Policy 32 (1):149-170.
  • A Permissive Theory of Territorial Rights.Lea Ypi - 2014 - European Journal of Philosophy 22 (2):288-312.
    This article explores the justification of states' territorial rights. It starts by introducing three questions that all current theories of territorial rights attempt to answer: how to justify the right to settle, the right to exclude, and the right to settle and exclude with reference to a particular territory. It proposes a ‘permissive’ theory of territorial rights, arguing that the citizens of each state are entitled to the particular territory they collectively occupy, if and only if they are also politically (...)
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  • The Moral Limits of Territorial Claims in Antarctica.Alejandra Mancilla - 2018 - Ethics and International Affairs 32 (3):339-360.
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  • Justice and Political Authority in Left-Libertarianism.Fabian Wendt - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (3):316-339.
    From a left-libertarian perspective, it seems almost impossible for states to acquire political authority. For that reason, left-libertarians like Peter Vallentyne understandably hope that states without political authority could nonetheless implement left-libertarian justice. Vallentyne has argued that one can indeed assess a state’s justness without assessing its political authority. Against Vallentyne, I try to show that states without political authority have to be judged unjust even if they successfully promote justice. The reason is that institutions can be unjust independently from (...)
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